USA > Pennsylvania > Luzerne County > Wilkes-Barre > A history of Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania : from its first beginnings to the present time, including chapters of newly-discovered early Wyoming Valley history, together with many biographical sketches and much genealogical material. Volume I > Part 52
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On November 5th Speaker Norris, in behalf of the Assembly, transmitted a reply to the Governor's message, in part as follows§ :
"It is too evident that the back settlers are greatly alarmed and terrified, and that cruelties have been committed upon the inhabitants (principally within the late purchase made by the Proprietaries the last year at Albany) by some parties of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians, joined, perhaps-though that is not very clear-with a few of the French Mohawks. *
* In our opinion it requires great care and judgment in con-
ducting our Indian affairs at this critical juncture. * The Six Nations are in alliance with the Crown of Great Britain, and numbers of them joined the King's forces under General Johnson, who acted with great fidelity and bravery. It seems absolutely neces- sary on our part to request the Governor to inform us whether he knows of any disgust or injury the Delawares or Shawanese have ever received from this Province, and by what means their affections can have been so alienated as to take up the hatchet against us."
This document having been received and considered by the Governor and Council they came to the unanimous opinion that the Assembly did not intend to provide for the defense and security of the Province by pre- paring and passing certain Bills which the Governor had recommended.
On November 8th Scarooyady, Montour and Jagrea arrived in Philadelphia, and reported that they had gone on the Governor's mission "as far up the Susquehanna as where the Nanticokes live."|| Scaroo- yady stated that about 300 Indians were living on the Susquehanna, "all hearty in the English interest" and waiting impatiently to know what
* See "Pennsylvania Archives," First Series, II : 459.
t See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VI : 671.
# See Egle's "History of Pennsylvania," edition of 1883, page 88.
¿ See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VI : 677.
|| Chenango, or Otsiningo, New York. See pages 219 and 238.
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the Government proposed to do. These Indians having heard of Brad- dock's defeat had been inclined to waver in their loyalty to the English. But, learning of the success of Sir William Johnson and the Indians at Lake George, they were now anxious to go on the war-path with either the Six Nations or the Pennsylvanians. They sent by the "Half King" this message to Governor Morris: "If you will not fight with us we will go elsewhere. We never can nor ever will put up with the affront [the defeat of the Indian allies of the English in western Pennsylvania]. If we cannot be safe where we are, we will go somewhere else for pro- tection and take care of ourselves." The Governor reported to the Assembly :
"These Indians desire that we would put the hatchet into their hands ; that we would send a number of young men to act in conjunction with their warriors, and furnish necessary arms, ammunition, etc. They insist upon knowing the resolution of this Government, and to have an explicit answer without delay, that they may prepare to act with us, or take the necessary measures for their own security."
Referring to the message received from the Assembly a few days previously, Governor Morris said :
"You have now been sitting six days, and, instead of strengthening my hands and providing for the safety and defense of the people and Province in this time of imminent danger, you have sent me a message wherein you talk of regaining the affections of the Indians now employed in laying waste the country and butchering the inhabitants, and of inquiring what injustice they have received, and into the causes of their falling from their alliance with us and taking part with the French. Such language at this time and while the Province is in its present circumstances seems to me very extraordinary. * * I am sorry you should send me the Bill I have just now received, when I had heretofore *
refused my assent to one of the same kind. * I shall not enter into a dispute whether the Proprietaries ought to be taxed or not."
It seems that the Governor (who, it will be remembered, was in every respect the personal representative of the Proprietaries of the Province,* and bound to look out for their interests) was at loggerheads with the Assembly relative to a Bill for the taxation of real estate-in- cluding the lands belonging to the Proprietaries-which that body pro- posed to enact into a law. Revenues were needed, immediately, for the pay of soldiers and to procure subsistence for them, for the purchase of arms and ammunition, for the erection of fortifications, etc. But the Provincial treasury was empty, and it could be replenished only by issuing bills of credit, based upon certain tax-laws.
The Provincial Council, "astonished to see the obstinacy of the Assembly carry them such lengths as not to enable the Governor to give an answer to Scarooyady," decided not to beat about the bush, but to explain to the "Half King," from their stand-point, the exact situation of affairs. The "Half King" was amazed, saying the failure of the Governor to send a prompt and favorable reply "would occasion the absolute defection of the Delawares [on the Susquehanna], who, by proper encouragement, might even now be firmly secured to the interest of the Province."
"The cold indifference of the Assembly at such a crisis," says Egle ("History of Pennsylvania," page 91), "awoke the deepest indignation throughout the Province. Public meetings were held in various parts of Lancaster and in the frontier counties, at which it was resolved that they would 'repair to Philadelphia and compel the Provincial authori- ties to pass proper laws to defend the country and oppose the enemy.' In addition, the dead bodies of some of the murdered and mangled were
* See note, page 212.
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sent to that city and hauled about the streets, with placards announcing that these were victims of the Quaker policy of non-resistance. A large and threatening mob surrounded the House of Assembly, placed the dead bodies in the door-way, and demanded immediate relief for the people of the frontiers. Such indeed were the desperate measures resorted to for self-defense." Complaints as to the condition of affairs at this time in Pennsylvania reached also the ears of the Home Government in England, and a report on the subject made by a special committee to the "Privy Council for Plantation Affairs" contained these paragraphs *:
"This is not the first complaint which His Majesty's subjects, inhabitants of that Province [Pennsylvania] have made of the distressed state of it, arising from the Assembly's neglecting to make proper provision by law for putting it into a posture of defense in times of danger and hostility. A like complaint was made to His Majesty in 1742, upon an examination into which it did appear that no laws had ever been enacted in that Province for the defense of it, for the building of forts, for raising or training any militia, or in general for providing against any danger from without, either by Indians, Pirates or other enemies. * * The same system of inaction and neglect of the public safety has ever since prevailed and been pursued by the Assembly."
Within a few days after Governor Morris had sent his last-men- tioned message to the Pennsylvania Assembly he wrote to Sir William Johnson, at Mount Johnson, in part as follows :
"The unhappy defeat of General Braddock has brought an Indian war upon this and the neighboring Provinces, and from a quarter where it was least expected-the Dela- wares and Shawanese, from whom we thought there was no danger, as they had the very last year given us assurances of their continuing quiet and taking part with us when we should ask them to do so ; and they made the same promise to the Six Nations. * * * I assure you that all the families from Augusta County, Virginia, to the River Delaware have been obliged to quit their plantations on the north side of that chain of hills which is called the Endless Mountains, and that the Indians are expected to continue their ravages into New York and New Jersey. *
* * The defection of the Delawares and the Shawanese is without the least provocation from us, but that as they say themselves it is to show the Six Nations that they are no longer women ! * * * You will see by the enclosed papers that these French Shawanese and Delawares have offered the French hatchet to the Susquehanna Indians, but they have refused to take it."
Sir William Johnson had, at this time, some very well settled ideas of his own as to the reasons for the defection of the Delawares and Shaw- anese. On July 3, 1755, he had held a public conference with the Six Nations (see page 304), when their principal speaker saidt :
"Brother, you desire us to unite and live together and draw all our allies near us. But we shall have no land left either for ourselves or them, for your people, when they buy a small piece of land of us, by stealing they make it large. *
* * The Governor of Pennsylvania bought a whole tract and only paid for half, and [we] desire you will let him know that we will not part with the other half, but keep it.'
With this speech as well as other matters in mind, Sir William wrote in September, 1756, to the Lords of Trade and Plantations, at London, in part as follows} :
"The hostilities which Pennsylvania in particular has suffered, from some of the Indians living on the Susquehanna, did in some measure arise from the large purchase made by that Government two years ago [July 6, 1754] at Albany. I have more reason every day, from talking with the Indians, to be confirmed in this suspicion. I am inclined to believe, though this purchase was publicly consented to at Albany, some of the Six Nations are disgusted at it, and others repent their consenting to it, and that part of them do underhand connive at the disturbances between the Susquehanna Indians and the Province of Pennsylvania, whose raising forces and building forts on Susquehanna River -though it hath very plausible pretenses-is at the bottom bad policy, and really intended to secure lands which it would be more for the true interest of the community to give up -at least for the present.
"I conceive the most effectual method of producing tranquillity to that Province would be the voluntary and open surrender of that deed of sale ; fix with the Indians in the best manner they can the bounds for their settlements, and make them guarantees to
* See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VII : 272.
+ See "Documentary History of New York State," I : 414.
Į See "Documents Relating to the Colonial History of New York," VII : 130.
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it. I know this land was fairly and publicly paid for, and that the Indians are unjust and unreasonable to recant and keep the money ; but if the times and good policy require it, to yield will be more advantageous than to contest."
The Moravian Brethren Seidel and Zeisberger, who arrived in Wyo- ming Valley on the 25th of October, 1755 (as mentioned on page 320), spent six days at "Wyoming, the Shawanese town, and Lechaweke [Asserughney], the Minising town," and "found the Indians at Wyo- ming in great fear of the French Indians, and much concerned lest the white people should think that they (the Indians at Wyoming) had had a hand in the late disturbance. At Lechaweke the Indians were entirely ignorant of the whole affair, as there they were all together at their Thanksgiving Harvest-feast."* Seidel and Zeisberger reached Bethle- hem November 2d, on their return from Wyoming ; and four days later the Brethren John Jacob Schmickt and Henry Freyt set out from Bethlehem for Wyoming, which, for some reason or other, they did not reach until the 10th of November. To prevent any apprehension of evil and to avoid animosity on the part of the Indians, neither of the Brethren, contrary to custom, carried a gun. Their business was with "Chief Packshanos, Abraham and Jonathan, § * * to salute them and desire their assistance" to conduct Mark Kieffer (a Moravian Brother who had been for some time serving as blacksmith for the Indians at Shamokin) in safety from Shamokin to Wyoming, and send him thence with Christian Frederick Post to Bethlehem. In giving an account of their experiences at Wyoming the Brethren stated|| :
"About noon [of Monday, November 10th] we crossed the Susquehanna and came to Wyoming, where the Indians, as soon as they heard of white people being come, all stood at their doors to see us, and saluted us, and we them ; and so we went along until we came to Packshanos their Chief's house, where the Indians came to us, shook hands with us and bid us welcome. *
* 'We are old, we can't travel well,' Packshanos and Abraham said. 'But,' said Packshanos, 'I will send my son' ; and Jonathan said, 'I am willing to go with him.' * * Accordingly they set out on Tuesday the 11th. Packshanos keeps very good order among his Indians at Wyoming, and no one goes out hunting with- out first acquainting him when and where he intends to go, when he'll return, &c."
Tuesday morning (November 11th), at sunrise, Schmick and Frey left Paxinosa's town on their homeward journey, and about the same time Jonathan and Paxinosa's son, Samuel, set off down the river to fetch Kieffer from Shamokin.T The latter, however, alarmed at the
* See "Pennsylvania Archives," First Series, II : 459.
+ JOHN JACOB SCHMICK was born at Königsberg, Prussia, October 9, 1714, and was liberally educated for the Church. While in charge of a Lutheran congregation in Livonia he became acquainted with the Moravian Brethren, with whom he united in 1748. He arrived at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, in September, 1751, and, being appointed to serve at the Indian mission, turned his attention to the Mohegan language, in which he soon became very proficient. He labored among the Indians at Bethlehem, at Nain (after their dispersion from Gnadenhütten), and then followed them into exile at Philadelphia. In April, 1765, he accompanied Zeisberger and the Moravian Indians to Wyalusing, to found Friedenshütten (see note, page 220)-returning shortly afterwards to Bethlehem ; but in July, 1766, he and his wife, Joanna, repaired to Friedenshütten, where they lived and labored until May, 1772. For the first two or three months of this period of nearly six years Schmick was Zeisberger's assistant, but upon the latter's departure from the mission the former succeeded him as missionary in charge. It is said that Schmick usually preached in the Mohegan tongue. He died at Lititz, Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, January 23, 1778.
Į HENRY FREY was, as early at least as 1742, a resident of Skippack, in what is now Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, and belonged to "The Associated Brethren of Skippack," or "Wiegner's Economy," an organization which met at the farm of Christopher Wiegner (near the present Kulpsville), "for the worship of God and for religious edification." Some time later Frey removed to Bethlehem, where he joined the Moravian Brethren.
§ JONATHAN was the son of Abraham mentioned above, who was the Mohegan chief Abraham previ- ously mentioned.
See "Pennsylvania Archives," First Series, II : 458.
" The following paragraph is from an original unpublished letter in the collections of the Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, written at Bethlehem, January 12, 1818, by the Rev. J. G. B. Hecke- welder (mentioned on page 42), and addressed to Isaac A. Chapman of Wilkes-Barré, then engaged in writing his "History of Wyoming." * * * "A later chief of the Shawanese nation, named Paxnous, became their [the Moravian Brethren's] sincere friend, rendering them at times essential services, especially at the time in 1755 when a banditti of the Six Nations [sic] had fell upon the settlers near Shamokin and had murdered fourteen white people, when he, upon application by the Brethren, relieved a Brother named Kieffer who was stationed at Shamokin at the time, by his sending his sons to conduct him in safety to the settlements, and with orders that if they should find that he already was in the hands of the enemy, to take such measures that he be rescued from them."
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conditions prevailing in the vicinity of Shamokin, had set out alone for Wyoming. He was met on the way by Jonathan and Samuel, who turned back with him to Wyoming; whence, accompanied by several other Indians and missionary Post (who had then been in the valley for several months), they proceeded over the mountains to Gnadenhütten, where they arrived November 20th. David Zeisberger was then at Gnadenhütten, and, upon receiving certain information from the Wyo- ming Indians, he hastened to Bethlehem, where he drew up the following statement and made oath to it before Justice Timothy Horsfield, who forwarded the document to the Governor at Philadelphia .*
"22 November, 1755, David Zeisberger upon his solemn affirmation declareth and saith : That Indian Jonathan the day before yesterday came from Wyoming on Sasqua- hannah River to Gnadenhütten, and reported that the Indians living on the River between Wyoming and Nescopecky had observed and followed the tracks of a considerable number of Indians in their neighborhood until they could discover by their tracks that they had divided and gone several ways in small companies. That the Indians at Wyoming were all of opinion that those Indians they tracked were enemies, and that they would soon attack the settlements upon the Delaware River. That the Wyoming Indianst met in council to consider what was best to be done, and it was decided that Jonathan should come to Gnadenhütten to see if the Indians could safely come down amongst the white people, who they were afraid would suspect them for enemies. If they found they might safely come they would send five or six of their chiefs to the Governor to inform him of what had passed, and of their fidelity to the English. That Jonathan yesterday returned back to Wyoming, and promised to be back in four days to be assured if the Indians could be safely conducted to Philadelphia."
On Sunday, November 9th-the day before Schmick and Frey reached Wyoming-Charles Brodhead of Smithfield Township, North- ampton County, son of Daniel Brodhead, Sr. (mentioned on page 258), had arrived at Teedyuscung's town (now Wilkes-Barré)-evidently sent here by Governor Morris, or some one in authority, to interview Teedy- uscung. Brodhead found the Indians very uneasy. At his desire they were summoned to meet forthwith in conference, but they did not gather together until about ten o'clock at night. The Indians then formulated a message to the Governor, which they asked Brodhead to carry to Philadelphia with two strings of wampum which they gave him. Teedyuscung referred to the fact that Sir William Johnson had sent word to him and his companions when they were at Philadelphia to return to Wyoming and be still there till they heard from him. Since then they had heard nothing either from Johnson or the Governor or the Six Nations, and they did not know what to do. "And now," continued he, "we hear the hatchets are flying about our ears, which puts us in fears, and makes us believe we are in great danger." Owing to the unsettled condition of the country and to other interferences Brod- head was unable to deliver this message to the Governor until Novem- ber 29th, at which time he also made the following statement§ :
"These Indians settled at Wyomink consist of Delawares, Shawanese and Mini- sinks, || and it is my opinion that they are very true to the English interest at this time ; though how long they may so continue without receiving the hatchet from us is hard to determine. They show great willingness to join with us against the French and their Indians. The number of warriors at Wyomink on the 9th inst. was about thirty, but
* For a copy of the original, made at the time by Justice Horsfield, see "The Horsfield Papers" in the collections of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia.
+ Undoubtedly the Shawanese and Mohegans in Paxinosa's town.
Į See page 315. ¿ See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VI : 751.
| It seems to have been the custom about this period for many of the whites as well as the Indians to refer to the Minsis, or Monseys, as a separate and distinct tribe of Indians; and, about the same time, the Unami clan of the Delawares was also often referred to in the same manner. For example, in August, 1757, when Teedyuscung was conferring with Governor Denny and his Council he was asked who the Unamis were, and in reply stated that they were "a distinct tribe of Delaware Indians, and Allummapees [men- tioned on page 186, ante] was formerly King of that tribe." (See "Colonial Records of Pennsylvania," VII : 726.)
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much larger bodies of them were higher up the river and branches, many of which I imagine would join with those at Wyomink on receiving proper encouragement from us."
In November, 1756, at a conference held in Easton, Teedyuscung stated with reference to Brodhead's visit to him one year previously, as just described :
"I lived in the middle of the road leading from the Six Nations to Philadelphia, where I was ordered by my uncles to sit down. And there I sat in profound peace, under no apprehension of danger, * * * until all at once a man-Charles Brodhead-an in- habitant of this Province, came to me at Wyoming and told me (as if he had such a mes- sage from the Governor) that I had struck my brothers the English ; which I denied over and over. And when I could not prevail with him to believe me, I took two hand- fuls of wampum and desired him to go down with them to the Governor and assure him that it was not I who struck the English."*
This is the language of a blusterer possessed of a guilty conscience. Neither Governor Morris nor Charles Brodhead suspected Teedyuscung of having had a hand in any of the hostilities or atrocities which had been committed in eastern Pennsylvania during October and the first week of November, 1755, and they certainly did not charge him with having had any connection therewith either as a participant or an acces- sory. Just one week after Brodhead's conference with Teedyuscung at Wyoming (to wit, on Sunday, November 16, 1755) a band of hostile Indians crossed the Susquehanna into Berks County at some distance below Shamokin, where they murdered thirteen persons, burnt a number of houses and destroyed cattle, grain, etc. Some writers (among them Pearcet) have stated that Teedyuscung was the leader of this band- which is highly improbable. Nearly all the hostile incursions from which the white settlers in eastern Pennsylvania suffered during October and November, 1755, were made by Delawares and Shawanese from beyond the Alleghenies, led by either Shingast or "Captain Jacobs," two noted Delaware chiefs, or by sub-chiefs or captains under their directions.
At a meeting of the Provincial Council held in Philadelphia Novem- ber 14, 1755, Scarooyady and Andrew Montour were instructed to go with all possible despatch to the Six Nations by way of the Susque- hanna; and they were directed as they traveled along to apprize all friendly Indians of the doings of the Ohio Indians, and, wherever they thought it politic, to apply in behalf of the Government for assistance from the well-disposed Indians. They were given a supply of wampum belts and strings. At the same time Aroas, or "Silver Heels," a friendly Six Nation Indian (the step-son of "The Old Belt," an old and friendly Seneca chief of some renown who lived on the Susquehanna near Har- ris' Ferry), was sent by Governor Morris from John Harris' "along the east side of the Susquehanna as far as Shamokin and Nescopeck to observe what was doing by the Indians there." The Governor had recently learned that the Indians on the North Branch of the river had "given the French Indians leave to seat themselves at Nescopeck."
* See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VII : 322.
t See his "Annals of Luzerne County," page 40.
Į SHINGAS was a brother of Tamaque, or "Beaver," the King of the western Delawares. About 1748 and later the town at the mouth of Beaver River-not far from Logstown, mentioned on page 213-was known indifferently as "King Beaver's Town" or "Shingas' Old Town." It was a noted fur-trading station, and the French erected houses there for the Indians after the building of Fort Duquesne. In 1755 and '56 Shingas, "Beaver" and "Captain Jacobs" lived at Kittanning, about twenty miles north of Fort Duquesne. (See map facing page 320.) During this period Shingas had the reputation of being the greatest warrior among his people, and such a terror did he become to the frontier settlements of Pennsylvania that the Government set a reward of £200 on his head or scalp. In April, 1756, Governor Morris wrote to Sir William Johnson : "The main body of the Delawares live at Kittanning and the other Delaware towns on and beyond the Ohio, and have been the most mischievous, and do still, even so late as last week, con- tinue to murder and destroy." (See "Pennsylvania Colonial Records," VIII : 98.)
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