History of Auglaize County, Ohio : with the Indian history of Wapakoneta, and the first settlement of the county, Part 2

Author: Sutton, Robert. 4n
Publication date: 1880
Publisher: Wapakoneta, [Ohio] : Robert Sutton
Number of Pages: 220


USA > Ohio > Auglaize County > Wapakoneta > History of Auglaize County, Ohio : with the Indian history of Wapakoneta, and the first settlement of the county > Part 2


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19


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aries of the organized counties, and to be known by the name of Hardin.


The remaining counties named in the act were Crawford, Marion, Seneca, Sandusky, Wood, Henry, Paulding, and Wil- liams. Section 2d provided that the county of Hardin "shall be attached to the county of Logan."


Auglaize* County comprises a territory which is full of his- toric interest. The Auglaize and St. Marys Rivers were during the campaigns of Harmar and Wayne in 1790 and 1794, and that of Gen. Harrison in 1812 and 1813, the scenes of very stirring events.


The French, pursuing their old and energetic policy of occu- pation and trade, found their way up the " Miami of the Lake" (Maumee), the St. Marys, the Auglaize, and down the Loramie to the Big Miami, at a very early day. In 1673 Marquette, having worked his way up to Mackinaw, embarked with one Joliet and five " voyageurs" in two birch canoes, for an explo- ration of the Great Mississippi, or, as the Indians call it, "Missippi." They passed up Fox River, crossed over by a tedious portage with their canoes, to the Wisconsin, and on the 17th of June, 1663, entered the Mississippi, went down that river to the Arkansas, and becoming satisfied that it really entered into the Gulf of Mexico (which was previously uncertain), they returned, passed up the Illinois River, and so up to the Lake. Soon after this, doubtless, followed the exploration and settlement of these smaller streams, the Miami of the Lake, the St. Marys, and the Auglaize.


It is certain that they occupied here previous to 1756, which was the commencement of the old French War. That war ended in 1763, with the cession of all the French possessions to the English. Immediately upon this cession, the French withdrew, leaving the traces of their occupation in the old cellars which still remain, and could be plainly seen forty years ago in a number of places along the high banks of the St. Mary's River. The navigation of these waters, the St. Marys, the Auglaize, the Loramie, and Miami, at that early day, is very interesting. Goods for the Indian trade were taken up the Maumee and the St. Marys to the head of navigation, which is now St. Marys; there they were carried across what was called the "portage" to the Loramie, at old Fort Loramie. The goods were reshipped at that point, which was called " Loramie Store," thence down the Loramie, which was called "the Western Branch of the Big Miami." This store was so named from a Frenchman, Loramie, who established it as a trading


* Written by the French "Au Glaize," and signifying glassy water. enn EnClaire - Clay- the hawks of places a


a


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post, and it gave his name to the river which flows along its southern side. This navigation was thought to be so valuable, that, in Wayne's Treaty with the Indians in 1795, it was stipu- lated, among other things, "that the Indians will allow the people of the United States a free passage by land and water (as one or the other shall be found convenient) through their country, along the chain of posts; that is to say, from the commencement of the portage aforesaid at or near Loramie's store, thence along said portage to the St. Marys, and down the same to Ft. Wayne, and thence down the Maumee to Lake Erie. Again from the commencement of the portage at or near Loramie's store along the portage, thence to the river Auglaize, and down the same to its junction with the Miami."


This is cited to show the well-known existence and value of this navigation and portage before the Indian wars, and we may well suppose for many previous years.


Gen. George Rogers Clark, having, in 1782, raised a force of one thousand mounted men to chastise the Indians for their murderous assaults upon the settlers at the Blue Licks, marched rapidly up the Big Miami, and so on up the Loramie to the southern end of this portage to "Loramie's store," on "the western branch of the Miami," as it was called, and there de- stroyed all the stores and provisions.


In speaking of this expedition, Gen. Clarke says: "The Trading Post at head of the Miami carrying place to the waters of the Lake shared the same fate as the Shawnee towns about Piqua, which he had just destroyed at the hands of a party of one hundred and fifty horsemen, commanded by Col. Benjamin Logan. The property destroyed was of great amount, and the quantity of provisions burned surpassed all idea we had of Indian stores." It is, therefore, clear that the St. Marys River was navigated at a very early day, and that there were trading posts all along its banks, originally established by the French, and after the old French war occupied, to some extent, by the English traders. This expedition, so sudden and so damaging to the Shawnees, checked them for a time, but only for a short time; and eight years afterward, in 1790, Gen. Harmar was sent out with a force of fourteen hundred men to punish and awe them; and, as a great ultimate object, to get possession of the junction of the St. Joseph and St. Marys, now known as Ft. Wayne. Gen. Harmar started out from Ft. Washing- ton, now Cincinnati, with a miscellaneous force of raw recruits -militia men, volunteers, and a few regulars-without disci pline or subordination; the officers under him struggling for the precedence, and the men-the rank and file-taking an open and active part in this unworthy and unpatriotic strife for the


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leadership. Gen. Harmar marched straight up the Big Miami -on up to Loramie's store, which Gen. Clark had destroyed eight years before-then straight across the portage to the head waters of the St. Marys, then known as Girty's Town- thence down to the crossing of the St. Marys River, now known as Shane's Crossing-thence across the river, and down on the north side to the junction of the St. Joe and St. Marys Rivers, now known as Ft. Wayne, where he was defeated.


Speaking of the line of march of Gen. Wayne's army from Ft. Wayne to Greenville, Isaac Paxton, who was there, says: "They followed Gen. Harmar's old trace up the St. Marys River. On the third day they encamped on the southwest bank of the St. Marys River. This is Shane's Crossing, and on the next day, Oet. 31, 1794, they took up their line of march at sunrise, and marched all day in a heavy rain until three hours after dark, when they encamped at Girty's Town on the St. Marys River" (which is the present St. Marys).


This shows in connection with Gen. Wayne's dispatches that - Gen. Harmar cut the road to Ft. Wayne in 1790.


This defeat of Gen. Harmar, on the 19th of October, 1790, emboldened the Indians, and they became so troublesome and savage, and the alarm of the settlers all along the borders of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Kentucky became so great, that the General Government found it necessary, in 1791, a year afterward, to send out a new army. This army was placed under the command of Gen. St. Clair, then territorial governor and major-general, and, as a part of the history of the time, it may not be amiss to speak of this distinguished man, whose talents, courage, and sacrifices during the Revolutionary strug- gle, and subsequent misfortunes, are strangely blended. It is the more necessary to do this, in order to do justice to the first territorial governor of the territory northwest of the Ohio, and against whom there has existed the strongest prejudice, arising from his misfortune in losing the battle at Fort Recovery. Gen. Arthur St. Clair was by birth a Scotchman who came over and fought under the English flag in the old French war, which commenced in 1756. He distinguished himself at the famous attack upon Quebec, where Wolf lost his life, and that strong citadel fell into the hands of the English. After the peace he went down into Pennsylvania, and settled in the Ligonier Valley, in the new county of Westmoreland, and be- came the first prothonotary or clerk of the county. Here he resided until the breaking out of the Revolutionary War, when, espousing warmly the side of the colonies, and having seen dis- tinguished service, he was made a colonel, and, raising a regiment of seven hundred and fifty men, joined the Pennsylvania Con-


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tinental line in that war, and enjoyed the confidence of Washi- ington and Congress. After the war of the Revolution had ceased, by the Treaty of 1783, he returned to his old residence, and was by his people elected to the Continental Congress, and was made president of that distinguished body in 1786; while occupying that position he was appointed by Washington governor of the new territory northwest of the Ohio. There is no doubt that he was disposed to strong measures, and exer- cised his power in a manner which, while honestly intended, was very offensive to many of the leading men in Southern Ohio, who came from Virginia, and were Jeffersonian Demo- crats. He was a Federalist and a Scotchman. But he was a man of sterling integrity, incorruptible, and fearless in the dis- charge of what he considered his duty.


In a letter to Governor Giles of Virginia, he said that he had become almost impoverished by the war, and had been urged by his friends to accept the governorship, because it would enable him by speculation in western lands to repair his broken fortunes, and provide for his numerous family, but that he had no skill and talent for speculation, and moreover "he did not regard it as consistent with the duties of his office."


Many years afterward, Hon. Elisha Whittlesey, in riding over the Alleghany Mountains on his way to take his seat in Congress, came upon this veteran, now old and poor, keeping a tavern upon the summit of the mountain.


He returned at last to the Ligonier Valley, where he lived several years in the most abject poverty. At length Pennsyl- vania settled on him an annuity of three hundred dollars, which was soon after raised to six hundred, which gave to the gallant old soldier a comfortable subsistence for the little remnant of his days. He died on the 31st of August, 1818, a venerable officer of the Revolution, after a long and useful life .*


Such was the man upon whom was laid the responsibility of subduing the allied Indians, rendered insolent and confident by their defeat of Harmar the previous year. He was ex- horted to levy his troops and be urgent. There was no money to pay the troops, or to provide supplies for them. Every- thing went on slowly and badly ; tents, pack-saddles, kettles, knapsacks, and cartridge boxes, all were deficient in quantity. For instance, of 1675 stand of arms designed for the use of the militia, scarcely any were in order, and with two traveling forges furnished, there were no anvils.


No time had been or could be allowed for drill or practice, but the troops met on the 17th of September, 1791, and moved


* Burnet's Notes, page 383.


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forward. On the 24th of October the tedious march through the wilderness began. The General (St. Clair) was sick, the provisions scarce, roads heavy, making only seven miles a day, and the militia deserting, sometimes sixty a day. When the army reached the Wabash (now Recovery) it numbered only 1400 men. Such was the army of St. Clair, to be opposed to a force of 1200 or 1500 Indians, flushed with success, and at home in the forest.


In both these campaigns the strength, prowess, and skill of the Indians seem to have been underrated. We do not think it necessary to go into a detail of the operations of the field, or to discuss the reasons or causes of this great reverse to our armies. It appears reasonably certain, now, that in addition to the causes of which we have already written, may be added the unfortunate alienation between Gen. St. Clair and Gen. Butler, who was second in command, and who perished in the beginning of the action. Gen. Butler had information of the near presence of the Indians, but he either refused or neglected to advise St. Clair of it. It is very certain that Gen. St. Clair had no accurate information as to the country, the streams, or the presence and force of his enemy. He seems not to have had any time or scouts for making himself acquainted with the work before him. He supposed that he was on the head waters of the St. Marys River.


We shall see hereafter the immense advantage which Gen. Wayne gained on his campaign by his deliberate preparation and full information at every step. But however this may be, Congress exonerated St. Clair from all blame. Our men fought well, and were, probably, the victims of circumstances. The slaughter was dreadful; of 1400, 890 were slain ; of 86 offi- cers, 16 were killed. The rout and consternation were so complete that the men threw away their arms and ran all the way to Fort Jefferson, although the Indians pursued them only about four miles. The tempting plunder of the camp overcame the bloodthirstiness of the savages, and they hurried back to the field of battle to collect and divide it. John Brickell, whose narrative of captivity among the Delaware Indians from May, 1781, to January, 1795, I have now before me, pictures in a very natural and striking light the effect upon them. He says :-


" There was a great stir in the town (on the Auglaize) aoout an army of white men coming to fight the Indians. The squaws and boys were moved, with the goods, down the Maumee, and there awaited the result of the battle, while the men went to war. They met St. Clair and came off victorious, loaded with the spoils of the enemy. Big Cat left the spoils 3


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at the town and came down to move us up. We then found ourselves a rich people. His share of the spoils were two fine horses, four tents, one of which was a noble 'marquee,' which made us a fine house, and in which we lived the remainder of my captivity. He had also clothing in abundance and of all descriptions. I wore a soldier's coat. He had also axes, guns, and everything to make an Indian rich."


These Indians numbered probably 1000 warriors, and were led, not by Little Turtle, the chief of the Ottawas, as was generally supposed, but by the famous Mohawk chief, Brant, who had 150 Mohawk braves with him.


Of the warriors engaged in this battle, the Delawares fur- nished 400, the Shawnees (who afterward lived at the Wapa- koneta Reservation) furnished about 300; the Miamis, who lived about Fort Wayne, 100; the Wyandots, 150; the residue being from the Pottawatomies and Ottawas.


The leaders and principal warriors of the Shawnees were Blue Jacket and Captain Johnny, and the Shawnees were the tribe " whose voice was always still for war."


Simon Girty, whose very name was a terror to the early settlers, was a very savage man. He had four sons : Thomas, Simon, George, and James. Their father was a native of Ire- land ; emigrated and settled in Western Pennsylvania in 1740. His wife and four sons removed to the extreme frontier in 1745. They were taken by the Indians. James fell into the hands of the Shawnees, who occupied all our region of coun- try, and who adopted him as a son. George was adopted by the Delawares, and Simon by the Senecas. Simon was the most conspicnous in his day, and was a leading and influential chief among the allied Indians, and ever present and took an active part in all their councils and deliberations.


James Girty, who was adopted by the Shawnees, was no doubt the Girty who had his residence at the head waters of the St. Marys River, and who gave his name to the old Indian town. We have no means of knowing the date of the estab)- lishment of his residence at St. Marys; but in 1794 Gen. Wayne, in his dispatches, spoke of "the place called Girty's town on Harmar's route," which identifies it. In the Treaty of 1795 it is mentioned as "near Girty's town on the head waters of the St. Marys." We all know that the head waters . of the St. Marys are where old Fort Barbee. stood, just be- low where the three streams-the east, middle, and west branches-enter and form that river. This James Girty was the worst renegade of them all. I copy the following sketch of him from the "Western Annals," to which I am indebted for much information: "As. he approached manhood, he be-


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came dexterous in all the savage life. To the most sanguinary spirit he added all the vices of the depraved frontiersmen, with whom he frequently associated. It is represented that he often visited Kentucky at the time of its first settlement, and many of the inhabitants felt the effects of his cruelty. Neither age nor sex found merey at his hands. His delight was in- carnage. Traders who were acquainted with him say, so furi- ous was he that he would not have turned on his heel to save a prisoner from the flames. His pleasure was to see new and refined tortures inflicted, and, to perfect his gratification, he frequently gave directions."


What finally became of him is not known, and is of little consequence to know, only so that we know he is dead.


We have spoken of James Girty as being the Girty who lived at the head waters of the St. Marys, and gave his name to the old Indian town here. It has been supposed by many that it was Simon who lived here. Simon Girty was taken prisoner with his brothers, James, George, and Thomas, but was afterwards ransomed and returned to Pennsylvania. He enlisted with the English army at Pittsburgh-deserted with Elliott and McKee (those Indian traders who afterwards, in the Indian wars and the war of 1812, made our people so much trouble). They all had their quarters upon the Manmee, and Simon lived upon an island in the Maumee River. He had been adopted by the Delawares originally, but lived some part of his life with the Wyandots.


He led the attack on Dunlap's Station in 1791, and was en- gaged in the war of 1812. Fought with Tecumseh at the battle of the Thames, and for a long time was supposed to have fallen there, but many years after, a resident of Ohio, being in Canada, happened to stop at a public house which was kept by a son-in-law of Girty's. The landlady (daughter of Simon) hearing that he was from Ohio, inquired whether he had ever heard of Simon Girty, and being answered that he had, told him that she was his daughter, and introduced him, or rather pointed out to him her father-the veritable Simon-now old, infirm and blind. He lived to a great age.


From this digression we resume. St. Clair had been de- feated, and had rapidly retreated with his whole force to Fort Washington. The whole frontier was exposed. The Govern- ment found it necessary to organize a new army with more care. Distinguished names were spoken of to command it- Gen Morgan. Gen Wayne, Col. Drake, and Gen. Lee-" Light Horse Harry " as he was called (and a great favorite of Washington's); but Washington had determined upon Wayne, and the result proved his wisdom. That name is now so


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nearly identified with our whole country and with everything among us-towns, streets, wards-that it may be interesting to speak of him. Gen. Anthony Wayne was born in Chester County, Pennsylvania, and was a major general in the revolu- tionary war-ranking high. Washington had a trial of his courage, address, and skill at the taking of Stony Point-the most desperate and brilliant success of the revolutionary war, according to opinions of military men of that war. In this service he seems to have been truly "the right man in the right place." In June, 1792, he moved forward to Pittsburgh, and proceeded at once to organize his army. Washington said to him: "Train and discipline them for the service they are meant for, and do not spare powder and lead, so the men be made marksmen." In December, 1792, the forces were put into camp twenty miles below Pittsburgh, west side of the Ohio, called since "Legionville," after his army, which was ordered to be called " The Legion." Here they were thor- oughly drilled.


Gen. Wayne moved out northward. This march of Wayne has been much discussed, and many opinions have been offered as to his route. This has arisen, I think, from the studied concealment by Wayne of his route. He says in one of his dispatches that he cut one road toward the Miami Town (now Ft. Wayne), one toward the foot of the rapids near Maumee, in order to mislead and deceive them, intending to take neither, but to take a route between the two. When he marched he cut his road as he went day by day, so that he came by a way that they were not looking for him, and had it not been for the capture of one of the deputy quartermasters by the enemy while the Legion was holding Fort Adams, who gave informa- tion of the strength of the forces, the surprise would have been complete. I have by me a daily journal of Wayne's march from Greenville down to the Maumee, of the battle, the build- ing of Fort Adams, Fort Defiance, Fort Wayne, and his return march to Greenville on Nov. 2, 1794.


This journal was kept by Lieutenant Boyer. The accuracy of it is vouched for by George Hill, who joined Wayne's army at Pittsburg in August, 1792, and continued therein until dis- charged in Detroit in April, 1798. In this journal the march is plainly shown, day by day. We here insert so much of it as refers to the matter in point :-


"Fort Greenville .- Where we were employed in erecting huts, and remained until July 28, 1794.


"Camp at Stillwater, 28th July, 1794 .- Agreeable to the general order of yesterday, the Legion took up their line of march at eight, and encamped at half-past three on the bank


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of Stillwater, twelve miles from Greenville. The weather ex- tremely warm-water bad. Nothing occurred worth noticing. "Camp one mile in advance of Fort Recovery, 29th July, 1794 .- At five o'clock left the camp, arrived on the ground at one o'clock, being fifteen miles. Nothing took place worth reciting. "Camp Beaver Swamp, eleven miles in advance of Fort Recovery, 30th July, 1794 .- This morning the Legion took up the line of march, and arrived here at three o'clock. The road was to cut, as will be the case, on every new route we take in this country. The weather still warm. No water except in ponds, which nothing but excessive thirst would induce us to drink. The mosquitos are very troublesome, and larger than I ever saw. The most of this country is covered with beech, the land of a wet soil, intermixed with rich tracts, but no run- ning water to be found. A bridge to be built over this swamp to-morrow, which prevents the march of the Legion till the day after. We are informed there is no water for twelve miles.


"July 31, 1794 .- Commenced building the bridge, being seventy yards in length, which will require infinite labor. It will be five feet deep with loose mud and water. One hundred pioneers set out this morning, strongly escorted, to cut a road to the St. Marys River, twelve miles. I expect the bridge ' will be completed so as to march early in the morning.


"Camp, St. Marys River, 1 August, 1794 .- Proceeded on our way before sunrise, and arrived at this place at three o'clock, being twelve miles. Our encampment is on the largest and most beautiful prairie I ever beheld. The land rich and well timbered; the water plenty but very bad. The river is from forty-five to fifty yards wide, in which I bathed. I am told there is plenty of fish in it.


"August 2, 1794 .- The Legion detained here for the purpose of erecting a garrison, which will take up three days. This day one of the deputy quartermasters was taken up by the Indians. Our spies discovered where four of the enemy had retreated precipitately with a horse, and supposed to be the party the above person had been taken by. It is hoped he will not give accurate information of our strength.


"August 3 .- An accident took place this day by a tree fall- ing on the commander-in-chief, and nearly putting an end to his existence. We expect to be detained here some time in consequence of it, but fortunately he is not so much hurt as to prevent him from riding at a slow pace. No appearance of the enemy to-day, and think they are preparing for a warm attack. The weather very hot and dry without any appearance of rain.


"Camp thirty-one miles in advance of Fort Recovery, 4th August .- The aforesaid garrison being completed, Lieut. Un- 3*


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derhill with one hundred men left to protect it; departed at six o'clock, and arrived here at three, being ten miles. The land we marched through is rich and well timbered, but the water scarce and bad-obliged to dig holes in boggy places and let it settle.


"Camp forty-four miles in advance of Fort Recovery, 5th August .- We arrived at this place at four o'clock, nothing par- ticular occurring. The land and water as above described.


"Camp fifty-six miles from Fort Recovery, 6th August, 1794. -Encamped on the ground at two o'clock. In the course of our march perceived the tracks of twenty. I am informed we are within six miles of one of their towns on the Auglaize River. Supposed to be the upper Delaware Town. If so, I expect to eat green corn to-morrow. Our march this day has been through an exceedingly fine country, but the water still bad. The weather cooler than heretofore.




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