USA > New York > A history of New York, for schools. Vol. II > Part 18
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18
- -
249
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
ed, and marched against Fort Trumbull, which was abandoned on his approach. He had ordered Col- -onel Eyre to land on the east side of the river and - attack Fort Griswold. Colonel Ledyard refused to surrender, and the British stormed the fort, and en- tered the embrasures with fixed bayonets. The Americans ceased resistance, and Ledyard delivered his sword to the commanding officer. Governor Trumbull, in his letter to General Washington, says, "the sword presented by Colonel Ledyard was im- mediately plunged into his bosom, and the carnage was kept up until the greater part of the garrison was killed or wounded."
John. Was this the act of Colonel Eyre ?
Un. No. He fell in the assault, as did second in command, with two hundred of the assailants. Arnold, himself a New London man, burnt the town, and all that was combustible in it, and returned to New York covered with military glory. This ex- pedition did not arrest the great plan of Washington upon the south, which, by the capture of Cornwallis and his army at Yorktown, in fact terminated the war.
Wm. Did General Gates join the army again, sir ?
Un. O, yes; and I have to show you that in his last transactions with Washington he was unchanged.
Wm. But there were more battles, sir, more fight- ing ?
Un. None that produced any effect except to in- crease individual misery; and in our neighbourhood no military movements, unless we diguify by that name the predatory war carried on by tories and ref- ugees. One of these transactions, in its consequences, agitated the country very strongly, and even caused a sensation beyond sea. This I must relate to you. In the year 1782, there occurred an atrocious mur- der, sanctioned by the authority of William Frank-
250
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
lin, who had been, as I have told you, the king's governor of New Jersey. I will tell you the story of Captain Huddy. I have before remarked to you , the great advantages the province of Connecticut possessed in having a governor of her own choice, and other officers, instead of being, like New York and New Jersey, ruled over by men appointed by England. The evils Connecticut experienced du- ring the war were from open hostility and invasion ; her towns were burnt in common with those of the other states, and her brave sons fell in battle as else -. where ; but they were united. Their governor and magistrates directed their actions as they had done before the contest commenced; while the magis- trates placed over New Jersey and New York by England, raised the torch of discord among the in- habitants of those states, and with the cry of " loy- alty" and " government" in their mouths, encour- aged all those atrocities which make the sanguinary struggles of "civil war," so peculiarly disgusting. Tryon of New York, and Franklin of New Jersey, by encouraging England with false representations, to commence and continue the war, stirring up the tories, and arming neighbour against neighbour, were the causes of scenes at which humanity revolts. Be- sides the corps raised by Delancy and Skinner, there were bands called "Associated Loyalists," who were under the direction of a "Board," of which Wil- liam Franklin was the president. These banded tories were even more lawless and ferocious in their predatory warfare than the " New Corps," and were held in greater detestation by their former neigh- bours. They had fled from their homes, seduced by the king's troops, and found themselves deprived of property, disappointed in their hopes, considered as traitors by their early associates, and as inferiours by their English friends. They had received and
251
1
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
inflicted personal injuries ; and the bitterness of war fare was increased by every selfish and malignant passion.
John. This was a terrible state, sir. Did it exist more in New Jersey than elsewhere ?
Un. I believe to a greater degree in that part ad- jacent to Sandy Hook, than elsewhere, except in the Carolinas. If I were to mention the murder of Col- onel Hayne, or other southern events, I must go into some account of the transactions ; which, as I confine myself to the neighbourhood of New York, I cannot do, and must refer you for information to more am- ple historians. The British had control of the sea and rivers. The agents of the avowed tories were spread among the inhabitants of New Jersey. The predatory parties came freely from New York and penetrated the country. They were instigated by disappointment to vengeance against the rebels. On the other hand, an independent government having been established, with magistrates elected by the peo- ple, when the secret agents of the enemy were dis- covered residing among them, and acting as spies, or guides, or emissaries for recruiting, they were justly apprehended, and if convicted, suffered death. Such, on the other hand, were considered as meri- torious loyalists by the board of refugees in New York; and Franklin declared that it was " only the loyal who were treated as rebels and traitors." I will briefly tell the story of Captain Huddy, as elu- cidating this state of things.
Wm. Was Huddy an inhabitant of that part of New Jersey ?
Un. Yes ; and early in the war took up arms for his country. In the course of the contest he had as- sisted in apprehending traitors who resided among the people, and acted as emissaries of the enemy; and he avowed that in one instance he had assisted
252
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
at the execution of a man legally condemned for treason. In the spring of 1782, Captain Huddy was stationed for the defence of a place called Tom's river, and had command of a few men, and an unfin- ished rude blockhouse. He was attacked by a very superiour party of the refugees, or loyalists, sent from New York to destroy this post, which was in the way of their plundering expeditions. Huddy and his small garrison defended themselves bravely, but in vain ; they were overpowered, part killed, and the remainder, with the captain, taken to New York. This was in the month of April. After one night's confinement in the " main guard," (that is the dun- geon or prison of the City hall in Wall street, ) the prisoners were crowded into the "Sugar house." But it appears that in this placethey were not so com- pletely under the control of Franklin, and the " Board of Associated Loyalists," and were therefore remov. ed to the " Provost."
John. The old jail.
Un. Here they were under our old acquaintance, Captain William Cunningham, the Irish bully at the liberty pole fights, and now the British provost- marshal.
John. Captain Huddy was a regular prisoner of war it appears, sir?
Un. Certainly ; and had been hitherto treated as such. But during his confinement a party of ref- ugees had been made prisoners, and one of them (Philip White) attempting to escape from the horse- men who guarded them, was killed. This was rep- resented in New York by the enemy as an intended and barbarous murder, and seems to have given rise to the determination of Governor Franklin, and his associates. A captain of refugees, named Lippincot, was found ready to execute the designs of the Board
253
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
of Loyalists, even without a written order from Franklin; it appearing that prisoners had been be- fore given up by Captain Cunningham to the ex- governor's agents, on an order from the secretary of the board, with very little ceremony, and no reluc- tance.
John. This looks strange and black.
Un. I could not have believed it, but that it ap- pears fully proved on the trial of Lippincot, which is before the publick. While Huddy rested as con- tent as his fellow prisoners, in the provost, he was demanded by Lippincot, delivered up with two others by Cunningham, put on board a vessel, irons screwed to his hands and feet, and on asking the reason of this treatment, he was told that they were taking him down to the Hook to be hanged. He was received on board a British armed vessel, until Lippincot had made his arrangements. A British commander in his majesty's navy furnished the rope. This prisoner of war was taken on shore, a gallows was prepared, under which he was placed on a barrel, and a ne- gro performed the part of executioner, under direc- tion of Lippincot. The barrel was knocked away, and the body of Huddy, who died, as they said, " like a lion," left for the contemplation of his neigh- bours, with a paper affixed to it, which had been prepared before Lippincot received his orders fromn the board of associated loyalists.
Wm. What was on this paper, sir ?
Un. " Up goes Huddy for Philip White." This atrocious murder caused a demand from General Washington that the perpetrator should be given up; and a notification that if this justice should be re- fused, a prisoner of equal rank with Haddy must be sacrificed, to prevent a recurrence of such dis- graceful acts. In consequence of this demand, Lip- pincot was confined under the care of his friend VOL. 11 .- 22
254
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
Cunningham, tried for the murder, and acquitted It appears that he was considered to be authorized by the orders of Franklin, and the board of loyalists.
John. This must have caused violent irritation at the time, sir ?
Un. The neighbours of Huddy were, as you sup- pose, violently agitated. A bold party, headed by Captain Hyler of Brunswick, determined to seize Lippincot, even in the heart of the garrison of New York. They ascertained the place of his residence, which was in Broad street, and disguised as Eng- lish men-of-war's-men, they embarked near the Hook, landed boldly in New York, and proceeded to the house of their intended victim; but they were dis- appointed. The refugee captain was absent, gam- bling at a cock-pit. The party, of course, could not attack him there, nor remain long in their perilous situation ; but returned safe and undiscovered.
John. What was done further, sir ?
Un. The demand of General Washington not be- ing complied with, all the captains of the British army who were prisoners of war were brought to- gether, and required to draw lots to determine which of them should die. The lot fell on a youth of nine- teen, a favourite among them all, and every eye, British or American, was filled with tears, as the young victim recognized his doom. His name was Asgil. You will see in Judge Marshall's history that great intercession was made to save this young man ; and as, happily, the termination of the war was known to be near, he was spared.
John. If Lippincot was not a murderer, because he acted under the orders of Governor Franklin, who was the murderer ?
Un. There is a mysterious atrocity brought to light by the trial of Lippincot, which, if it had not been published by the honourable men who com-
PÅ
255
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
1
posed the court, all English officers, or Americans in the service of England, I could not have believed. It appears that William Franklin, as chief, or pre- sident of the board of associated loyalists, had author. ity from some quarter (or he knew that he would be upheld by some supreme power in so doing) to take from the provost-marshal any prisoner he chose, and commit him to men who were ready to obey the ex-governor of New Jersey, in any act of murder. The testimony of Cunningham, and others, received and believed by the court, proves this. And although there is no proof adduced on this trial (and probably it would be avoided) that others were murdered as Huddy had been, but with less publicity, it is diffi- cult not to infer that such had been the case. That Franklin and the board of refugees had this power, is proved ; that it was exercised on Huddy is unde- niable; and that neither Franklin, nor any other of his confederates, were called to account for it, is on record.
CHAPTER XXIII.
Un. Notwithstanding the strenuous exertions of Lord Chatham for the subjugation of the United States, the English parliament resolved, "that the house would consider as enemies to his majesty, and the country, all those who should advise or attempt the further prosecution of offensive war on the con- tinent of North America." Instructions were sent to Sir Guy Carleton, (who had now taken up his quarters in Kennedy's house, No. 1, Broadway, as the successor of Sir Henry Clinton,) to use his en-
256
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
deavours for carrying into effect the wishes of Great Britain for an accommodation with America,
John. Who negotiated the peace, sir ?
Un. The commissioners on our part were John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens; on the part of England, Messrs. Fitzher- bert and Oswald. On the 30th of November, 1782, provisional articles were agreed upon, which were to be inserted in a treaty of peace, by which the in- dependence of the United States was acknowledged in the most ample manner. But now came a severe trial for the man who had passed through so many trials for the good of his country. The army of the United States was to be dissolved, and the arrears due it was not forthcoming. For the honour of his country, as well as its peace, General Washington was desirous that his companions in arms should submit to the necessity imposed by unavoidable cir- , cumstances, accept of the promises made by the yet · unsettled government, and retire to their employ- ments with untarnished laurels. But here, as through- out his life, he met the malign influence of those who had endeavoured to thwart the efforts of a good prov- idence and its agents, in every stage of the contest for self-government. Without further comment, I will state some facts, and give you some extracts from letters to read.
John. I should have expected that the troubles of Washington were over.
Un. The good man, as well as the good princi- ple, must struggle against evil to the last. In De- cember, 1782, many of the officers being appre- hensive that they should be disbanded before their accounts were liquidated. drew up a memorial, and deputed General Me Dougall, Colonel Ogden, and Colonel Brooks, to wait upon congress with it. This produced favourable resolutions. Subsequent-
257
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
ly a report was circulated, by an incendiary, that congress did not mean to comply with the resolves they had published in favour of the army. This brought out an address to that body, signed by many officers, in which they ask for money, for settlement of accounts, and security for what is due. They say that their condition is wretched, and call on congress to show the world that the independence of America is not to be based on the ruin of any par- ticular class of citizens. This address produced re- solves that the superintendant of finance make such payment as circumstances will permit, and that the several states be called upon to make immediate set- tlements with their respective divisions of the army ; that the army, as well as other creditors, have a right to security for what shall be found due, and that con- gress will make every exertion to obtain funds from the respective states.
John. I understand that the power of congress was very limited.
Un. They could do very little more than recom- mend to the states, who, now that immediate pressure from without was about to be withdrawn, might be expected to fall off from that union which danger produced. The negotiations continued some time, and General McDougall remained at Philadelphia. Colonel Ogden appears to have been there part of the time, as we shall see by Major Armstrong's let- ters to General Gates.
John. Major Armstrong was Gates's aid-de-camp. I remember.
Un. While this perturbed state was kept up in the army, and increased as the day of separation was supposed to approach. an anonymous letter was cir- culated among the officers, most artfully calculated to exasperate passion, and produce the most fatal con- sequences.
22*
1
258
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
John. Can you give us the substance of the letter, sir ?
Un. Justice can only be done to the talents of the author by reading the whole, which is preserved in the general history of the time; but I have made an abstract, which you may now read.
John. "' March 10, 1783.' 'The author assumes the character of a veteran who had suffered with those he addresses. He tells them that to be tame in their pre- sent situation would be more than weakness, and must ruin them forever. He bids them 'suspect the man who would advise to more moderation, and longer forbearance.' He then describes the high state in which the country has been placed by their services. And says, 'does this country reward you with tears of gratitude and smiles of admiration, or does she trample on your rights, disdain your cries, and insult your distresses ?' He advises them to carry their appeal from the justice, to the fears of the govern- ment. 'Assume a bolder tone,' say, ' that the slightest indignity from congress now must operate like the grave, and part you from them forever.' That if peace takes place, 'nothing shall separate' you 'from your arms but death : if war continues, that you will re- tire to some unsettled country, with Washington at your head, and mock at the distresses of government.' The insidious expression of 'courting the auspices, and inviting the direction of their illustrious leader,' was calculated to make the army believe that Wash- ington would join them in rebellion against his country, and was certainly a bold artifice, coming, as it did, from one in constant correspondence with General Gates, and attached to him both by incli- nation and office. It was likewise an expression which called for decided action from the command- er-in-chief." You speak here as if the author of the anonymous letters was known, sir.
-----
259
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
Un. It was long suspected to be Major Armstrong, and late in life acknowledged by him. He attempt- ed to justify himself, by saying that they were writ- ten " at the solicitation of his friends, as the chosen organ, to express the sentiments of the officers of the army, and were only an honest and manly, though, perhaps, indiscreet endeavour, to support publick credit, and do justice to a long-suffering, patient, and gallant soldiery." However willing I should be to attribute this " indiscreet endeavour" to pure mo- tives, yet, when the gentleman goes so far as to assert that "the slander propagated and believed for half a century, that two distinguished officers of the revolu- tion had conspired to put down the commander-in- chief, is an impudent and vile falsehood from begin- ning to end," I am obliged, with the evidence of this conspiracy before me, to hesitate, before I exonerate the writer of the letter in question from blame. The commander-in-chief noticed the anonymous address in orders, with pointed disapprobation, and request- ed that the general and field officers, with a proper representation from the staff of the army, would as- semble on the 15th instant, to hear the report of the committee deputed by the army to congress. 'This request was seized upon, and represented in a second paper as giving sanction to the proceedings of the officers, and they were called upon to act with energy. On the 15th of March, the command- er-in-chief addressed the convention of officers, (Gien- eral Gates being the chairman,) in the language of truth, feeling. and affection. He overthrew all the artifices of the anonymous writer and his friends, one of the principal of whom sat in the chair. Wash-
ington noticed the advice to mark for suspicion the man who should recommend moderation. He feel- ingly spoke of his own constant attention, from the commencement of the war, to the wants and suffer-
260
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
ings of the army, and then pointed out the dreadful consequences of following the advice of the anony- mous writer, either to draw their swords against their country, or to retire, if war continues, from the defence of all they hold dear. He calls to mind the scenes in which they have acted together, and pledges himself to the utmost exertion for obtaining justice to his fellows in arms. He requests them to
rely on the promise of congress. He said, " I conjure you, in the name of our common country, as you value your own sacred honour, as you respect the · rights of humanity," "to express your utmost hor- rour and detestation of the man who wishes, under any specious pretences, to overturn the liberties of your country ; and who wickedly attempts to open the floodgates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in blood."
John. And General Gates had to sit and hear this.
Un. Yes; after having been sheltered from an in- quiry into his conduct, and restored to his command, he sat and heard this-nay, he had to hear more. The convention resolved, unanimously, among other things, that " the army have unshaken confidence in congress, and view with abhorrence, and reject with disdain, the infamous propositions contained in a late anonymous address to the officers of the army."
John. But if this was unanimous, General Gates joined in it.
Un. With how much sincerity, let these extracts from Major Armstrong's letters to him testify. Wil- liam, read them.
Wm. " Extracts from letters in the Historical Li- brary, written by John Armstrong at Philadelphia, to General Gates, in April, 1783. After acknowl- edgment of letters, he mentions a plan agitated, to grant land in Muskingum to the army, and form a new state. This, he says, is intended 'to amuse and
f
-
261
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
divert the army from the consideration of more im- portant concerns.' In another letter he thanks Gates for cautioning him not to leave his papers exposed to curious and inquisitorial eyes. The general re- membered the letter of Conway to himself. He says, 'Ogden is now here,' at Philadelphia, from the army, 'and, as he conceals nothing, he tells us a great deal. Among other things, it is said, that the army look back with horrour and regret upon the mistaken step they have taken,' (previous to Wash- ington's address to them,) 'and like contemptible pen- itents who have sinned beyond the prospect of salva- tion, wish to have to do it over again. It is now, however, too late -- the soldiers are anxious to dis- perse ; no ties, no promises, will hold them longer, and with them will every loitering hope of ours break also.' He prophesies civil war, and exclaims, 'Can it be otherwise ? Will the whigs who have lent their money-and will the men who have lent their time and blood to America, sit down quietly under their wants and their wretchedness ? A dis- solution of all debts, of all credits, of every princi- ple of union and society, must and will follow. And suffer me to ask, where will it stop? God in his an- ger gave them a king; and we want a scourge." · One secret, however, Ogden tells me which shall be no longer so. Mr. Brooks was sent from hence with orders to break sentiments like those contained in the anonymous address to the officers, and to pre- pare their minds for some manly vigorous associa- tion with the publick creditors; but the timid wretch discovered it to the ouly man, from whom he was to have kept it, and concealed it from those to whom he had engaged to make it known. To be more expli- cit, he betrayed it to the commander-in-chief, who, agreeably to the original plan, was not to have been consulted till seme later period. Such a villain !-
1
1
!
262
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
I would have written again had I not seen the im- potency of the army, and the assurance of congress. They see our weakness, and laugh at our resent- ments.' "
Un. You need read no more. I have now come to the conclusion of the war, and the establishment of independence. I will cease my lessons, and point out to you the books you must study for the more full understanding of our history.
Wm. One more lesson, Uncle. You know in New York the first president was inaugurated; and you have not told us of the entry of Washington, on the 25th of November, and, a great deal more.
Un. Well, let us take our walk, and to-morrow I must conclude my lessons on the history of New York.
CHAPTER XXIV. -
John. It would be curious, sir, to see the names of the friends of Washington arranged in one col- umn, and the adherents of Gates in another.
Un. It would. You might then see the names of Greene and Lafayette opposite to Mifflin and Con- way ; those of the two brave Germans, De Kalb and Steuben, opposed to Clajon and La Radiere ; Henry Lee opposite to Charles Lee ; Alexander Hamilton opposite to Aaron Burr ; and Philip Schuyler oppo- site to John Lovell ;- in short, you would see a list of opposites, such as no historian has yet presented.
Joha. You, sir, saw the triumph of Washington?
Un. As I remember secing, when a child. nine years of age, the British fleet proudly entering the harbour of Sandy Hook, so do I remember, as a
1
1
263
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
youth of seventeen, the forces of Britain, and her splendid navy, covering the bay of New York on their departure, never again to enter as enemies be- tween the islands that guard our harbour. The same day I saw Washington enter the city, from which he had been driven by an overwhelming force in 1776, accompanied, in 1783, by applauding friends, and two regiments of as well appointed and discip- lined troops as any in the world. In 1789, I saw him (divested of the garb of war) place his hand on the Bible, and swear to support that constitution un- der which I have since lived happily half a century. Between the pillars of the old City Hall, in Wall street, as altered for the reception of the federal congress, in view of thousands who filled the Broad street, as far as the eye could extend its view, and every avenue within sight of the building, the man of the people's choice was announced to them as the first president of the United States of America. 'This day the scal was set to our constitution, and from. that day we date the prosperity of our country. But . I have gone beyond my bounds-I intended to finish my history of New York, for you, at the triumphant entry of her citizens after seven years exile ; and the departure of hostile foreigners from our shores.
Wm. But, Uncle, I have heard that this return of our citizens took place in the autumn of 1783. You will tell us of that ?
John. But before that. I wished to ask you, how the American troops and the exiled inhabitants of New York behaved to the inhabitants who remain- ed in the town during the long occupancy by the British ?
Un. I will answer your question first, and then speak of Washington's interview with his officers, at the time of taking leave. . There had been a long interval between the cessation of hostilities and the
264
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
departure of the British troops, and during that, many of the refugees who were obnoxious to par- ticular resentment, removed to England or Nova Scotia. There was constant intercourse between the city and every part of the country. Old inti- macies were renewed. The asperities of times past were softened down. The one party were good-hu- moured, because successful, and the other accommo- dating, because power had departed from them, and their safety depended upon their reconciliation to those crowned with success. So that by the time the English fleet and army departed, there was little to fear on the one part, and a general disposition on the other to forget and forgive. Some that remained may be supposed to have doubts and fears respecting men they had injured or abused; Rivington had been so bold in his misrepresentations of the rebels, and had been occasionally so personal, that although he had assurances from Governor Clinton of safety to his person and property, yet there were some few of the expected visiters that he did not wish to see ; and foremost of these was Ethan Allen. It was well understood by the friends of the king's printer, that no name could so shake him as that of the con- queror of Ticonderoga. However, for a long time, no Ethan Allen appeared, and Mr. Rivington was quietly and prosperously carrying on his business as a bookseller, at the corner of Pearl and Wall streets, aided by a countryman of his own, who looked up to him as one of the first of men, and al- ways reverently called him "Master." The master and man were contrasts. The first, was a man of florid complexion, large proportions, and genteel ap- pearance ; always well-dressed, and powdered. His clerk was a shrivelled, dwarfish figure, remarkably neat in person, and precise in manner. He knew his master's dread of Allen, and sympathized with
1
265
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
him. I received from a friend Rivington's own ac- count of the dreaded meeting; which he told with much humour. "I was sitting," he said, "after a good dinner, alone, with my bottle of Madeira before me, when I heard an unusual noise in the street, and a huzza from the boys. I was in the second sto- ry, and on stepping to the window saw a tall figure in tarnished regimentals, with large cocked hat, and enormously long sword, followed by a crowd of boys, who occasionally cheered him with huzzas, of which he seemed insensible. He came up to my door and stopped ; I could see no more-my heart told me it was Ethan Allen. I shut down the window, and retired behind my table and bottle. I was certain that the hour of reckoning was come. There was no retreat. Mr. Staples came in, paler than ever, and clasping his hands, said, ' Master! he has come!' 'I know it.' 'He entered the store, sir, and asked if James Rivington lived here ? I answered, yes, sir. Is he at home ? I will go and see, sir, I said ; and now, Master, what is to be done ? there he is, sir, in the store; and the boys peeping at him from the street.' I had made up my mind-I looked at the Madeira; possibly I took a glass-' Show him up,' I said. And I thought if such Madeira cannot mollify him he must be harder than adamant. There was a fearful moment of suspense. I listened ; - I heard him on the stairs, and heard his long sword clanking on every step. In he stalked. ' Is your name James Rivington ?' ' It is, sir; and no man could be more happy to see General Ethan Allen. Take a chair, sir, by the table; and after a glass of this Madeira -- ' He sat down and began, 'Sir, I come-' ' Not a word, General, till you take a glass,' and I filled .Ten years old of iny own keeping- another glass, sir ; and then we will talk of old af- fairs.' Sir, we finished two bottles, and parted as VOL. II .- 23
1
266
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
good friends as if nothing had ever happened to make us otherwise." Such was the meeting between two of the most irreconcilable whigs and tories ; with others there was less apprehension, and no mediator needed. Respecting the farewell parting of Wash- ington, and his officers, at New York, I will tell you all I know. At noon, on the 4th of December, the officers met at Francis's tavern, corner of Queen street and Broad street; a house known since for many years as a French boarding-house, the name of Queen street being changed to Pearl.
John. Was this a noted tavern, sir ?
Un. It was, in those days ; and its keeper, Samuel Francis, a man of dark complexion, was familiarly known as " Black Sam." This house was the quar- ters of the general, and when the officers had assem- bled, their beloved leader entered the room, and, af- ter addressing them in a few words, he concluded, by saying, " I cannot come to each of you to take leave, but shall be obliged to you if you will come and take me by the hand." Knox, who had served with him from the commencement of hostilities, was the first to experience the parting grasp of the hero's hand; and, in turn, all present, in silence, pressed that hand which had guided a nation through the storms of war, and was destined to rule its destinies during an unknown futurity. Leaving the room, he passed through a line of his brave soldiers to Whitehall, where he entered the barge waiting for him. He turned to the assembled multitude, waved his hat, and thus bid them a silent adieu, as they then thought forever.
John. And when he returned to New York, he came as president of the United States, under our constitution, and passed through the happy country in one continued triumphal procession, formed by those whose happiness he had secured.
267
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
Un. This great event (of which we have spoken when we mentioned the first inauguration of a pre- sident of the United States, in the balcony of the Federal Hall, in Wall street) did not occur until 1789; and between 1783 and that year many im- portant events took place; none, however, so mo- mentous, as the calling a convention to rectify the defects of that powerless government, which, under the first confederacy, was held together by external pressure, and that ceasing with the war, symptoms of dissolution appeared. The convention produced, by compromise, a constitution based on those prin- ciples recommended by Washington. An indissol- uble union, under one federal head; a sacred re- gard to publick justice; the adoption of a proper peace establishment ; and the prevalence of a dispo- sition among the people, inducing them to forget local prejudices, and to sacrifice individual advanta- ges to the interest of the community. This has . partly been done. Our country has prospered for half a century; and if she takes the advice of Wash- ington to guard against foreign influence, she may flourish, a monument of the blessings resulting from self-government, for ages to come.
WVm. But what was done in this city, sir ?
Un. When the constitution was adopted, we marched in a grand federal procession, to describe which would take days. Every profession and every trade joined, most of them carrying banners, and making a joyous show. Oxen were roasted, and we feasted in bowers erected on the meadows, where now Broome and the adjacent streets rest on the ashes of our fires, and the scattered remains of our rural feast.
John. But, Uncle, what became of General Schuy- ler ?
Un. After being superseded by Gates, he demand-
!
1
268
HISTORY OF NEW YORK.
ed and obtained a court martial. Acquitted with honour, his friend Washington solicited him again to take command; but self-respect forbade. To the end of his life he continued the servant of his coun- try in civil departinents. Under the old confedera- cy he was a member of congress. He aided to pro- cure the adoption of the federal constitution, and un- der it served in the senate as a representative of New York. In 1797, he took leave of publick life ; and died the 18th of November, 1804, aged seventy-one. Let America be grateful; and his native state re- member him as among her first and best.
Wm. And what became of General Gates, sir ?
Un. Soon after his defeat at Camden, he lost his only son, a fine young man, and his wife quickly fol- Jowed. You have been told that he returned to the army, and assisted (as the French say) at the con- vention of officers who condemned the anonymous address. After the war, he married again, and pur- chased a life estate for himself and wife in the house and grounds, then Mr. Cruger's, near Bellevue, now a publick house, and called Rose-hill. He lived there to good old age, esteemed in private life, polite, agreeable, and hospitable.
John. And what became of Benedict Arnold, sir ?
Un. He lived despised, and died unlamented ; leaving a stigma on the name. - Here let us close our lessons for the present. Read diligently the his- tory of your country ; and read, seeking truth. At some future period, I may present to you a more am- ple history of the City of New York, and its environs.
END OF VOLUME SECOND.
---
951.24
5219
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.