USA > New York > New York : the planting and the growth of the Empire state, Vol. II > Part 16
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1853, the New York Central Railroad Company was organized, and consolidated these local roads, and entered upon its career with vastly increased facilities for carrying through passen- gers and freight. A condition of the act was that the road should pay to the State, on the freight transported, the same tolls as were col- lected on the canal, but this requirement was soon repealed. The New York and Harlem road, chartered in 1831, and the Hudson River road, chartered in 1846 and opened in 1851, subsequently passed into the control of the same company.
This process of consolidation led to the growth which has given to that company four tracks and manifold extensions; and in 1885 to its absorption of the New York, West Shore and Buffalo Railroad, with two tracks for a part of the route : and to competition by other lines, all contributing to the development of the commonwealth, and to the commerce of its chief city. The magnitude of the trade is coldly stated in the tons carried in 1885, which were, by the canals, 4,781.784 ; by the New York Central Railroad. 10,783,499 ; and by the New York, Lake Erie and Western, 14.959,970. These figures exhibit the through traffic to and from the West. of which the most sanguine projectors of the Erie Canal had but a dim
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conception, and they also include the move- ment of the products and the purchases of the thrifty millions of the commonwealth.
Illustrating the progress especially of New York city and its grasp for relations with all the earth, was the World's Fair, which was or- ganized as soon as London in 1851 set the ex- ample of such exhibitions, and was the second in a list now including many. The New York Crystal Palace, with its display in 1853 and 1854, was creditable to the private enterprise which projected and maintained it, and was a potent teacher to the thousands who visited it, while its contents showed both the achieve- ments and the deficiencies of American artisans.
The commonwealth was considering also other subjects. Maine had enacted its first law of prohibition in 1851, and its example attract- ed much attention in New York. In the sos- sion of 1854, the legislature passed an act for the suppression of intemperance, which aimed to prohibit the sale of intoxicating drinks. To it Governor Seymour interposed his veto March 30, 1854. He had in his annual message re- ferred to the discussion before the people on the subject, and said that care should be taken to adopt measures " not in conflict with well- settled principles of legislation, or with the rights of citizens." This act he pronounced un-
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constitutional, unjust and oppressive, providing for " warrants obnoxious to all the objections urged against general warrants, and conflicting with our bill of rights." It proposed to take property and make arrests without due pro- cess of law, and established unusual and severe penalties. He said, if the act became a law, " it would render its advocates odious, as the supporters of unjust and arbitrary enactments ; its evils would only cease upon its repeal, or when it becomes a dead letter upon the statute book." The governor went beyond a veto of the particular act, and declared his belief " that habits of intemperance cannot be extirpated by prohibitory laws ; they are not consistent with sound principles of legislation ; like decrees to regulate religious creeds or forms of worship, they provoke resistance where they are designed to enforce obedience." Intense excitement arose over this veto, and its author was severely de- nounced from the pulpit, as well as in the press ; for the assumption was general that the act, at least in its principles, was the sure cure for the evils of intemperance. It became a lead- ing issue in the State election of that year.
Parties were in a chaotic condition. In No- vember Governor Seymour was presented as a candidate for reelection, but nearly one-fifth of the democrats at the polls supported Greene
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C. Bronson. A party called the " American party," because it advocated the restriction of political honors to native citizens, and " know- nothings," from the answer given by its mnem- bers to inquiries relative to their secret gatli- erings, now arose to prominence, with Daniel Ullman as candidate for governor. The whigs were not represented in the canvass ; but My- ron H. Clark was presented by a fusion conven- tion, which put prohibition forward as a lead- ing measure. The returns show the divisions which existed. For Mr. Clark, who was elected, the votes were 156,804; for Mr. Seymour, 156,495; for Mr. Ullman, 122,282; and for Mr. Bronson, 33,850.
The legislature fulfilled the pledges on which a majority of its members were chosen, by the passage, April 9, 1855, of a rigid prohibitory law, under the title, " An Act for the preven- tion of intemperance, pauperism and crime." It permitted the sale of liquors for mechanical, chemical, or medicinal purposes, under strict regulations, but prohibited the traffic for other purposes. Its provisions for search, for pros- ecutions, and for the destruction of forfeited liquors, were very stringent. The statute gave rise to a great deal of litigation, and many cases were carried to the court of appeals, where it was declared unconstitutional in March, 1856.
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The decision held that, in so far as the act re- lated to liquors owned within the State when it went into effect, it could not be sustained, while the legislature might establish restrictions for liquors subsequently manufactured or imported. The act was also pronounced defective in that it took away from offenders the right of trial by jury. The decision led to a revulsion of feeling, and the great controversy over slavery for the time overshadowed every other subject. The legislature in 1857 enacted stringent li- cense laws, regulating the sale of intoxicating liquors, and these have been subjected to suc- cessive amendments. They have been enforced with varying efficiency, according to the de- mands of public sentiment in the several locali- ties.
The commonwealth was intensely stirred by the operations in Kansas and Nebraska, and by the attitude of Southern leaders relative to slav- ery. The republican party was organized with the avowed purpose of restricting that institu- tion to the States where it existed, and in New York as elsewhere the new party included many democrats, especially of the freesoil wing, with the larger part of the whigs. The American party maintained its organization. The latter in 1856 selected Millard Fillmore as its candidate for president, and he received at
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the polls in the State 124,604 votes ; while James Buchanan received 195,878, and John C. Fremont 276,007. John A. King was chosen governor by almost as great a plurality over Amasa J. Parker and Erastus Brooks. While twenty-five per cent. of the votes in the Union were cast for Mr. Fillmore, he received only two per cent. of the presidential electors, -eight from Maryland. New York had declared how intense was its disapproval of the course which the administration of Mr. Buchanan was sure to pursue.
New York was in these years typical of the national sentiment. Its people were by a large majority disposed to let slavery alone in the States where it existed, but they would not consent to its extension to new soil, nor would they assist in returning fugitive slaves, nor per- mit them to be taken back to their masters. They believed that the Southern leaders were using the national government to promote the interests of slavery, and to deny to the free States their equal share of power in the Union. The inhabitants of New York were an emi- nently practical people, but a passionate love for liberty was fundamental with them. They had sacrificed at all times for the Union more than any other commonwealth, and they prized it on that account all the more highly. The
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practice was common to denounce the aboli- tionists who sought to meddle with slavery in the States, and at the same time to reckon no sacrifice too great to make the republic the safeguard of freedom on the national domain.
The panic of 1857 struck New York with quite as much severity as any other part of the country, but business went on, and there were marrying and giving in marriage, and progress, measured by long intervals in every direction, was nowhere more marked. The population, in 1840 only 2,428,921, rose in 1850 to 3,097,394, and became in 1860 3,880,735. Wealth, pro- duction, culture, society in its graces and dis- play, marched with even greater strides.
It was no mean commonwealth, therefore, which steadily, without passion, but with in- tense determination, at the polls, by the voice of its governor and legislature, by its press and its pulpit, always after 1854 protested that slavery must go no farther, that all new States must be free, and that the spirit of the national government must be led back to the Declara- tion of Independence and to the constitution. No other State held. by its trade, by its insur- ance companies and by its journals, such close relations with the South as did New York. No other State had such vast interests involved in maintaining friendship with the Southern peo-
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ple. Yet no other State moved more steadily forward in obedience to principle ; and no other sacrificed so much at the outset, and through the whole continuance of the struggle, for a united republic uncontrolled by slavery.
Events moved rapidly. While the adminis- tration in Washington was carrying out the policy of the Southern leaders, New York re- newed, at each election and on every occasion, its firm protests. In 1858 Edwin D. Morgan was elected governor, while the democrats, the Americans, and the abolitionists had candidates before the people. Governor Morgan had earned wealth as a merchant, and enlisted heartily in the duties of a citizen. He had served in the State senate from 1843 to 1853, where his prudence and solid worth gave him eminence. He was again to be elected gov- ernor in 1860, and his admirable powers of or- ganization and his devoted patriotism were of immeasurable advantage in giving to the Union at once the full resources in men and money of the greatest of the commonwealths.
In the national senate Preston King, repre- senting the freesoil element in the republican party, sat with William H. Seward. In the house of representatives the New York delega- tion included Martin Grover, Elbridge G. Spaulding, Reuben E. Fenton, Francis E. Spin-
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ner, Daniel E. Sickles and others, who were manifesting the ability and merits which gave them influence and distinction.
The old era was drawing to its close ; a new era was dawning on the republic, and therefore upon the commonwealth.
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CHAPTER XXXVII.
THE WAR FOR THE UNION.
1860-1865.
WILLIAM H. SEWARD was the master ar- chitect of the republican party in New York. His voice had proclaimed its principles : his counsel had been controlling in its affairs. In the details of politics he was aided by Thurlow Weed, editor of the " Albany Journal," full of resources, adroit, constructive and brave. Hor- ace Greeley, who since 1841, in the " New York Tribune," had fought the battles of the whig party and then of the republican party. and had been especially vigorous against the exten- sion of slavery, had also been an intimate friend and supporter of Mr. Seward. But he had found cause to announce the dissolution of the political firm of Seward. Weed and Greeley. and was no longer disposed to advance the 1 0- litical interests of Mr. Seward. While the State sent a united delegation to the republi- can convention in Chicago, to nominate Mr. Seward for president in 1860, Mr. Greeley ap-
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peared by substitution as a delegate from Ore- gon, opposed to that selection.
Personal rivalries, which afforded ground for adverse argument, and the conduct of the leg- islature of New York, largely composed of the friends of Mr. Seward, proved a source of weakness to his candidacy. In New York city many street railroads were built with special charters. These, like the bank charters of earlier days, were granted as political favors ; and members of the legislature were charged with sharing in the stock, or even accepting bribes in money for their votes. The roads were then regarded. as they proved to be, sources of large profit. and the proposition was made to offer the franchises for sale, or to re- quire a percentage of the earnings to be paid into the city treasury. The scandals were grave and numerous, and an attempt to justify the granting of the charters, as a means of rais- ing funds for political purposes, gave new weap- ons to the opponents of Mr. Seward. While he had no share or lot in the matter, his friends were the chief promoters, and the deduction was forced home that like influences might sur- round a national administration with him at its head.
The democrats in the national senate. with the exception only of Senator Pugh of Ohio,
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who voted in the negative, and Senator Doug- las, who was absent on account of sickness, had declared that "neither congress nor a territo- rial legislature possessed the power to impair the constitutional right of any citizen to take his slave property into the common territories, and there hold and enjoy the same while the territorial condition remains." The national convention had met in Charleston, and after a sharp struggle over the platform had adjourned to Baltimore, and there later nominated Ste- phen A. Douglas for president, while a con- vention of seceders from that body put John C. Breckenridge in nomination, and the consti- tutional Union or American party selected John Bell as its candidate.
Such divisions in the opposition, already ap- parent, gave great confidence to the compact and earnest republican party that success would await it in the November election ; and the delegation from New York not only united in favor of Mr. Seward, but enthusiastic for his nomination, felt that he and the commonwealth were entitled to that distinction at the hand of the party which they had done so much to con- struct. The three ballots which overthrew their hopes, and placed Abraham Lincoln be- fore the people as the candidate, once more took away from New York the prize of the
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presidency, which so many of its sons had tried to grasp. Mr. Seward threw the whole weight of his great influence for the election of Mr. Lincoln and the triumph of the principles which he represented, and then toiled most diligently in the continental conflict in their behalf, in a position only less distinguished and important than that of president.
In New York, as elsewhere, a fusion electo- ral ticket was made up between the supporters of Douglas and Breckenridge, and the contest was for a time doubtful, but the returns showed for Lincoln a majority of 50,136, and Edwin D. Morgan was reelected governor by a majority of 63,460. Before the election, indications were not lacking that resistance would be made to the authority of the national government in case of the election of Mr. Lincoln, and the people voted with that contingency threatening them.
When the election was over, far-seeing men in New York sought to calin the excitement of the Southern leaders, and to put them in the wrong if they should carry out their threats. Leading editors indulged in assurances meant to strengthen the hands of the Union men at the South. Friendly toleration was extended to the well-meant efforts of Senator Crittenden to frame a compromise. On the invitation of
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Virginia the legislature of New York, contain- ing in the senate twenty-three republicans to nine democrats, and in the assembly ninety- three republicans to thirty-five democrats, sent a strong delegation to a peace convention held in Washington, February 4, 1861, which sub- mitted a report to congress never to be acted on. Meetings were held in various parts of the State to express a desire to maintain peace in any honorable way. The commercial inter- ests were averse to civil war, and while many merchants were leaders in loyalty, some also were ready for adjustment at any cost.
Promptly, January 11, the legislature passed resolutions, with only one dissentient vote in the senate and two in the assembly, tendering to the national government whatever aid in men and money might be requisite to uphold its authority. These resolutions beyond question expressed the overwhelming preponderance of sentiment in the State. They were met, how- ever, by memorials numerously signed. espe- cially in New York city, asking congress to adopt some measure of settlement, and by meetings. two of which were notable. January 28, at Cooper Institute in New York, a large meeting, addressed by eminent men of both parties. designated James T. Brady, Cornelius K. Garii- son, and Appleton Oaksmith as commissioners
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to visit South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Ala- bama, Louisiana, and Mississippi, " to confer in regard to the measures best calculated to restore the peace and integrity of the Union." The most significant protest was uttered by a gath- ering in Tweddle Hall, Albany, January 31, where Amasa J. Parker presided, and the chief speakers were Horatio Seymour, ex-Chancellor Reuben H. Walworth and James S. Thayer. The resolutions declared that " civil war will not restore the Union, but will defeat forever its reconstruction." Judge Parker pleaded for conciliation, concession, and compromise. Ex- Governor Seymour, referring to the national capitol, said : "It has well been likened to the conflagration of an asylum for madmen : some . look on with idiotic imbecility, some in sullen silence, and some scattering firebrands which consume the fabric above them, and bring upon all a common destruction. Is there one revolt- ing aspect in this scene which has not its paral- lel at the capital of your country ? Do not you see there the senseless imbecility, the garrulous idiocy, the maddened rage displayed. with re- gard to petty personal passions and party pur- poses, while the glory. the honor, and the safety of the country are all forgotten ?" Mr. Sey- mour also questioned " if successful coercion by the North is less revolutionary than success-
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ful secession by the South." Mr. Thayer pro- claimed : " If a revolution of force is to begin, it shall be inaugurated at home." Such utter- ances were not generally commended then, but they were repeated in some quarters ; and at a meeting in Utica, in October of the same year, Mr. Seymour took the ground that, " if it is true that slavery must be abolished to save the Union, then the people of the South should be allowed to withdraw themselves from that gov- ernment which can not give them the protection guaranteed by its terms."
The authorities of the State did not hesitate, and the people ran before all the demands upon them. When Fort Sumter fell, and President Lincoln called for 13,000 volunteers as the quota of New York in the first levy of 75,000, the legislature at once conferred abundant powers on the governor, appropriated $3,000,000 for war purposes, and authorized the enlist- ment of 30,000 men for two years. instead of three months as proposed by the president's pro- clamation. By the first of July the common- wealth had 46,700 men in the field, of whom 8,300 were enlisted for three months. 30.000 for two years, and 8.400 for three years : and this number was raised before January 1, 1862, to 120,361, already one out of six of the able- bodied men of the State.
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The State arsenals, which were empty when Sumter fell, were supplied with 19,000 Enfield rifles bought abroad with money voted by the legislature. Individuals, banks, insurance com- panies, placed their resources at the service of the government, and the secretary of the treasury reported that, of $260,000,000 in loans, New York advanced 8210,000,000.
The uprising of this period was only less than universal. Women and children encouraged brothers and husbands and fathers. The strug- gle in families and in establishments was not who should enlist, but who should be compelled to stay at home. The officers of volunteer and militia companies became drill masters where the regular army could not furnish them. Old men and boys concealed their age so as to be mustered in as soldiers. Companies organized in a day went into camp before the end of the week. Recruits anxious for the support of their families received guarantees for their care from their neighbors, and gifts of side arms and horses and personal comforts were so profuse as to become burdens. The first flush of an era of heroism was upon the people, and the common- wealth counted neither cost nor sacrifice in its determination to save the Union. Nowhere else was zeal more fiery, nowhere else was there more profound recognition of the principles in-
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volved and of the immense duties resting on loyal citizens. A few incidents occurred of patriotic excesses. The offices of some news- papers in New York that hesitated in support of the government, were compelled to display the national flag, and there and everywhere the stars and stripes beautified the scene and added to the expressions of loyalty.
While the republicans were in unquestioned majority in the State, they invited, at the elec- tion of 1861, a union of all who supported the war against the rebellion, and State officers were chosen by a majority of over one hundred thou- sand. Criticism on the conduct of the war led to reaction, and under the burdens, unusual and heavy, some restlessness was exhibited. The depression consequent on the defeat at Bull Run, the retreat of MeClellan, and the delays and the disasters to the Union forces, shocked the confidence of the people, who looked for quick and decisive operations. Mr. Lincoln's procla- mation of September 22, promising emancipa- tion, also for the moment produced hesitation and doubt. The soldiers in the field were not counted at the ballot box, and in November, 1862, on a total vote 72.610 less than that cast in 1860, Horatio Seymour was elected governor over General James S. Wadsworth by a ma- jority of 10,752.
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This election was a protest against the con- duct of the war, not against the war itself, al- though Mr. Seymour received the support of those who were anxious, in the phrase of the day, for " peace at any price." "In accepting the nomination for governor he declared: "This war can not be brought to a successful conclu- sion, or our country restored to an honorable peace, under the republican leaders." In the same speech he said : " The scheme for an im- mediate emancipation and general arming of the slaves throughout the South is a proposal for the butchery of women and children, for scenes of lust and rapine, of arson and murder, unparalleled in the history of the world. The horrors of the French revolution would be- come tame in comparison. Such malignity and cowardice would invoke the interference of civilized Europe." He protested against the arbitrary measures adopted by the national government, such as. in the opinion of the au- thorities, the exigencies of the struggle ren- dered imperative. Yet. with emphasis increas- ing as the canvass advanced, he proclaimed the duty of maintaining the Union and carrying on the war to that end : while General Wadsworth was regarded as favoring the radical policy which very soon the government was com- pelled to adopt.
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Recruiting flagged in the autumn of 1862, and a draft was ordered on the eve of the elec- tion. It contributed to the political change which made Mr. Seymour governor, and a con- tinuance of the conscription imposed on him his most difficult duties. He insisted that the State had not received proper credit for the men that it had sent into the field, and he intimated that undue quotas were assigned to democratic districts. The drawings were sev- eral times postponed for examination of such claims, but were begun July 11, 1863, in the ninth congressional district, New York city, and after a day's progress closed quietly.
The next day was Sunday, and it was em- ployed for stirring up the turbulent elements and organizing violence. The city had before shown that it contained the elements out of which mobs arise. In 1788, when the skele- tons used by medical students in the city hos- pital and buried in its vard were unearthed, it was easy to arouse the passions of the ignorant to the point of mobbing all doctors who could be reached. The riots of 1834 against the abo- litionists, of the stone-cutters in the same year against prison labor, the Irish-American brawl of 1835, the bread riot of 1837, the disturb- ances between the friends of the actors Forrest and Macready in 1849, and the collision be-
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