USA > Pennsylvania > Erie County > A twentieth century history of Erie County, Pennsylvania : a narrative account of its historic progress, its people, and its principal interests, Volume I > Part 7
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Having rebuilt the fort as an important part of the act of taking possession, it became quite as important that it should be held; therefore
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it was garrisoned. But it was not a very large force that was stationed at Presque Isle. Now that the French power was obliterated, and that there were no enemies to fear nor peaceful settlers or subjects of Great Britain to protect, the holding of this outpost was regarded as a mere matter of form. The same sentiments prevailed with reference to Fort Le Bœuf, and the same methods were pursued.
But there was a fate hanging over both of these forts of which the too confident English commander had not the remotest idea. There was a foe even more subtle than the French that he would have to deal with, and in the hands of this wily individual the garrisons left in charge of the new English defenses were as little more than nothing. Both Presque Isle and Le Bœuf were to have the bitter experience of fierce and deter- mined Indian fighting, for both of these were soon to fall at the hands of the braves of Pontiac.
Singularly enough, after passing up the lake, at Detroit, Major Rod- gers met and had an interview with Pontiac. He was celebrated as a chief of the Ottawa nation and is supposed to have been the principal leader, in the battle of the Monongahela. of the Indians who were the real cause of the defeat of Gen. Braddock. When he learned that Major Rodgers was proceeding up the lakes to take possession for the English, Pontiac set out, with a force of his warriors, to meet him. After his first salutation he sternly demanded of the English officer his business in his (the Indian's) territory, and how he dared to venture upon it without his permission, and added that though the French had been defeated, he had not. Major Rodgers having answered that he came "to confirm peace with his nation and open a friendly acquaintance for the mutual advantage of both," Pontiac replied: "I shall stand in the path you are walking in till morning," intimating to Major Rodgers that he could not proceed without his permission upon full deliberation. After a time Pontiac permitted the detachment to proceed, and, with his war- riors accompanied it to Detroit, when he sent messengers to the neigh- boring tribes, soliciting them, with him, to embrace terms of friendship. with the English.
The Ottawas, of which Pontiac was a chief. had from the beginning been strong friends and allies of the French. They were not friendly, on general principles, with the Indians of the Six Nations, though at peace with them. It was a politic peace. The Iroquois was a much too warlike people and too powerful a confederacy for the Indians of the north to provoke-indeed in their wars of conquest the Iroquois had in- vaded the lands of the Ottawas to a very considerable extent and no doubt would have pushed their conquests further if the barrier of the French had not stood between them. Pontiac and his Ottawa warriors were at Fort Duquesne as the allies of the French, having found their way thither along with the French forces that had traversed the route by way of Fort Presque Isle and the route down the Venango river. Generally
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speaking it was a trait of the Indians to take sides with the stronger power. It was not, however, with Pontiac and his braves. He remained true to his French friends, and though he made a pact of peace with Major Rodgers and the English, as the sequel will show, it was only a subter fuge.
It was not long after the deal with the English at Detroit that Pontiac set about developing his scheme-in history it is known as Pon- tiac's conspiracy-which was intended to completely wipe out all the English in the interior from Fort Presque Isle-and even Niagara-to the farthest post west. And it was done with the consummate skill of a master. The French, adepts in intrigue, could learn from this Indian chief many points in the art which they believed peculiarly their own. Drake, in his history of the Indians, says: "There was more system employed by this distinguished man than perhaps by any other of his countrymen upon any similar undertaking, not excepting even Metac- omet or Tecumseh. In his war of 1763, which is justly denominated Pontiac's War, he appointed a commissary and began to make and issue bills of credit, all of which he afterward carefully redeemed. . . He had also, with great sagacity, urged upon his people the necessity of dispensing altogether with European commodities, to have no intercourse with any whites, and to depend entirely upon their ancient modes of procuring sustenance."
The operations planned by this famous savage covered a wide ex- panse of territory-Michilimackinac on the west and Niagara on the east were the limits, and Fort Pitt on the south. In all there were a dozen forts, and all were to be attacked practically simultaneously. The organ- ization was so complete that the forces assigned were ample, provided the stratagem of the Indians availed to secure the initial advantage, to completely overcome the garrisons of the forts. Destruction was the purpose and slaughter the intent. Among the posts marked for destruc- tion were the two in Erie county.
Fort Le Bœuf was at the time commanded by Ensign Price and his force consisted of only thirteen men. It was on the 17th of June, 1763, that, early in the day, the Ensign discovered that his small defense was surrounded by the savages. It was easy to decide that his case was hopeless, for he was greatly outnumbered. Surrender, however, was not to be considered, for in that no hope appeared. In the hands of the hostiles nothing short of death could be looked for, and, having taken counsel with his brave followers, it was decided that with nothing but death before them, the best to be done was to sell their lives as dearly as they might. All day therefore he kept up a show of resistance; as good a show as was possible. When night fell, however, along with his handful of followers he contrived to escape through a drain, and, eluding the braves, succeeded after great hardships in reaching Fort Pitt. During the night the Indians renewed the attack on the fort, which, now defence-
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less, was easily set on fire and totally destroyed, the Indians believing its defenders had perished in the flames.
There was a different story at Fort Presque Isle. Having utterly destroyed Fort Le Bœuf the Indian force at once proceeded in the direc- tion of Presque Isle, reaching here June 22. There was a force of two hundred Senecas and Ottawas, all fighting braves, and immediately upon reaching the fort fierce hostilities were begun, for the garrison put up a most courageous and stubborn defense. The garrison was under com- inand of Ensign Christie of the Royal American regiment. It is not a matter of record that the garrison expected the attack, and yet they were as well prepared as though, like good soldiers, they had been alert and learned that the savage enemy was coming.
The fort was admirably situated for defense. Standing on the crest of the lake bluff, it could be approached only from the land side, and the most was made of this circumstance. From the account given by Parkman it would seem as though the stockade had fallen into decay or been destroyed or removed. But the fort was in excellent condition. It was a large block house, two stories high, and so constructed that the diameter of the upper story exceeded that of the lower story by several feet, enabling the occupants to fire through openings in the floor upon an enemy who attacked the walls of the lower story. But, though the building was solidly constructed of massive timbers, it had the vulnerable feature of a shingle roof, and this served as a point of attack by the Indians, who exerted their ingenuity to set fire to it. Again and again they were successful, but the besieged were able by the use of water, of which they had a reasonably good supply, to extinguish the flames, for by wise forethought openings covered with planks had been left in the roof. But the fires were frequent and at length the supply of water in the barrels was becoming exhausted.
What could be done? There was a well in the parade ground, but it was out of the question to try to reach that. There seemed to be but one resource, and that to dig a well in the blockhouse itself. A detail of men was assigned to this duty. The floor of the lower story was torn up and while a part of the force kept up an incessant fire to hold the enemy at a distance, the others, with the energy of desperation, were working at the well. It was toilsome work and tedious. Before it was half completed the cry of "Fire" again went up and it was necessary to brave the dangers of being hit by the bullets or shafts of the savages and tear the blazing shingles from the roof.
By this time it was evening. From the earliest morning the beleag- ured garrison had kept up the fight, never knowing a moment's rest. Nor were they now to find relief from their toil. All night long from their entrenched positions the Indians kept up their fire in an evident determination to wear out the defenders of the fort. They were able
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to do so because of their much greater number, which permitted some to fight while the rest slept.
Morning broke, but with no promise nor hope for the devoted Christie and his gallant band, and yet they held out. All day long the fight raged. Several times the blockhouse was on fire, but fortunately, in each instance the flames were extinguished. Hard by stood the house of the commander of the fort. It, too, was a structure of logs. This the Indians set on fire and it was burned to the ground, but without communicating, as the Indians no doubt intended it should, with the blockhouse. Again night fell, but the firing continued incessantly until midnight, at which hour some one from the ranks of the Indians called out in French for the garrison to surrender, as it would be useless to attempt further defense, for preparations had been completed to fire the blockhouse above and below at the same time.
It seemed a horrible alternative. Ensign Christie demanded to know if there was anyone among the Indians who could speak English, where- upon one attired as a savage stepped forward for a parley. There was little left to choose in the offer that was made. "Surrender and your lives will be spared; refuse and you will be burned to death!" But Christie was not disposed to trust an Indian promise of mercy, even if he believed they were able to set fire to the blockhouse. He resolved to hold out to the last. He answered, however, that he could not give a reply before morning, and he was given that respite.
On the morning of the third day two men were sent out on the pretense of treating with the Indians, but in reality to learn whether there actually were preparations being made to burn the fort. The report con- firmed the fears of the garrison, and they decided to surrender on the terms offered, which were that they would be permitted to abandon this part of the country. In spite of the agreement, however, the whites were surrounded as soon as they emerged from the fort, and seized, and after being held in captivity at the Indian camp for several days, were sent to Detroit as prisoners of war. At that time Pontiac himself, with his braves were besieging Detroit, but failed in his enterprise. Christie contrived to escape from his custodians and gained the fort in safety, enduring with Major Gladwin and his force the long and perilous siege that Pontiac conducted in his vain attempt to take Detroit.
There is, however, another account of the taking of Fort Presque Isle by Pontiac's Indians. It was given by Mr. H. L. Harvey, formerly editor of the Erie Observer, who was, says Miss Laura G. Sanford in her history of Erie county, a gentleman of research and integrity. Mr. Harvey says :
The troops retired to their quarters to procure their morning re- past ; some had already finished, and were sauntering about the fortress or upon the shore of the lake. All were joyous in holiday attire and
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dreaming of naught but the pleasure of the occasion. A knock was heard at the gate, and three Indians were announced in hunting garb, desiring an interview with the commander. Their tale was soon told. They said they belonged to a hunting party, who had started for Niagara with a lot of furs ; that their canoes were bad, and they would prefer disposing of them here, if they could do so to advantage, and re- turn rather than go farther ; that their party were encamped by a small stream west of the fort about a mile, where they had landed the previous night, and where they wished the commander to go and examine their peltries. as it was difficult to bring them, and they wished to embark where they were, if they did not trade. The commander, accompanied by a clerk, left the fort with the Indians, charging that none should leave the fort, and none be admitted until his return. Well would it probably have been had this order been obeyed. After the lapse of sufficient time for the captain to visit the encampment of the Indians and return, a party of the latter, variously estimated-probably one hundred and fifty- advanced toward the fort, bearing upon their backs what ap- peared to be large packs of furs, which they informed the lieutenant the captain had purchased and ordered deposited in the fort. The stratagem succeeded ; when the party were all within the fort, it was the work of an instant to throw off their packs and the short cloaks which covered their weapons, the whole being fastened by one loop and button at the neck. Resistance at this time was useless, and the work of death was as rapid as savage strength and weapons could make it. The shortened rifles, which had been sawed off for the purpose of concealing them under their cloaks and in the packs of furs, were at once discharged, and the tomahawk and knife completed their work. The history of savage warfare presents not a scene of more heartless and blood thirsty vengeance than was exhibited on this occasion. The few who were taken prisoners in the fort were doomed to the various tortures devised by savage ingenuity, and all but two who awoke to celebrate that day, had passed to the eternal world. Of these one was a soldier who had gone into the woods near the fort, and on his return observing a party of Indians dragging away some prisoners, escaped, and im- mediately proceeded to Niagara; the other was a soldier's wife, who had taken shelter in a small stone house, at the month of the creek used as a wash-house. Here she remained unobserved until near night of the fatal day, when she was made their prisoner. but was ultimately ransomed and restored to civilized life. She was afterward married and settled in Canada, where she was living at the commencement of the present (last) century. Captain D. Dobbins, of the revenue service, has frequently talked with the woman, who was redeemed by a Mr. Douglas, living opposite Black Rock, in Canada. From what she wit- nessed, and heard from the Indians during her captivity, as well as from information derived from other sources, this statement is made.
Though Pontiac's forces were successful against almost all the smaller forts it was quite different with the others. Detroit, though long beleaguered and almost in extremity was at length relieved, and Fort
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Ligonier and Fort Pitt, both in Western Pennsylvania were successfully defended by the English. There was vigorous campaigning in this state. For a time Fort Ligonier, ably defended by Lieutenant Blane, was in great danger, but relieved by reinforcements was later placed out of danger by Colonel Bouquet, then on his way to Fort Pitt. The principal part of the work of subduing the Indians in the vicinity of the Ohio was done by Colonel Bouquet, a valiant Swiss soldier at the time in the service of England. In August, 1763, he administered a stinging defeat to the Indians at Bushy Run, in Westmoreland county, and drove the savages across the Ohio for the time entirely subdued, so that for the rest of the year the country, from Fort Presque Isle to Sandusky and south to the lower Muskingum, Indian hostilities were at an end.
But it was not for long. As early as February, in 1764, savage atrocities were resumed. The Indian campaign was no longer directed against the fortified places. The settlements and the isolated farmsteads were now the objects of attack. For relief from these it was resolved to organize a double expedition. Col. Bouquet, who had wintered at Fort Pitt, was to lead an army, composed largely of fresh troops, through southern Ohio. Col. Bradstreet was to head another column by a northern route along the lake.
Colonel Bradstreet had been selected because of his success during the French and Indian war. He had especially distinguished himself by the capture of Fort Frontenac, a post of great strength. His command was carefully organized and included a battalion of New Englanders, five companies of a total strength of five hundred men under Lieutenant- Colonel Israel Putnam, a man who in the Revolutionary war, soon to succeed, was destined to achieve renown and be enrolled among the immortals of the beginnings of United States history. He was indeed already famous as an Indian fighter and seasoned as a frontier soldier. Bradstreet was an egotistical character, and notwithstanding the fame that had come to him because the fortunes of war had favored him, was greatly overrated. The route of the expedition under Bradstreet was westward along the south shore of Lake Erie; its objective point Detroit first, and then Michilimackinac. On the way up Lake Erie the army encountered a severe storm in the vicinity of Fort Presque Isle and here on August 12, 1764, while awaiting improvement in the weather condi- tions, a small party of Shawnee and Delaware Indians met the com- mander, and representing that they had come as commissioners to treat for peace, solicited a conference. Colonel Bradstreet, manifesting a disposition to accept them at their own valuation, his officers, Col. Putnam leading, promptly objected, protesting that all the evidences were against them. Their credentials were lacking. They bore but a single belt of wampum and yet professed they were delegated to conclude an extensive treaty of peace. This was the objection advanced by Putnam and the rest of the officers. It did not serve with the opinionated Bradstreet, who
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imagined he saw in the incident an opportunity for a personal triumph. He accepted the overtures and agreed to peace terms, allowing the Indians twenty-five days in which to confirm the agreement on their part by reporting at Detroit. This done, Bradstreet sent a dispatch to Colonel Bouquet, reporting that he had concluded a treaty of peace with the Indians and there would therefore be no need of pushing the expedition up from the south. Bradstreet may have been deceived; no doubt he was. Bouquet was not. He knew at once what the plan of the Indians was, and it turned out that he was right. The Indians at no time meant to conclude a peace, but had adopted the expedient of meeting Bradstreet and making a profession in order to gain a savage advantage.
Bradstreet having, as he imagined, cleared the way toward the settle- ment of the Indian troubles, pushed on toward Detroit. Nothing was done toward garrisoning Fort Presque Isle, nor does it appear that any special notice or account, was taken of it. As for Colonel Bouquet, he immediately set about prosecuting his campaign with vigor, and it turned out that this was necessary. Even Bradstreet was soon free to admit it. By the end of 1764, however, the savages were completely subdued and Pontiac's war was at an end. The result was that for a period of several years there was peace with the Indians. In this county there were no Indian hostilities after the sanguinary affair between Pontiac's Indians and Ensign Christie at Fort Presque Isle.
CHAPTER VII .- THE TRIANGLE.
A PIECE OF DEBATABLE GROUND AND ITS CLAIMANTS .- HOW IT CAME To BE .- IT IS BOUGHT BY PENNSYLVANIA.
During the period of the Revolution, from 1776 to 1783-that period of travail that was to bring into being a new nation among the nations of the earth; that was to drag tyranny from its pedestal; that was to set in the firmament a new star to shine brighter and brighter as time sped, a guide to liberty ; a period that had awakened the whole world and made the despots of the Old World tremble upon their thrones-during that period Erie remained locked in the fastnesses of the great forest, utterly oblivious to what was shaking the political foun- dations of the world. Forgetting all, itself forgotten, it peacefully slum- bered by the side of the fresh water sea that stretched the curve of its horizon before it, no sound to vex it more rude than the pounding of the billows driven upon its strand as the autumn equinoctial gale swept in. To it came no echo of Lexington or Concord, Bunker Hill or Saratoga, Stony Point or Trenton, and to it there came no thrill when the tidings of Yorktown were borne afar by the couriers. To Presque Isle they could not penetrate. In its isolation there was for it no news. When information could by any accident find its way to the garrison by the side of Lake Erie it had become ancient history.
Presque Isle was a British outpost when the War of the Revolution began. It was a British outpost when the great conflict was ended. It continued to be a British outpost after the war was over, and, after peace had been ratified ; after the United States of America had been enrolled among the nations of the earth, recognized even by the nation that had for seven years fought to prevent its being an independent state-even then Presque Isle continued to be a British outpost. It was one of the very last of the British possessions in America, won by the American patriots, to be surrended to the new republic. As late as 1785, two years after the treaty of peace at Paris had been ratified, Mr. Adams, minister of the United States at London, complained to the British Secretary of State that Presque Isle and a number of other posts had not been surrendered to the Americans.
But when at length Presque Isle was finally relinquished by the British, it was bettered only in a moderate degree. It became, for a
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time no man's land. And the story of how this came to be and to be understood is now to be told.
No sooner was the independence of the United States won than action began with reference to properly defining the boundaries of the state, and the matter came officially before the general assembly of Penn- sylvania in September, 1783. It was necessary, however, to have the cooperation of the adjacent states, for, as regarded the western portions of all, there was much doubt and uncertainty. Virginia was under the impression that what is now Erie county was a part of its territory, a belief that had been entertained from the beginning, for it was this impression that had induced Gov. Dinwiddie to send Major Washington an express messenger to Fort Le Bœuf to demand that the French retire. Therefore, now that these states had become commonwealths in the new Union, it was important that their boundaries should be definitely defined ; important with reference to legal titles and especially with reference to the execution of civil and criminal laws. In so far as the state of Penn- sylvania was concerned-and this had weight with the others-the work of locating the boundaries was based upon the grant of King Charles to William Penn. The terms of description of the grant were brief and extremely simple. The Delaware river was to be the eastern boundary. Then, following that river to the forty-third degree of latitude, that point was to be made the starting point, from which five degrees west on the forty-third degree was to be measured. On the south the starting point was to be where the New Castle circle (the northern boundary of Dela- ware) crossed the fortieth parallel of latitude and along this parallel the line was to be continued west to the limits of the north line. New York was entitled to nothing south of the north line; Maryland and Virginia had no claim north of the south line, and Virginia had no rights east of the west line. Now the southern boundary had long been settled by the survey made by Mason and Dixon in 1762. It was the northern and western boundaries that remained to be determined.
Though the subject of boundaries came up, as has been stated, in 1783, it was not until late in 1785 that the start was made upon the survey, and that start consisted only in determining the point where the northern line was to begin. There was some doubt when the charter to Penn was granted whether the Delaware extended as far north as to the forty-third degree. The commissioners, David Rittenhouse on the part of Pennsylvania, and Samuel Holland on the part of New York, found that it did, and in December of 1785 marked the place where the survey was to start, doing nothing more because it was so late in the season. In 1786 Andrew Ellicott was appointed commissioner for Pennsylvania and James Clinton and Simeon Dewitt commissioners for New York. During the year 1786, ninety miles of the boundary line was surveyed and next year, 1787, the survey was completed, the line being 259 miles and 88 perches from the starting point on the Delaware river to its termination at Lake Erie
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