USA > New York > Franklin County > The north country; a history, embracing Jefferson, St. Lawrence, Oswego, Lewis and Franklin counties, New York, Volume 1 > Part 31
USA > New York > Jefferson County > The north country; a history, embracing Jefferson, St. Lawrence, Oswego, Lewis and Franklin counties, New York, Volume 1 > Part 31
USA > New York > Lewis County > The north country; a history, embracing Jefferson, St. Lawrence, Oswego, Lewis and Franklin counties, New York, Volume 1 > Part 31
USA > New York > Oswego County > The north country; a history, embracing Jefferson, St. Lawrence, Oswego, Lewis and Franklin counties, New York, Volume 1 > Part 31
USA > New York > St Lawrence County > The north country; a history, embracing Jefferson, St. Lawrence, Oswego, Lewis and Franklin counties, New York, Volume 1 > Part 31
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Preston King of Ogdensburg, Democratic member of the assembly from St. Lawrence county, was younger, being at this time only thirty-one years of age. A graduate of Union College and a lawyer, he it was who established the St. Lawrence Republican at Ogdens- burg in 1830 and at once became prominent politically. In the course of time he with Judge John Fine of Ogdensburg became Silas Wright's principal lieutenants. King served three years in the assembly and eight in congress. He helped organize the Republican party in New York state and was elected to the United States senate as a Republican in 1857, serving until 1863. In 1865 he was appointed
STATE ARMORY, OSWEGO, N. Y.
RAMPARTS OF OLD FORT ONTARIO, OSWEGO, N. Y.
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by President Johnson collector of the port of New York and that same year he committed suicide by jumping off a ferry boat in New York harbor. His body is buried at Ogdensburg. A marker was recently placed on his home there.
Thurlow Weed, a political opponent, knew Preston King well. "He was a Democrat from principle and prejudice," he writes in his autobiography. "He had grown up hostile, not only to canals but to improvements of every description; the world, he said, was good enough for him as it stood, and would progress quite fast enough without the aid of legislation. He considered the Whig as the Fed- eral party with another name. If he could sometimes be forced to admit that the Democratic party could, and possibly had, erred, yet at the same time he insisted that the Whig party could not, and never had done any good thing. In truth I think I never knew a more dogged, obstinate and uncompromising Democrat than Preston King; and yet, while as wide apart as the poles politically, and during his first year in the assembly looking daggers at each other, we gradually relaxed, and long before his legislative career closed we became warm personal friends. "
The Democrats made a tremendous effort in 1838. They realized the tide was against them and it would be a miracle if they won. Marcy and Tracy were nominated for governor and lieutenant gov- ernor and the strongest candidates put up everywhere in the hope of overcoming the Whig advantage. All was in vain. The Whigs made a clean sweep electing William H. Seward governor and Luther Bradish lieutenant governor by approximately 12,000 majority. Jef- ferson county went Whig by 600 majority and Thomas C. Chittenden of Adams was elected to congress as a Whig. Calvin Clark, Charles E. Clarke and Philip P. Gaige, all Whigs, were elected to the assembly from Jefferson county. Lewis county, however, remained in the Democratic column, and St. Lawrence county sent to congress Judge John Fine, who for many years had been first-judge of the county, and there he soon won fame as one of the most capable Democratic members from New York state.
The Whigs were filled with joy as a result of their victory in 1838. From one end of the north to the other banquets were held and everyone from Henry Clay to Luther Bradish were toasted by their enthusiastic partisans. At a big Whig celebration in Carthage
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one of the toasts drunk with enthusiasm was: "Silas Wright-the architect of his country's ruin," while Luther Bradish was toasted as "a gentleman, a statesman and an honest man." Things looked very dark, indeed, for the Democrats as the fateful year of 1840 came nearer.
VAN BUREN COMES TO THE NORTH COUNTRY
The president, perhaps feeling the need of a conference with his trusted friend and supporter, Silas Wright, decided to come to North- ern New York himself and soon was in Canton, where, according to village tradition, Wright took him fishing in Grass river. Then, bidding farewell to his friend, Van Buren set sail from Ogdensburg, landed at Sackets Harbor and proceeded to pay a visit to Watertown. The Little Magician's visit to Watertown was received with mingled emotions. Here is the account of the president's visit as it appeared in the Watertown Jeffersonian of September 2nd, 1839. The Jeffer- sonian, it should be remembered, was the organ of the adminis- tration :
"The president accompanied by the Hon. J. R. Poinett and lady, and Messrs. S. T. and M. Van Buren, Jr .- sons of the president- arrived at Sackets Harbor on Wednesday at 6 o'clock p. m. from Ogdensburg in the government steamship, Oneida.
"As the Oneida entered the harbor and nearly opposite the site of Fort Tompkins, a national salute was fired from the heights under the direction of the citizens of the village, which was returned from the Oneida. On landing at the public wharf, the president and suite were met by a large concourse of visitors, and immediately repaired to the National Hotel where a large number had the pleasure of taking him by the hand and giving him a cordial welcome to the county of Jefferson. In the evening the president received the calls of the ladies and gentlemen of the village at his rooms at the Na- tional Hotel.
"On Thursday morning he reviewed the national troops at Madi- son Barracks, commanded by that efficient officer, Col. Worth-visited the public works at Dexter, dined with Major Kirby at Brownville and was escorted from thence to this village by about 100 young men on horseback and a numerous train of carriages-the whole extending nearly or quite a mile, in the following order:
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"1. Mounted escort led by Gen. Corss and D. D. Otis, Esq .- the president of the corporation-as marshals.
"2. The president, accompanied by Gen. Swift, O. Hungerford, Esq., and Judge Foster in a carriage drawn by four beautiful bays.
"3. The two sons of the president, Hon. M. Sterling and Mrs. Poinsett, in a carriage.
"4. Citizens of Watertown and vicinity in carriages.
"As he approached the village he was greeted by a national salute, the ringing of bells and the spontaneous cheers of a large number of the citizens of this and the adjoining towns. On arriving at the American, the mounted escort opened to the right and left and the president alighted at the steps, entering the spacious hall and was there introduced to a large number of his constituents, after which he repaired to the public drawing room where he received the calls of many visitors-examined from the portico the situation and com- manding points of the village and county. In the evening he received the calls of the ladies at the mansion of Hon. I. H. Bronson at half- past 10 and from thence returned to Mr. Sterling's, where he lodged.
"After breakfast on Friday morning the president and suite re- turned to Sackets Harbor and from thence at half past 10 o'clock a. m. proceeded to Oswego in the steamboat Oneida, accompanied by Col. Worth, the committee of invitation from Oswego and several others. As the steamboat left the wharf at Madison Barracks, a national salute was fired by the garrison, amid the waving of hats and the cheers of those assembled on the bluff and wharf. The president appeared in good spirits and expressed himself as highly gratified with his visit and reception."
On the other hand, read the account in the Watertown North American, September 4th, 1839. The North American was the lead- ing Whig paper in Northern New York:
"At 3 o'clock about sixty gentlemen of this village, on horseback, of both political parties proceeded to Brownville to escort His Excel- lency to Watertown, which they reached about 5 o'clock. On nearing the village the bells were rung while the procession entered, which consisted of eighty horsemen, four barouches, seven one-horse wagons and two sulkies; there were about 200 persons present attracted by curiosity and looking on as spectators. We learn that the president looked well, smiled courteously, and shook hands very affably with
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all. He took tea very early in the evening, but at 10 o'clock at night, according to European court style, another supper was held at Judge Bronson's and a regular tete-a-tete held with the exclusive Demo- cratic friends of the donor and His Republican Majesty; where His Democratic Majesty was highly honored (?) with the presence of Alvin Hunt (Oh ye gods) of Eagle notoriety, who was sent for espe- cially to do the honors of the table. And such honors and such com- pany-tell it not to Gath. Alas for poor fallen human nature."
The Alvin Hunt referred to so disparagingly was the editor of a Democratic newspaper. Northern New Yorkers of a century ago took their politics very seriously.
THE "TIPPECANOE AND TYLER TOO" CAMPAIGN
The Whigs were also fairly successful in the assembly elections in 1839 and then came 1840, the year of the great Whig landslide. It was the strangest presidential campaign ever conducted in the United States. In Northern New York as well as elsewhere, it was a campaign of slogan and song. The Whigs had no platform; they wanted none. They had nominated General Harrison, an old man of no special qualifications, but who had the advantage that, as nobody knew him, nobody knew anything against him. He had been in command of the American forces in the battle of Tippecanoe, when a brilliant victory had been won against the Indians. John Tyler was named for vice president and therefrom came the great Whig slogan of the year, "Tippecanoe and Tyler too."
The Democrats tried to ridicule Harrison but all this the Whigs turned to their advantage. A Baltimore paper made the sneering statement that give Harrison a log cabin and a barrel of hard cider and settle $2,000 a year on him and he would be content for life. The Whigs retaliated by making the log cabin and the barrel of hard cider the symbol of their campaign. Wherever there was a Whig meeting there could be found the log cabin and the barrel of hard cider.
The supporters of General Harrison seemed to be inspired by a sort of holy zeal. They would not argue with the Democrats on issues. "Van, Van, is a used up man," the Whigs sang at their meetings at Watertown, Ogdensburg, Lowville, Malone and Oswego, referring of course to Martin Van Buren, the Democratic nominee. Northern New York Democrats were dumbfounded at this kind of
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a campaign. It was something different from anything they had experienced in the past. Whig parades were everywhere and always there were the log cabins mounted on wheels and drawn along in the procession with the inveterate barrel of hard cider. A Harrison log cabin was raised in Ellisburg, hundreds of Whigs attending the "raising." Said the Watertown Jeffersonian with fine sarcasm: "Wonder if some of the attendants from this village doffed their silk gloves, loosened the straps on their pants and laid hold of the ma- terials to erect the shanty."
And in another issue: "It is charged that the British Whigs of this village have been required to erect a log cabin and commence the evening oblations of hard cider to the god, Harrison. It is under- stood that several have volunteered their services as priests, and ere long the drink offerings and the johnny cake offerings will be nightly made to advance the cause of British Whiggery. Shame has no blush. Federalism has no confidence in the intelligence of the people."
But it required something more than this to stop the Whigs.
The Sackets Harbor Journal, a Whig paper, charged Senator Silas Wright with an abuse of the franking privilege, claiming that he was sending campaign literature into the north under his senatorial frank. The Democratic newspapers immediately retaliated by an attack on the Whig congressman, Mr. Chittenden of Adams. The fact that he had accepted the office of first-judge of the county while still serving in congress incensed the Democrats. "He thrust one arm into the national treasury for eight dollars a day, and the other into the state treasury for two dollars a day," complained the Water- town Jeffersonian, and then added, "Neither of which he earned."
The presidential campaign of 1840 was long remembered in Northern New York. When a log cabin raising was held at Dexter a procession of teams left Watertown for the celebration which was three miles long. Everyone who wanted a free ride was of course furnished it. After the log cabin was finished some men drove onto the field with an immense johnny cake, the width of a wagon and ten or twelve feet long. This was cut into small pieces and passed around. Writes one who was there: "Some tried to eat the pieces but they were found too hard to be bitten, and the men, many of whom by this time were pretty full of hard cider, began to throw them around for fun. Some were considerably hurt by being hit by
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them and we saw one man knocked down." How the Democrats must have chuckled when they heard this.
The biggest Whig meeting during the campaign held in Water- town was on September 22nd. United States Senator N. P. Talmage and Congressman Thomas C. Chittenden were the speakers. For weeks preparations had gone on for the meeting. There were twenty log cabins on wheels in the great procession which moved through the streets. Also in the parade was a large ship mounted on wheels, a canoe, drawn by forty-two oxen, four bands and hundreds of wagons. Delegations from all sections of Northern New York marched in line. Tippecanoe badges and coon skins were every- where. Many delegations were attired in uniform and lent a touch of color to the great parade. Following the political meeting was a barbecue when a huge ox was roasted whole and many hundred loaves of bread distributed.
The Whigs erected a large log cabin on the site of the present Chamber of Commerce building in Watertown and used it as their headquarters. The janitor in charge of the log cabin was one Benja- min Henshaw. He was much annoyed when he reached the cabin nearly every morning to find that sometime during the night the Democrats had pulled down the halliards from the flag staff where the Tippecanoe flag was flying. He determined to put a stop to this and at the same time administer a good lesson to some Democrat so he dug a hole and set a large timber bear trap at the base of the pole. However, no Democrat took the bait, but one dark evening when the janitor undertook to take down the colors, he forgot himself for the moment and stepped into his own trap. His cries soon attracted attention and he was extricated but he was lame for some time.
The Whig party was of course especially strong in Franklin county where the great Whig leader, Luther Bradish, lived. Every town in Franklin county had its own Tippecanoe club' and Malone had a Tippecanoe choir as well. It is related that at a political din- ner held in Plattsburgh a whole hogshead of hard cider stood at the head of the table. The Whigs in Malone seized upon the Fourth of July as a good time to hold a great mass meeting. Large delegations were present from every town in the county, and between three and four thousand marched in the parade. Seaver in his History of
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Franklin County says that the procession from Bellmont and Cha- teaugay alone was estimated to be half a mile long, and that made up from Bangor, Moira, Brandon and Dickinson was over a mile long. The procession made up of delegations from Constable, Bombay, Fort Covington and Westville was equally large. The Bangor delegation had a liberty pole sixty-four feet high mounted on a wagon and there were of course log cabins and canoes galore. Each division was greeted upon its arrival with the booming of cannon.
The largest Whig meeting was held in Oswego county during that campaign, and in fact what is claimed to be the largest meeting in Northern New York, was at Sandy Creek. It was a joint meeting of Jefferson and Oswego county Whigs and delegations were present for forty miles around.
The result was of course a foregone conclusion. Harrison and Tyler were elected by a tremendous majority. The Democrats carried only seven states. The Whigs carried Jefferson county by a majority of 800. Even rock-ribbed St. Lawrence county was carried by the Whigs by a small majority, less than 100, but Lewis stayed in the Democratic fold by a correspondingly small majority. Of course the Whigs were greatly elated and the Democrats correspondingly de- pressed. It was humiliating enough to be defeated, but to be defeated in the way they had been, without any apparent reason, by hurrahs and song-singing was disheartening to the last degree.
But the Whig triumph was short-lived. Gen. Harrison lived but one month after taking the oath of office. John Tyler became presi- dent and at once threw the whole Whig program into chaos. It became apparent almost from the time that Tyler became president that he was opposed to the reestablishment of the United States bank. He disregarded the wishes of the great Whig leader, Henry Clay, and showed himself to be in much more sympathy with the Democratic principles than he was with the Whigs. The attitude of Tyler was both a surprise and a joy to the Democrats of the North Country. Soon we find the Democratic newspapers of Northern New York taking a leaf from the Whig campaign book and publishing at the head of their editorial columns the significant words, "And Tyler too." Indeed as a result of the death of Harrison the great Whig victory of 1840 came to naught. The party would have been just as well situated if Mr. Van Buren had been elected.
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In the election of 1841 Jefferson, Lewis and St. Lawrence counties all elected Democratic assemblymen. William Ruger of Watertown went to the Senate and is credited with being one of those who pre- cipitated that great conflict in the Democratic party in New York state which caused the party to divide into two factions, the "Barn- burners" and the "Hunkers." By 1842 all the Northern New York counties, with the exception of Franklin, were back in the Demo- cratic fold. Silas Wright was stronger than ever before. That year the Democrats made a clean sweep of the state. Orville Hungerford of Watertown was elected to the house of representatives, beginning that notable career that brought him the nomination for comptroller of the state in 1847. Preston King was elected to congress from St. Lawrence county.
WRIGHT REJECTS A NOMINATION
As Tyler's term drew to a close, the friends of Martin Van Buren prepared to get him the Democratic nomination for president if pos- sible in 1844. But Van Buren just on the eve of the assembling of the Democratic national convention in Baltimore threw a bombshell in the form of a letter in which he said he was opposed to the annexa- tion of Texas, a measure generally favored by the bulk of the Demo- cratic party in the south. From then on the annexationists conspired to secure the nomination of another besides Van Buren. Van Buren's manager, Benjamin F. Butler, was completely out-maneuvred by the Allies, as Van Buren's opponents were called, and it was apparent from the moment that the convention adopted a two-thirds rule that Van Buren could not be nominated. Butler then proposed that Silas Wright be nominated for the presidency but up jumped Judge John Fine of St. Lawrence county to say that Wright's views on all ques- tions coincided with those of Van Buren. The Van Buren managers then turned to James K. Polk and he was nominated on the ninth ballot.
The second place on the ticket was then enthusiastically bestowed on Silas Wright, it being generally admitted that the nomination of Wright for vice president would add strength to the ticket. But Wright refused to be a party to such a deal as this. His loyalty to his friend, Van Buren; who had been rejected by the convention, was too intense to permit him to profit from it. He not only promptly
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rejected the nomination for vice president but sent his close friend, Preston King, and another on a night trip to Baltimore when he learned that Butler had accepted the nomination for him. The con- vention, obviously disappointed, reassembled and nominated Dallas of Pennsylvania for vice president.
There was bitter disappointment all over New York state when the news of the rejection of Van Buren became generally known. If Polk was to be elected, the Democratic leaders well knew he must carry New York and this was very uncertain with conditions as they were. A strong effort was therefore made to get Silas Wright to run for governor. It was felt that if Wright would accept the desig- nation for governor, it would be interpreted as an acceptance of Polk by the Van Buren wing of the party and New York would go safely Democratic. Wright did not want to run for governor. He preferred Washington where he was now one of the most influential of the members of the senate. Governor Bouck naturally expected renomination, but there was a growing feeling that Bouck could not win. The only other name mentioned was that of Wright, but Wright said time and time again that he did not desire to run. Even when Bouck wrote Wright offering to retire in his favor, Wright refused. But many Democratic newspapers of the state continued to boom Wright, including the influential Albany Atlas.
Finally the Polk managers came to Wright and boldly told him it was his duty to his party to run for governor of New York in order that the state might be safe for Polk. This was an argument par- ticularly telling with Wright, always a strict party man. Finally, with extreme reluctance, he agreed to be a candidate if it were the wish of the convention, and he was easily nominated, Addison Gar- diner of Monroe county being nominated for lieutenant governor. There was joy in the Polk camp now. The strongest Democrat in New York was the candidate for governor. It was felt that even the popularity of Henry Clay could not prevail against him.
The state campaign of 1844 aroused all Northern New York to a high pitch of excitement. The North Country's favorite son was a candidate for governor and the Democrats of all the northern coun- ties prepared to run up a record majority for their idol. Silas Wright's first important speech of the campaign was to be delivered in Watertown late in August. The attention of the whole country
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was focused on that speech. Would Silas Wright urge the election of Polk, despite the rejection of Van Buren at the Baltimore conven- tion? If he did, it meant the Van Buren men were going to support the national ticket and Polk would likely be elected. If he did not, but confined himself to purely state issues, it meant the Empire State Democracy did not purpose to take an interest in the national cam- paign, in which event Clay would probably carry the state and the election. Of Silas Wright's own election, there never was any question.
WRIGHT'S SPEECH IN WATERTOWN
Political writers quite generally conceed that the speech delivered by Silas Wright in Watertown on August 20th, 1844, elected James K. Polk president of the United States. For weeks the Democrats of Jefferson and St. Lawrence counties made preparations for that meeting. Sherman Croswell of the Albany Argus was present to report the meeting and wrote a colorful word picture of that great gathering of the Northern New York Democrats. Silas Wright and his principal lieutenant, Congressman Preston King of Ogdensburg, arrived in Watertown the day before the meeting, having come by steam boat from Ogdensburg to Sackets Harbor.
August 20th, 1844, was a dark, rainy day but this did not seem to interfere one whit with the enthusiasm. Early in the morning the delegations of Democrats from out of town started to arrive. The first came from Copenhagen and consisted of some sixty teams drawing heavy wagons which were loaded with Lewis county Demo- crats. Then came the Carthage delegation, led by two four-horse wagons, followed by the Carthage band and a procession of wagons of all descriptions. Over all floated a great, blue and gold banner which was inscribed "The Democrats of Carthage-Young Hickory, Dallas and Victory."
Then as cheers rent the air, the delegation from St. Lawrence county, Silas Wright's home county, hove into view, a troop of mounted men leading the great parade which was over a mile in length. Near the head of the procession was a wagon drawn by four horses which carried the Canton band. Then came another wagon from which floated the great banner presented to the Demo- crats of St. Lawrence county by the Democratic central committee
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in 1842 in recognition of the large Democratic majority polled in that county that year. Flag after flag appeared as the great proces- sion swung into Public Square and came to a halt in front of the American Hotel, where Democratic headquarters was established. One great banner bore the slogan, "Polk and Dallas. No Land Plunder. No Bank. Veto." Silas Wright watched the delegation from his home county arrive. What emotions must have filled his breast as he witnessed this wonderful demonstration of loyalty from his neighbors and friends?
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