A history of the treaty of Big Tree : and an account of the celebration of the one hundredth anniversary of the making of the treaty, held at Geneseo, N.Y., September the fifteenth, eighteen hundred ninety-seven, Part 5

Author: Livingston County Historical Society
Publication date: [1897?]
Publisher: Dansville, N.Y. : Livingston County Historical Society
Number of Pages: 132


USA > New York > Livingston County > Geneseo > A history of the treaty of Big Tree : and an account of the celebration of the one hundredth anniversary of the making of the treaty, held at Geneseo, N.Y., September the fifteenth, eighteen hundred ninety-seven > Part 5


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part of the duty. These being the only positive stipulations that occur to me at this time, the determination of congress thereon will enable me to determine whether to accept or decline the appointment. I must, however, observe, that the act of congress of February, describing the duties of the superintendent of finance, requires the execution of many things for which adequate powers are not provided; and it cannot be expected that your officer can, in such case, be responsible. These, however, may be the subjects of future discussions.


With sentiments of the highest respect for you and congress, I have the honour to subscribe myself


Your Excellency's most obedient and humble serv't,


Robert Morris.


Philadelphia, May 14, 1781.


Sir :- The honour conferred by congress in appointing me super- intendent of finance, their several resolutions of the twentieth of March, twenty-first and twenty-seventh of April, which your excellency has been pleased to transmit, and a serious conviction of that duty which every citizen owes to his country, especially in times of public calamity, will no longer permit me to hesitate about the acceptance of that office, although I must again repeat that I have the fullest sense of my own inability. I shall, however, strive to find such assistance as will enable me, in some measure, to answer the reasonable expectations of congress, to whom I can promise for myself nothing more than honest industry. You will readily perceive that much time must be consumed in procur- ing proper officers, fixing on men for assistants whose ability and integrity may be depended upon, in laying plans for obtaining money with the greatest ease for the people, and expending it to the greatest advantage of the public, forming arrangements necessary to carry their plans into execution, and obtaining information as to the present state of things, in order that abuses may be, if possible, speedily and effectually remedied. Besides this, it will be necessary that I should confer with the commander-in-chief on the various expenditures of the war, and the means of retrenching such as are unnecessary. Let me add that the account of my private business must be adjusted, so as that all my affairs may be put into the hands of other persons and subjected to their management. My necessary commercial connex- ions, notwithstanding the decided sense of congress expressed in their resolution of the twentieth March, might, if the business were trans- acted by myself, give rise to illiberal reflections equally painful to me, and injurious to the public. This reason alone would deserve great attention; but further I expect that my whole time, study, and atten- tion, will be necessarily devoted to the various business of my depart- ment.


Having thus stated some of the causes which will prevent me from immediately entering on the arduous task assigned me, I pray leave to call the attention of congress to the advanced season, and then I am persuaded their own good sense will render it unnecessary for me to observe that very little can be expected from my exertions during the present campaign ; they will therefore, easily perceive the propriety of the request I am to make, that the business may go on according to


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the present arrangements, or such other as congress may devise until I can take it up, which I promise to do as speedily as possible. By this means I may be enabled so to dispose of the several members of my department as to form them into a regular system ; whereas, by throw- ing the whole immediately upon me, I shall be inevitably involved in a labyrinth of confusion from which no human efforts can ever extricate me.


Another consideration of great magnitude, to which I must also pray the attention of congress, is the present public debts. I am sure that no gentleman can hope that these should be immediately paid out of an empty treasury. If I am to receive and consider the application on that subject, if I am to be made responsible, that alone, will, Ifear, be full employment for the life of one man, and some other must be chosen to attend to the present, and provide for the future. But this is not all : if, from that or from any other cause, I am forced to commit a breach of faith, or even to incur the appearance of it, from that moment my utility ceases.


In accepting the office bestowed on me, I sacrifice much of my interest, my ease, my domestic enjoyments, and internal tranquillity. If I know my own heart, I make these sacrifices with a disinterested view to the service of my country.


I am ready to go still further ; and the United States may com- mand everything I have except my integrity, and the loss of that would effectually disable me from serving them more.


What I have to pray, then, is, that the adjustment of all my trans- actions, and of all that relates to the present system, may be completed by the modes already adopted, that whatever remains unpaid may become a funded debt, and that it may in that form be committed to me to provide for the yearly interest, and for the eventual discharge of the principal. This task I will cheerfully undertake, and if in the progress of things, I am enabled to go further, with equal cheerfulness it shall be done : but I must again repeat my serious conviction that the least breach of faith must ruin us forever. It is not from vanity that I mention the expectations which the public seemed to have formed from my appointment ; on the contrary, I am persuaded they are raised on a weak foundation, and I must lament them because I foresee that they must be disappointed. I must, therefore, entreat that no flattering prospect of immediate relief be raised.


Congress well knows that the public credit cannot be restored without method, economy, and punctual performance of contracts. Time is necessary to each ; and therefore the removal of those evils we labour under can be expected from time only. To hold out a different idea would deceive the people, and consequently injure the public service.


I am sure it is unnecessary to add, before I close this letter, that I confidently expect my measures will meet with the fullest support from congress, so long as they are honestly directed to the general welfare. In this conviction, and with every sentiment of respectful attention,


I have the honor to be,


Your Excellency's most obedient and humble servant,


Robert Morris.


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Robert Morris was remarkable for his domestic habits ; and in his intercourse with his family and friends, and, indeed, with general society, no one made greater exertions to do kind offices. His great cheerfulness and benevolence attracted the esteem of a numerous circle of acquaintance, and the veneration of the people. Independent in his principles and conduct, he never courted the countenance of living man. Warmly devoted to his friends, he was almost idolized by them, but especially by those who were particularly dear to him-Alexander Hamilton and Gouverneur Morris. Whenever Washington came to Philadelphia his first visit was to Robert Morris.


I think I can safely leave it to future historians to vindicate his honor and unselfishness, and repel any aspersions upon his course, most of them the product of jealousy and vindictiveness. He was utterly free from selfish ambition and was willing to retire when his work was done. The time must come when our country will properly appreciate his services and recognize in a proper manner his worth.


مارمنيني


ANDREW JOHN


RESPONSE BY ANDREW JOHN


m" R. PRESIDENT, Ladies and Gentlemen : It is the greatest pleasure to me that the Managers of the Livingston County Historical Society, extend their invitation to our Indian people to participate at this commemoration of one hundred years ago today of our forefather's signing, known as "The Treaty of Big Tree," and the Seneca Indians responded who are now present at this occasion of which I am proud to be one of the members, whom represented now of the said party of the first part to this great Treaty. Though the people who signed this treaty have past away to the happy hunting grounds, and their descendants now today gathered here-the very grounds where our ancestors negotiated which involve a large amount of land.


At that time our people, the Indians, ceded a large tract of land known as Western New York for a mere nominal sum of money for the consideration, excepting and reserving to the Indians certain privi- leges and reservations mentioned in treaty. This sale of land from the Indians to Robert Morris contained a large tract of land, for one hundred thousand dollars. The Seneca Indians are getting only six thousand dollars interest per annum at present, while the white people occupying the land mentioned in said Big Tree Treaty are getting millions and millions of dollars interest. From the standpoint of my race many incidents of the most disgraceful tricks and robberies perpe- trated upon the poor untutored sons of the forest. Still the Seneca Indians are happy and clinging upon the agreements and solemn obli- gations mentioned in the treaties under which they are protected and are now enjoying within the borders of this great Empire State.


Let us now look over some of the history of way back. It would have been strange indeed if the Natives had borne tamely such whole- sale robbery of their property, but early in the story begins a worse record. In 1623, a company of worthless white indented servants in Massachusetts, after robbing the cornfields of the people of Plymouth, changed their quarters and dispersed in little parties, prowled around like tramps, begging and stealing from the Indians. Had they been red savages and the whites the sufferers from such depredations, their exterminations would have been regarded as a bounden duty, for in a new country such men deserve no mercy. But they were Englishmen, and when news was brought from Plymouth that the Natives, tired of


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their thefts, were plotting for their destruction, the outrage was deemed unpardonable. Miles Standish, with eight companions visited the Indian settlement, "under the pretense of trade." Enticing the leading Chief with three of his followers into a cabin, the door was closed and the Christians murdered the heathen in cold blood. This was the transaction that in the words of a learned historian "excited some misgivings" in the mind of John Robinson. Events like this, with which the early history of America is replete roused the indigna- tion of the Natives from Massachusetts to Georgia, and resulted in the feeling which has been stigmatized as the "inextinguishable hatred which the red men felt for the white intruder." But crimes of this character were not the worst that were perpetrated upon the Natives. We hold up our hands in horror of the tortures practiced by the Indians on their prisoners. In 1637 the Christian white men of Con- necticut put a red captive to death by tearing him limb from limb with ropes fastened to his legs and arms. How, during the war with King Philip the whites burned the savages in their wigwams, driving them back into the flames at the point of the bayonet, and how they murdered the women and children is known to every student. But robbing, torture and massacre all pale before the crowning infanny which drove the Natives to despair. The most distinguishing trait of the Indian was his love of personal freedom. He knew no Master, and recognized no Lord, save as in a dull vague way he looked up to the Great Spirit.


The league of the Six Nations or Iroquois, as the French termed them when they spoke of this Indian Confederacy, was the most re- markable people in wisdom, oratory, political and the knowledge of the country during the early days when their glory was in full blast. The vast territory of country upon which they had immediate control com- prises north by St. Lawrence, east by Atlantic Ocean, south by Ten- nessee, west by Mississippi river, from this vast territory of country reduced that the control now at present by the Seneca Nation of In- dians in the western part of this state about fifty-five thousand acres of land.


In speaking of the "Treaty of Big Tree" on the part of the party of the first part of which we are now represented here today are now enjoying upon one of the reservations reserved and the interest money from the United States treasury annually to the Senecas, in pursuance


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to the agreements of this Treaty, in relation to this Big Tree Treaty of which we are now celebrating today a Centennial, I will now show and hold up in my hands an original letter from the United States to the Senecas, the same reads as follows :


War Department, May 14, 1798.


Brothers :- By the Indenture made between you and Robert Mor- ris, Esquire, under the authority of the United States at Gennessee, in the County of Ontario in the State of New York, on the 15th day of September, 1797, in consideration of One Hundred Thousand Dollars, to be by the said Robert Morris, vested in the stock of the Bank of the United States, and held in the name of the President of the United States for the use and behoof of the Seneca Nation of Indians. You bargained and sold a large tract of country mentioned in the said Indenture to the said Robert Morris, excepting nevertheless, and always reserving out of this Grant and Conveyance all such pieces or parcels of the aforesaid tract and such privileges thereunto belong- ing, as therein afterwards particularly mentioned, which said pieces or parcels of land so excepted, are by the parties to the presents clearly and fully understood to remain the property of the Seneca Nation in as full and ample a manner as if the presents had not been executed. It being also provided by the same instrument, as understood by the parties, that all such pieces or parcels of land as are thereby reser- ved, and are not particularly described as to the manner in which the same are to be laid off, shall be laid off in such a manner as shall be determined by the Sachems and Chiefs, residing at or near the respect- ive villages where such Reservations are made, a particular whereof to be endorsed on the back of the deed and recorded with the same.


I write this letter by order of the President of the United States, to inform the Seneca Nation of Indians that the one hundred thousand dollars, being the consideration money in the Indenture mentioned has been vested conformably to the intention of said instrument, and that the President being thereof satisfied, hath by and with the consent and advice of the Senate, accepted, ratified and confirmed the Conven- tion or Treaty aforesaid. And that Joseph Ellicott, a beloved man, skilled in surveying has been employed to lay off the Reservations, excepted and made in the aforesaid Deed. To him, therefore, the Sachems and Chiefs concerned will give their directions for laying off the same.


I am also to assure the Seneca Nation that Joseph Ellicott is a gentleman of integrity, and that the Nation may confide to him the laying off of the Reservations aforesaid, having no doubt he will exe- cute the trust with fidelity and impartial justice.


Dividends upon the Stock of the Bank of the United States pur- chased with the one hundred thousand dollars, for the use and behoof of the Seneca Nation of Indians, will be paid half yearly, the first dividend about the middle of July next, which will be remitted to the Seneca Nation in such manner as they shall direct, and their orders


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for the remittance of future dividends when they are paid, will be- always attended to. Wishing you health, I am, Brothers, Your friend and obedient servant,


James McHenry, Sec'y of War.


To the Chiefs and Sachems of the Seneca Nation.


We perceived by the foregoing letter how careful and watchful by the President of the United States for the welfare and interest for the Seneca Indians. In review just a few out of many unpleasant inci- dents that happen along about the 16th century, how dark and gloomy must have been over the people of this country, even one hundred years ago today this country was owned by the Seneca Nation of Indians, and it was in a wild state, unimproved, uncultivated and unsettled excepting small spots here and there, villages by Natives. By signing the Big Tree Treaty by Indians made this country a great change; today we see most magnificent farms all over this country, and the civilization prevails among the people where one hundred years ago everything was wild. Today the Seneca Indians are enjoy- ing the fruits of civilization as well as the white people, especially when they are participating in this great Centennial Celebration.


I will now conclude my short speech by extending my sincere thanks to the managers of the Livingston County Historical Society for the honor extended to me in making this address.


RESPONSE BY A. SIM LOGAN


The Former Owners of Our Beautiful Valley, the Senecas ; Their Brave Warriors and Gifted Orators.


m R. TOASTMASTER and Gentlemen : As a representative of the Seneca Nation of the Iroquois Indians, I come before you on this occasion as a representative of the people who once held sway over this entire continent, and as I have consented to make a short speech on this joyous occasion, I do so with a proper sense of the obligation I am under to my own race. We have laid aside all those feelings of animosity which actuated our forefath- ers when they saw that the vast country over which they roamed must give way to the civilization of the white man, and we have learned that it is better for us to settle down and cultivate well a small piece of ground rather than to roam over all creation, and we have learned also that our children must take their places in the grand pro- cession of progress, and, in order to do this, we must have elementary and high schools where our young men and women may be equipped for a successful career. It is well known to those who have studied my people that when we get the better of your civilization, we thrive under it, and our children take equal rank with yours in the acquisi- tion of knowledge. It has been said, Mr. Toastmaster, that the only good Indian is a dead one. Give us your schools and your Christianity, and a fair chance in life, and do not treat us as dogs, and we will show by our love for our white brothers, and by our improvement that there are good Indians who are not dead.


The Indians are not decreasing in this country; they are increas- ing, and so Mr. Toastmaster, you are likely to have the Indian prob- lem on your hands for some time to come, and the only proper settle- ment of the Indian problem is to educate and Christianize my people. And it is a great deal cheaper to do this than to exterminate us. President Grant stated that it has cost this government two millions of dollars to kill an Indian, but it costs only about $200 on the average to educate and Christianize an Indian, and an educated Indian is more glory to your race and to your civilization than a murdered one.


Your Centennial celebration is a great event, and I am here today, not to glory over the departure of my people from this region, but to assure you that, though we have parted with our fertile lands, and


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gone from your immediate midst, with a good heart we rejoice in the improvement which God has spead over this land, and we unite with you on this great occasion out of respect for our white brother and his government and for our great white father at Washington who recog- nizes the Indians as wards of his government, to look with a father's interest after the welfare of us, who, like you, are the children of the Great Spirit.


Although, Mr. Toastmaster, my people are increasing in the Uni- ted States, our ancient customs are gradually fading away, and we shall, under the influence of the progress of the age, in taking our places in the procession with you, lay aside the customs of our fath- ers, but we hope to prove ourselves worthy of the advantages which our white brothers have brought us, and act well the part which the Great Spirit created us to perform.


T. F. JAMERSON President Seneca Nation of Indians


EVENING MEETING


-


ADDRESS BY HON. WALLACE BRUCE


A Great Century.


m R. CHAIRMAN, members of the Livingston County Historical Society, Mr. Governeur Morris, representatives of the Seneca Tribe, Ladies and Gentlemen : I regard it a great privilege to take part in this interesting Centennial ceremony. It has been my fortune to participate in four centennials :- The centennial of a bat- tle, the centennial of peace, the centennial of a poet's birthday, and now the centennial of a great treaty; the first commemorating Stark's victory at Bennington, the second the disbanding of the Amer- ican army under Washington, at Newburg, the third among the Berk- shires in memory of William Cullen Bryant, and the fourth here amid your beautiful hills and valleys, on the fifteenth day of September, 1897. (Applause.)


When I received your invitation to deliver an address on the occa- sion, it occurred to me that I would take as my subject "From Tree to Temple." I wanted to come and talk to you, rather than to deliver an extended or over-carefully prepared oration, for I knew that the histor- ical part of the exercises would be well done in the afternoon-a paper which I may say in passing, adds great wealth not only to this society but also to this entire community. It occurred to me that the "Tree" had gone and that the "Temple" had come. I thought of the spot which had been pointed out to me on a previous visit by a friend now presiding over these exercises, where once stood the historic log house and the old "Wadsworth Homestead," of the changes which had trans- pired since the transfer of the Indian title ; the contrast of the life and surroundings of 1797 with 1897, and came to the conclusion that I would limit my talk to the very brief subject of "A Great Century." (Laughter.)


I am proud, Mr. Chairman, to stand here in the presence of des- cendants of men, whose lines coming together after one hundred years, surround a great island of history. It is not often that divergent civ- ilizations, or that civilivation and barbarism which have struggled adversely, meet at last, forming thereby a peaceful delta of prosperity. I am glad to be here with the grandson of Robert Morris, the great Banker of the American Colonies, the financial refuge of Freedom in the hour of adversity, and one of the committee with Washington


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for designing yonder flag. (Applause.) It is something also to remember and to tell our children that we met here a relative, the grandson of Logan, the Indian orator whose speeches we used to study in our school books, and were he, who sat today at your board and thrilled his auditors, stirred by the same motive as his illustrious ancestor, the pride of boundless and ancestral freedom, there would be no lack of transmitted ability. If there is a student of elocution here, if would be well for him to engrave upon his memory the superb gesture and utterance of this his namesake.


It is indeed a great century. None of us can fully comprehend it. Most of us have lived in less than a third of it ; only a few during half of it; a still smaller few who have reached three score or four score years. What was it then? What is it now? These meadow lands a primitive forest. The emporium of our state and country enrolled scarcely 80,000 people. Its chief street reached only from the Battery to where the City Hall now stands, Maiden Lane, Fulton street and Park Place were pleasant strolling places along the edge of an almost unbroken wilderness. Brooklyn, across the way, was a town of barely two thousand inhabitants. A clergyman recently told me that his grandfather in 1807 sold his farm, the entire acreage now known as Brooklyn Heights, for three thousand dollars. It is quite possible, representatives of the Seneca Tribe, that Robert Morris paid too much instead of too little for the property. (Laugh- ter.) When we stop to think that New York Island was bought for twenty-four dollars we come to the conclusion that real estate some years ago was not held at the figures of today. When, more- over, we recall the fact that be bought from Napoleon two-thirds of our present territory for a few million dollars, we conclude that the price of property has not materially depreciated in value; so we need not come here in the spirit of criticism or of apology, but rather as the advocate of the great patriot of the Revolution, who in the consum- mation of this purchase, was an instrument in the hands of God to help forward the civilization of his country. There is moreover a great truth to be derived from this Centennial gathering summed up in one comprehensive sentence : that civilization holds a mortgage on barba- rism; that education holds a mortgage on ignorance which time at last forecloses. Lord Bacon's great aphorism "Knowledge is Power," s written and re-written on every page of the world's history.




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