USA > Ohio > A history of Ohio, with biographical sketches of her governors and the ordinance of 1787 > Part 10
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Besides these, there were dozens of men without much public standing, but nevertheless strong in every requisite of the position, and representative in every sense of the word.
The convention did its work in one hundred and thirty-five days, and adjourned March Ioth, 1851. On the third Tuesday of June following it was submitted to the people, and 125,564 voted for its adoption and 109,276 voted against it, thereby ratifying it by a majority of 16,288.
As the fundamental law of Ohio, it has been singu- lary satisfactory to the people of the State. More than twenty years after, they rejected a proposed con- stitution, and expressed by an overwhelming ma- jority their contentment with the work of the con- vention of 1850. Whatever amendments have been
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From 1840 to 1860.
added to it since have been adopted only after a scrutinizing canvass before the people.
In this decade occurred several political events that mark the beginning of a new school of politics in Ohio. The opposition to slavery was fast display- ing itself in the public sentiment of the state. We have seen how pronounced it was on the question of the annexation of Texas, and events of still greater importance were about to occur which would show how strong was the love of freedom in Ohio. Salmon P. Chase appeared in the political arena about this time, and drew curses from his pro-slavery enemies, and admiration from his friends, by his persistent anti-slavery agitation. The ostracizing legislation against the negro in Ohio prior to 1848 seemed to be a reflection of the Kentucky and Virginia slave- holders' ideas, communicated in the early history of the state; there were the following unjust laws on the statute books :
A negro could not be a witness in court if a white man was a party in the case. If he was sued by a white man he could not testify in his own behalf.
No negro could settle in Ohio without furnishing good bondsmen against him becoming a charge on the public.
No negro could vote, by reason of the constitu- tional provision of 1802.
The children of negroes were denied the benefit of the public schools, notwithstanding the property of the negro was taxed equally with that of his white neighbors.
These were known as the " Black Laws," and they were black indeed in their injustice, for under them
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freedom in Ohio was but a step removed from slavery in Kentucky. The State of Ohio was rapidly be- coming ashamed of these laws, which were really enacted in the beginning at the instance of the slave- holders of adjoining states. In his message of De- cember 6, 1847, Governor William Bebb sounded the keynote to the Legislature. He said, after speak- ing of slavery, "Whilst upon this kindred subject I cannot forget that the Black Laws still disgrace our statute books. All I can do is earnestly to reiterate the recommendation for their unqualified repeal."
In the same session (1848-9) of the Legislature that occurred the legislative blockade and the heated contest over the seats of the Hamilton county mem- bers, these " Black Laws" were repealed. The bill was drawn by Salmon P. Chase, while at Columbus arguing a case before the Supreme Court. It was introduced by John F. Morse, of Lake county. Fol- lowing this important step came the election of Chase as United States Senator. The candidate of the Whigs was Thomas Ewing, while William Allen was the choice of the Democrats. Many of the Free Soil members, headed by Mr. Morse, of Lake county, desired the nomination of Joshua R. Giddings, then, as ever afterwards, a strong anti-slavery Congress- man from Morse's district. N. S. Townshend, another Free Soiler, advocated Chase's nomination. The contest was between the friends and enemies of slav- .ery, and the Free Soilers had but one object in view, that was to advance the sentiment of free soil and free speech. In fact when Townshend was nomina- ted for the Legislature, he was instructed by his con- stituency "to act with any party, or against any
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From 1840 to 1860.
party, as in his judgment the cause of freedom should require." Townshend and Morse were Independent Free Soilers, that is, they had been elected over both Whig and Democratic candidates in their respective counties. Hence they wielded free lances, and held the balance of power. Among both Whigs and Democrats in the Legislature were men of anti- slavery views and tendencies. What the Free Soil- ers wanted was the United States Senator. And this is how they got it. Mr. Morse proposed to the Whig members that if they would help repeal the " Black Laws" and elect Joshua R. Giddings Senator, he (Morse) and his colleague, Townshend, who acting together could control results, would vote to put Whigs on the Supreme bench. Supreme Judges then were chosen by the Legislature. On the other hand, Dr. Townshend made the proposition to the Democrats that if they would help repeal the " Black Laws," and elect Chase Senator, he (Townshend) and his colleague, Morse, would vote for their candi- dates for Supreme Judges. These two propositions were made with a clear understanding between the two free lances. Both political parties were ex- tremely anxious to have a majority in the Supreme Court, because it was supposed that political ques- tions growing out of the Hamilton county contested seats would soon be before the court.
Mr. Giddings was not acceptable to all the Whig members, and the Democrats accepted Dr. Town- shend's proposition. The "Black Laws" were re- pealed, schools were provided for colored children, Mr. Chase was elected United States Senator, and two Democratic Judges were elected to the Supreme
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Bench. To this bargain and coalition Mr. Chase was not a party directly or indirectly. It was suggested, arranged and consummated by Messrs. Townshend and Morse, who of course were under no obligations to either Whigs or Democrats, and were in the Leg- islature to do those things as "the cause of freedom should require."
In the Senate Salmon P. Chase faithfully carried out the trust reposed in him by the anti-slavery Leg- islature of 1848-9. He led the forces of free speech and free men, moulding the public sentiment of his own State by his battle against slavery. He fought the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, he demanded the exclusion of slavery from National territory, and stood side by side with Sumner and Wade and Hale. With them he opposed the Fugitive Slave Law. All these things had crystalized the thinking and liberty- loving element into a new party organization. There were Whigs who opposed slavery, and Democrats who did the same, but they could see no place for anti-slavery men in either of the old parties. So the Free Soilers and Whigs and Democrats and Ameri- cans opposed to slavery inet at Columbus, in the Town Street Methodist Church, July 13, 1855, and then and there held the first Republican State Con- vention in Ohio.
Joshua R. Giddings called the Convention to order and designated Judge B. S. Cowen, of Belmont county, as temporary chairman. John Sherman, then a young man but recently elected to Congress, was chosen as the permanent chairman of the Con- vention. The controlling idea and doctrine of the new party was opposition to the extension of slavery.
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From 1840 to 1860.
Its platform expressed this in the following terse lan- guage : "We will resist the spread of slavery under whatever shape or color it may be attempted." On this one question there was absolute harmony. The different elements of the Convention-the Whig, the American, the Free Soil and the Democratic - all had their different ideas as to the intensity with which the declaration of principles should be laid down and as to who should be the standard bearer.
Joshua R. Giddings, the leader of the Free Soil element, was not satisfied with the plank on slavery. It was too inild. He regarded it as "weak food for men who had bared their breasts to the slave power for twenty years." But he was a wise and practical man, and he recognized that the Convention was a fusion of different ideas in the main opposed to slav- ery, but not so radical as he. On the other hand the American wing, led by Lewis D. Campbell, opposed the nomination of Salmon P. Chase for Governor, and favored that of Jacob Brinkerhoff, of Richland county. Mr. Chase was the best type of the princi- ple on which the new party was founded, and was recognized as the natural leader of the new Republi- can party. He was therefore nominated, although before the nomination a resolution was offered by the American members requesting the withdrawal of both Chase and Brinkerhoff. The resolution was tabled after a warm speech in favor of Chase by Giddings.
Mr. Chase made an active and effective canvas throughout the State. Governor Medill was the Democratic candidate for re-election, and Allen Trimble, who had been Governor from 1826 to 1830, was the American candidate. Against Chase was all
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the pro-slavery and Know-nothing sentiment of the State; he was elected, however, by 15,651 inajority, although that of his Lieutenant-Governor was 37,- 500. Ex-Governor Trimble received 24,276 votes.
On January 14th, 1856, Governor Chase com- menced his gubernatorial terin. His election was a national affair ; it was national in its importance and in its results. He, more than any living man knew just what was in store for the future. His first term was devoid of events. Under his official oath he administered the Fugitive Slave Law, at the same time doing justice to the poor fugitive, yet fulfilling the obligations of his State to the constitution and laws of the United States. Mr. Chase was re-nom- inated by his party in 1857, and after a short and close campaign was elected over Henry B. Payne, Democrat, by 1,503. The most important measure of Governor Chase's second term and the one event which more than any other gave Ohio prominence in the succeeding years, was their organization of the militia of the State. Whether Governor Chase with prophetic eye saw what three years would develop or not, cannot be said ; but at his suggestion legisla- tion re-organizing the militia was effected. A review of the military forces of the State was had in 1858, and the regulation and rules governing military drills were printed and scattered among the militia, there- by creating a martial and patriotic spirit which afterwards burst out with almost uncontrollable enthusiasın.
Slowly the nation was approaching the crisis of its history, and Mr. Chase marched abreast of all the events that led to it. In October, 1859, John Brown
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From 1840 to 1860.
made his famous invasion of Virginia, and immedi- ately afterwards Governor Henry A. Wise wrote to Governor Chase notifying him that Virginia would pursue Abolition bands even into sister states to punish them. Mr. Chase dignifiedly replied that Ohio would obey the Constitution and laws of the United States, and would discountenance unlawful acts, but under no circumstances could the military of other States invade Ohio territory. This was his last official declaration as Governor; in January, 1860, his teri closed, and he left the Executive Chamber and was again elected United States Sen- ator a month afterwards.
William Dennison was his successor. He was a comparatively new man in Ohio politics, and his reputation was based on his solid qualities of finan- cial ability and business standing rather than upon the single terin he had served in the State Senate. But he surprised those who had under-rated him. In the debates during the campaign with his Denlo- cratic opponent -none other than the profound law- yer, Judge Rufus P. Raney -he was able to reach the popular heart in a much greater degree and in a much better manner than the acknowledged leader of the Ohio Bar. Mr. Dennison was elected by a majority of 13,331 votes. He assumed the duties of his office under the most uncertain condition of affairs. The slave-power was daily becoming more aggressive and threats of disunion were rife in the American Congress. Little did the new Chief Executive know of the responsibilities and duties that would be thrust upon him before his term should expire. He knew the signs were portentious, he felt
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the shaking of an approaching earthquake, but of the part he was to play he was wholly ignorant. Under this phase of public affairs did Ohio's first " War Governor " take his seat.
CHAPTER IX.
1860-1865.
THE RADICAL TRIUMVIRATE - ANSWERING LIN- COLN'S PROCLAMATION-THE MILLION DOLLAR BILL - GOVERNOR DENNISON'S ADMINISTRA- TION - ELECTION OF DAVID TOD, GOVERNOR- THE SIEGE OF CINCINNATI -GENERAL LEWIS WALLACE'S ADDRESS-ARREST AND TRIAL OF VALLANDIGHAM - HIS FLIGHT TO CANADA - MORGAN'S RAID-HIS CAPTURE AND ESCAPE - VALLANDICHAM NOMINATED FOR GOVER- NOR - DEFEATED BY JOHN BROUGH - MEETING OF THE WAR GOVERNORS-BROUGH'S ADMIN- ISTRATION - OHIO WOMEN'S WORK DURING THE WAR-THE RECORD OF THE STATE - PEACE.
The Legislature which assembled on the first Mon- day of January, 1860, was destined to grapple with the gravest questions of State ever submitted to a General Assembly. There were three men, however, in that body who were capable of meeting any public problem -James A. Garfield, J. D. Cox and James Monroe. They were called the "Radical Triumvi- rate" of the Ohio Senate, by reason of their staunch Republicanism and fearless convictions. By the com-
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From 1860 to 1865.
1011 consent of his distinguished colleagues the lead- ership was given to Garfield. Cox, afterwards famed as General, Governor and Secretary of the Interior, was a man of the very finest accomplishments, both in education and honor. Monroe was an old-time Abolitionist; he afterwards went to Congress from the Oberlin District, and was sent abroad in the Lin- coln administration. Mr. Blaine calls him "a man of cultivation and high character." The Legislature was Republican in both branches, but in the demands upon patriotism, which were made before its term closed, party lines were obliterated, and it became a partisan only for the Government and the Constitu- tion.
The news of the attack on Fort Sumpter thrilled the people of Ohio, and when President Lincoln issued a proclamation, April 15th, 1861, calling for 75,000 of the inilitia of the several states of the Union, the response was immediate from the Buck- eye State. Within twenty-four hours after the Pres- ident's call twenty companies had proffered their services; within thirty-six hours they were on their way to Columbus, where they were organized April 18th, into the First and Second Regiments of Ohio Volunteers. The next day they started for Wash- ington City. All this preparation was actively sus- tained by the Legislature. On the day after the call to arms the Senate passed a million dollar appropri- ation bill for war purposes exclusively; within three days it passed the House unanimously. By this law five hundred thousand dollars were appropriated to assist the National Government, four hundred and fifty thousand dollars for equipping the militia of the
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state, and fifty thousand dollars for unlooked-for ex- penditures ; the last amount to be under control of the Governor. Having taken the first prompt step against the slaveholders' rebellion, the Legislature turned its attention to affairs within its own border. Senator Garfield presented an elaborate report on treason to the state, together with a bill "to define and punish treason against the State of Ohio." Like all of his legislative work, it was exhaustive and con- vincing. Said he, "it is high time for Ohio to enact a law to meet treachery when it shall take the form of an overt act; to provide that when her soldiers go forth to maintain the Union there shall be no treach- erous fire in the rear." At this time an anti-war spirit was manifested among a certain element in the Dem- ocratic party. Hon. C. L. Vallandighamn, who was at Columbus vainly endeavoring to stem the patriotic current of a vigorous prosecution of the war among the members of his party in the Legislature, was the leader of this disloyal faction. But the Democratic members of this General Assembly loved their coun- try more than they did their party, and sustained the demands of the administration.
During all the hours of his administration Governor Dennison found himself in a whirlpool of events. The duties of the hour literally crowded him out of the ordinary enjoyment of life. He was beset on all sides with all sorts of affairs, was criticised, cursed, and never commended. Yet at this distance, under all the circumstances of war, and the confusion which war creates, history will pronounce his administration patient, loyal, conservative and effective. For purity of purpose and sagacious ability it will stand out in
From 1860 to 1865. 153
bold relief in the history of Ohio. When his tern of service had closed, so thoroughly had he pressed enlistments that Ohio was credited with more than twenty thousand soldiers above hier quota. He con- trolled and disbursed millions of dollars without any restraint but public necessity and private honor. He supervised the vast and numerous army contracts of the State with success and dispatch. In all these things his honor was beyond suspicion and his patriotism a model. When he left the Governor's Chamber he became the counselor and friend of his successor. He grew to be one of Ohio's most trusted and popular characters, and was finally called to the Cabinet of Lincoln as Post Master General.
David Tod, the second "War Governor," was elected in 1861 over Hugh J. Jewett, by 55,000 majority. He was a well-known Democrat, and had been the candidate of his party for Governor in IS44 and 1846 and at the outbreak of the war was open and pronounced for its prosecution and the Union. The regular Democratic organization of Ohio was an anti-war and anti-administration party, failing in all respects to rise to the demands of the times for a loyal support of the government. Thousands of Democrats, loving the Union, ceased to act with their party, and joined with the Republicans under the name of the Union-Republican party. David Tod was nominated as the representative of this loyal sentiment of the State, regardless of past party affiliations. The Democrats in their platform of 1861 criticised, carped, complained and denounced the war, and the administration of President Lincoln. The election made Mr. Tod Governor, and furnished
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him a Legislature overwhelmingly Union-Repub- lican. Governor Tod had all the experience of Governor Dennison to guide him in his administra- tion, and he used it bountifully. He retained three of his predecessor's staff, and avoided some mistakes of which Mr. Dennison's career had warned him.
In the summer of 1862 General John Morgan, a daring Confederate cavalry raider, marched through the interior of Kentucky and made a feint of attack- ing Cincinnati. The Queen City was unprotected in any way, and for a while the panic-stricken citizens were all convinced of the danger to their city and inability to protect themselves .. Happily, the Mor- gan movement was a "scare," and the citizens of Cincinnati regained their feeling of safety only to experience what danger was. Generals Kirby Smith and John Morgan, with united forces, commenced their invasion of Kentucky, with the Ohio border as the objective point, in the early days of September. In defenceless Cincinnati, all was fear and suspense, but the nerve and patriotism were there that enabled the city authorities to place all its resources, financial and physical, between the enemy and the city. The pledge of the city was given for all the money neces- sary for defense, and every available inan was drafted for military duty. A proclamation declaring the city, and also Newport and Covington, Ky., under martial law was issued by General Lewis Wallace, of Indiana, who had been assigned to duty by the Department Commander. Thousands of troops from the interior of the State were soon marching through the streets of the Queen City, in response to a call from Governor Tod, The citizen-soldiery
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From 1860 to 1865.
of Cincinnati threw up strong and extensive intrench ;- ments on the hills of Newport and Covington. No city was better prepared to meet an attack. But the enemy never came; he measured the preparations and determination which he would have to over- coine, and wisely retreated, after having been before it eight days. General Wallace, upon withdrawing from the city, issued the following address :
"To the People of Cincinnati, Newport and Covington:
For the present, at least, the enemy have fallen back, and your cities are safe. It is the time for acknowledgments, and I beg leave to make you mine. When I assumed command there was notli- ing to defend you with, except a few half-finished works and some dismounted guns; yet I was confi- dent. The energies of a great city are boundless ; they have only to be aroused, united and directed. You were appealed to. The answer will never be forgotten.
Paris may have seen something like it in her revolutionary days, but the cities of America never did. Be proud that you have given them an exam- ple so splendid. The most commercial of people, you submitted to a total suspension of business, and without a murmur adopted iny principle -- ' Citizens. . for labor, soldiers for battle.'
In coming time, strangers, viewing the works on the hills of Newport and Covington, will ask, 'Wlio built these intrenchinents ?' You can answer, 'We built them.' If they ask, 'Who guarded them ?' you can reply, 'We helped in thousands.' If they inquire the result, your answer will be, 'The enemy
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came and looked at them, and stole away in the night.'
You have won much honor; keep your organiza- tions ready to win more. Hereafter be always pre- pared to defend yourselves.
LEWIS WALLACE, Major-General Commanding."
Thus ended the "Siege of Cincinnati," and thus was a great and important metropolis saved by the vigorous measures of its commander and the patriot- ism of its citizens.
Mr. Vallandigham continued to harass and poison public sentiment in Ohio with his peace views in the same manner that he did the Democratic members of the first War Legislature in 1861. He was a man beloved by his party, of boundless influence therein, fearless in his convictions, and with all these quali- ties he possessed a winning eloquence graced with all the ornaments of oratory. He was, therefore, a more than ordinarily dangerous man to become the sower of seeds of disloyalty. The result of his treasonable speeches on the stump, every one of which gave fresh courage to the enemy in the field, was his arrest by order of Major General Ambrose E. Burnside, the Commander of the Department. The arrest was made at Mr. Vallandigham's residence at Dayton; it aroused among his friends so fierce a spirit of resistance that it resulted in the burning of the office of the Daylon Journal, the Republican newspaper of that place. Mr. Vallandigham was tried before a military court, found guilty of disobe- dience of military orders and sentenced to imprison- ment during the war. President Lincoln modified
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From 1860 to 1865.
the sentence by sending Mr. Vallandigham through the lines into the Southern Confederacy. Efforts were made to secure his liberty through the writ of habeas corpus in the United States Circuit Court, but they were unavailing. Passing through the Confed- eracy he reached Wilmington, North Carolina, June 17, 1863. From here he ran the blockade and reached Niagara Falls, Canada, July 15. He after- wards established himself at Windsor, opposite De- troit.
General John Morgan again presented himself at the borders of Ohio in July, 1863. This time he entered, and furnished to the people of the southern part of the State the most anxious period of the war. On the 14th of July he was within thirty miles of Cincinnati, but knowing that they were well pre- pared for him there, he wisely avoided the city. He was on a raid, not a march; lie came to steal, loot, worry, destroy, not to fight or attack. Witli dare- devil methods lie ruslied through Southern Oliio. He passed through Washington C. H., and reached Jackson July 16, burned the Republican newspaper and railroad depot, pillaged the town and sped on his way. Opposite Buffington's Island in the Ohio river his band was cut to pieces by Generals Judah and Hobson. The rebel chieftain himself, with twelve hundred men escaped, but seven hundred prisoners with Colonel Basil Duke and other officers were taken. Morgan in desperation rallied his re- maining men, and with a daring that commands ad- miration, commenced a flight pursued by General Shakelford, who had arrived with a fresh brigade. After two days of pursuit, John Morgan surrendered
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at Salineville, Ohio, on July 26th, to Major Way, of the Ninth Michigan Cavalry.
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