USA > Pennsylvania > Border warfare in Pennsylvania during the revolution > Part 3
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1 The Olden Time, p. 98, Speech to Kiashuta, by Richard Butler.
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liam Johnson. In 1763 he was sent to England to con- fer with the Ministry in relation to the Indian boundary line. Later he was sent to Illinois to pacify the Indians there. After his return, he settled at Fort Pitt, and thereafter rendered valuable service in pacifying the In- dians, and conciliating them to the British interests up to the war for independence. 1 He had no great love for Connelly in 1774,2 though siding with Virginia in her quarrel with Pennsylvania. St. Clair tells Governor Penti not to expect real friendship from him, "for by his in- terest alone he is regulated." 3 In 1775 we find him at the head of the Committee of Observation for West Augusta or Fort Pitt ; $ and at a session in April, 1776, when Alexander McKee was required to give his parole, he was still on the side of the Colonies.5 However, in a letter written by John Butler, Guy Johnson's deputy at Niagara and addressed to McKee, Croghan receives the compliments of the writer. His name then disappears from the records, and he died in Philadelphia, 1782.
That the Indian agents at first played a double part was more fully demonstrated in the case of Guy Johnson, the successor of Sir William, than in that of McKee and Croghan. Being citizens of the Colonies, yet employed by the King, their duplicity was natural as long as the Revolutionary movement had not assumed the form of independence. After July 4th, 1776, a double role was not tolerated-then a Tory was a traitor and a Whig a rebel. In May, 1775, the Provincial Congress addressed a letter to Guy Johnson, respecting a rumor that he in- tended to set the Indians upon the Americans. In his
1 Letters of Col. Croghan, Pa. Hist. Mag., vol. 15, p. 429.
2 Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 4, p. 507.
3 Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 4, p. 523.
4 Pennsylvania Associates and Militia, vol. 2, p. 731.
5 The Olden Time, p. 99.
4.
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reply, written from Fort Stanwix, he said : "I trust I shall always manifest more humanity than to promote the destruction of the innocent inhabitants, or a colony to which I have always been warmly attached-a declara- tion that must appear perfectly suitable to the character of a man of honor and principle."1 Like professions were also made to the Committee of Safety of Tryon county. 2 At the same time, under the secret instruc- tions of General Gage, he arranged with more than 3,000 warriors to take up the hatchet, as appears from a letter to Lord Dartmouth, written in October following.3 One might well have exclaimed with Hamlet, " Look here on this picture and on this." After enumerating his diffi- culties and embarrassments, he adds :
"And having then received secret instructions from General Gage, respecting the measures I had to take, I left home the last of that month (May), and by the help of a body of white men and Indians, arrived with great difficulty at Ontario, where in a little time I assembled 1,455 Indians, and adjusted matters with them in such a manner that they agreed to defend the communication and assist his Majesty's tribes in their opera- tions. The beginning of July, I set out for this place (Mon- treal) with a chosen body of them, and rangers to the number of 220, not being able to get any craft or provisions for more, and arrived here the 17th of that month, and soon afterward convened a second body of the Northern confederacy, to the amount of 1,700 and upwards, who entered into the same ar- rangement, notwithstanding they had declined coming in some time before I gave Carleton's requisition, their minds having been corrupted by New England emissaries."
Colonel Guy Johnson, as well as General Gage and Governor Carleton, got their instructions concerning the employment of Indians from the English Government ; 4
1
1 Proceedings of the N. Y. Hist. Society, p. 165.
2 American Archives, Series 4, vol. 2, p. 911.
3 Proceedings of N. Y. Hist. Society, 1845, p. 165.
4 Proceedings of the N. Y. Hist. Society., 1845, pp. 166-167 ; also, Ameri- can Archives, 4th series, vol. 3, p. 6.
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and, most probably, after they had already taken steps to employ them upon their own responsibility. In answer to a letter from Guy Johnson, written March 17th, 1775, concerning the management of the Indians in his Majesty's colonies. Lord Dartmouth wrote, July 5th, giving in- structions to "assure them in the strongest terms of his Majesty's firm resolution to protect them, and preserve them in all their rights," and to " exert the utmost vigi- lance to discover whether any artifices are used to engage them in the support of the rebellious proceedings of his Majesty's subjects, to counteract such treachery, and to keep them in such a state of affection and attachment to the King as that his Majesty may rely upon their assist- ance in any case in which it may be necessary to require it." Nineteen days later, when news of the battle of Bunker Hill had reached London, Dartmouth writes again to Johnson. He says that " the intelligence his Majesty has received of the rebels having excited the Indians to take a part, and of their actually having engaged a body of them in arms to support their rebellion, justifies the resolution his Majesty has taken of requiring the assist- ance of his faithful adherents, the Six Nations." Johnson was to " lose no time in taking such steps as may induce them to take up the hatchet against his Majesty's rebel- lious subjects." The injunction to make haste was un- necessary, for, as we have seen, the Indian Superintend- ent, had already raised two large bodies of warriors, by order of General Gage. The latter, after the Americans had surprised Ticonderoga, and made incursions upon the frontiers of Quebec, wrote to Dartmouth, June 12th, that General Carleton would be justified " to raise bodies of Canadians and Indians to attack them in return : and we need not be tender of calling on the savages, as the rebels
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have shown us the example, by bringing as many Indians down against us here as they could collect." 1 Lord Dunmore, too, May Ist, held out the encouraging hope to Dartmouth that he could "collect from among the In- dians, negroes and other persons a force sufficient, if not to subdue the rebellion, at least to defend Government. '' 2 These letters from America concerning the employment of Indians received the endorsement of the King and his Ministry. In planning the campaign of 1776, the Indians were to constitute a part of the British army in North America, 3 and Colonel Johnson was to follow the exam- ple of the rebels, reported by Gage, and engage a body of Indians by means of "a large assortment of goods for presents," to be sent out "by the first ship-of-war."
The instructions of the British Ministry to Guy John- son, in 1775, led to the disintegration of the Iroquois confederacy. A large number of the Oneidas and Tus- caroras refused to take up the hatchet against the Ameri- cans, and thus defeated the British alliance as an act of the league. It was, therefore, resolved to let each nation engage in the war upon its own responsibility. The great council-fire, which had burned so long at Onondaga, went out, never to be rekindled. Johnson held several councils at other places now, and finally went to Mon- treal, accompanied by 3,000 chiefs and warriors, the most noted among whom was Joseph Brandt, or Thavenda- nega. There Sir Guy Carleton and Sir Frederick Haldi- mand completed the work of winning the Indians of the Six Nations over to the cause of the Crown. In a speech delivered by Brandt in 1803, reviewing the services of the Six Nations in the Revolution, he said, that at Montreal
1 American Archives, 4th series, vol. 2, p. 968.
2 Ibid, vol. 3, p. 6.
3 Ibid.
.
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the English General told them what "had befallen the King's subjects, and said, now is the time for you to help the King. The war has commenced. Assist the King now and you will find it to your advantage. Go now and fight for your possessions, and whatever you lose of your property during the war the King will make to you when peace returns. The Canghnawaga Indians then joined themselves to us. We immediately commenced in good earnest, and did our utmost during the war."1
Brandt next visited "The Great King," as the British Monarch was styled by the Indians, arriving in London early in 1776. He probably made the visit to satisfy him- self as to the wisdom of his agreement so hastily made at Montreal. . What were the particular arguments addressed to the Mohawk in the British Capital, to convince him that the arms of the King would be victorious in the end, is not known. It is certain, however, that whatever doubts he may have had were effectually dispelled ; since, in May following, we find him with 600 warriors at the massacre of the Cedars, where the savages, under the command of a British officer, but not within his control, murdered several American prisoners, and excited the strongest feelings of indignation in America. 2 Washing- ton, July 15th, writes to the President of Congress that the inhuman treatment accorded to the American pris- oners. and the murder of some of them, deserved measures of retaliation of the severest kind. Although an Indian policy had already been devised in the Colonies, it was radically modified about this time. Previously it had been one of conciliation.
The first reference in the "Journal of Congress " to
1 Stone's Life of Brandt, vol. 1, p. 90.
2 American Archives, 5th series, vol. 1, pp. 350 and 1573.
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the Indians was made June Ist, 1775.1 A petition from Fort Pitt, intimating " fears of a rupture with the Indians on account of Lord Dunmore's conduct," and desiring "commissioners from the Colony of Virginia and the Province of Pennsylvania to attend a conference of the Indians at Pittsburg, on behalf of the Colonies," was re- ferred to the delegates of these two Colonies. A few weeks later,2 information had reached Congress that Gov- ernor Carleton was "instigating the Indian Nations to take up the hatchet against them." On July Ist, it was resolved 3 that in case any British agent should induce any of the Indian tribes to commit actual hostilities, the Colonies should seek to make an alliance with such tribes in opposition to the British. For the purpose therefore of closer observation and more efficient action in respect to the Indian relations, an Indian Department, with three subdivisions-a Northern, Middle and Southern-was created, July 12th, + and commissioners were appointed for each. They had " power to treat with the Indians in their respective departments in the name, and in behalf, of the United Colonies, in order to preserve peace and friendship with the said Indians, and to prevent their taking any part in the present commotions." Money was appropriated to the commissioners for defraying the ex - pense of treaties and presents ; and power was given to them to arrest and take into safe custody the King's agents, or any other person whatsoever, that might be found inciting the Indians against the Colonies. The form of an address to the several tribes in all the depart- ments was agreed upon, to be altered as occasion might require, for local adaptation. That its purpose was to
1 Vol. 1, p. 105.
2 Secret Journal, p. 19.
3 Journals of Congress, vol. 1, p. 132
4 Ibid, p. 151.
r
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secure neutrality, is evident from these words : "This is a family quarrel between us and old England. You In- dians are not concerned in it. We do not wish you to take up the hatchet against the King's troops. We de- sire you to remain at home, and not join on either side, but keep the hatchet buried deep."
No time was lost by the commissioners in the adop- tion of measures to carry out this policy. A council-fire was kindled by the commissioners of the Northern De- partment at the German Flats, for such of the Six Na- tions who had not followed Brandt. It continued at Albany, in the month of August, for three weeks. The address of Congress was read to them, and pronounced by them as containing "nothing but what was pleasant and good."1 The reply, however, gave evidence that the " forked tongue " of Guy Johnson had been speaking to them. Requests were made for lands unjustly taken, to be restored by the Colonies. " If you refuse to do this," said Little Abraham, the Mohawk sachem of the Lower Castle, " we shall look upon the prospect as bad ; for, if you conquer, you will take us by the hand and pull us all off." Allusion was also made by an Oneida chief to the pending bloody and bitter controversy between Connecti-
cut and Pennsylvania, in the territory of Wyoming. The result, however, was highly satisfactory to the commis- sioners, and apparently so to the Indians. Most unfor-
tunately, the Indians on their return from Albany were seized with a malignant fever, which carried off great numbers of them. The survivors regarded it as a Divine visitation for not having joined the side of the King. The events of no distant day proved that the Albany treaty had accomplished no permanent good.
1 Stone's Life of Brandt, vol. 1, pp. 94-104.
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The same fine promises were received in October by the commissioners of the Middle Department at Pittsburg. A strict neutrality was urged upon the Indians, and they agreed to it. Yet in November following they impor- tuned Governor Hamilton, at Detroit, for his assent to make inroads on the frontiers of Pennsylvania. 1 In July, 1776, another conference was held at Pittsburg, and neutrality promised by the Delawares, Shawanese and Mingoes.2 The Iroquois, too, announced that their tribes would permit neither the Americans nor the Englishi to march an army through their territory. Yet at the same time a party of Mingoes tried to kill the American Indian agents, and sonie of the Shawanese warriors journeyed down to the Cherokees and gave them the war-belt.
Whatever Congress did, therefore, in 1775, respecting Indian relations, was in the line of neutrality. It is true, Massachusetts, before the encounter at Lexington and Concord, had enlisted in its service a company of Minute Men among the Stockbridge or River Indians residing in that Colony, and had even written a letter to Rev. Samuel Kirkland, a missionary to the Indians in the western part of New York : "That you will use your influence with them to join with us in the defense of our rights ; but, if you cannot prevail with them to take an active part in this glorious cause, that you will at least engage them to stand neuter, and not by any means to aid and assist our enemies. '' 3 The Stockbridge Indians were retained in service for some time after the war began, and came down and joined the camp at Cambridge.
Outside of this act of the Provincial Congress of Massa- chusetts, no effort was made to engage the Indians in
1 History of the Girtys, p. 37.
2 American Archives, 5th series, vol. 1. p. 36.
3 Spark's Life and Writings of Washington, vol. 3, p. 495.
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active service until May 25th, 1776; Congress then re- solved " that it was highly expedient to engage the In- dians in the service of the United Colonies ;" and they empowered the Commander-in-Chief to employ in Canada and elsewhere a number not exceeding 2,000, offering them " a reward of $too for every commissioned officer and $30 for every private soldier of the King's troops that they should take prisoner in the Indian country or on the ยท frontiers of these Colonies." The Indians of Penobscot, St. John's and Nova Scotia were likewise to be taken into the service.1 Whether any of these Eastern Indians were ever employed is not known. Washington favored their employment, as appears from his correspondence with General Schuyler, in reference to the execution of the resolutions of 1776; 2 and later again, when he wrote from Valley Forge, in 1778,3 for a body of 400 warriors authorized by Congress. However, he wanted them di- vested of the savage customs exercised in their wars against each other, and used as scouts and light troops mixed with Continental parties. Schuyler did not favor the scheme, and wanted to know where 2,000 warriors, not already in the service of the British, were to be found. He felt sure that what little aid the Americans could get from the Indians would cost more than it was worth.
Schuyler's position was proven to be correct. Even the British were greatly disappointed. Though they were successful in getting the Indians to join their armies, yet the results were not commensurate with the cost, espe- cially when it is considered what opprobrium attached to their employment. Burgoyne's experience with them aroused the indignation of his own country. Though he
1 Secret Journals, May 25th, June 3rd, 8th and 17th.
2 Spark's Life and Writings of Washington, vol. 3, p. 406.
3 Ibid, vol. 5, p. 274.
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tried to restrain the excesses and barbarities of the In- dians under his command, charging them only to kill those opposing them in arms, and to spare old men, women, children and prisoners, yet friends of the Royal cause, as well as its enemies, were victims to the indis- criminate rage of the savages. It was ascertained that even the British officers were deceived by their treacher- ous allies into the purchase of the scalps of their own comrades.1 Burgoyne commenced his campaign when the British Government had no more scruples in " letting loose the horrible hell-hounds of savage war," as Chat- ham said, and was fully prepared to do it. In his procla- mation to the Americans, June 29th, 1777,2 he says : "I have but to give stretch to the Indian forces under my direction, and they amount to thousands, to overtake the hardened enemies of Great Britain and America. I con- sider them the same wherever they lurk . . . The mes- sengers of justice and of wrath wait them in the field ; and devastation, famine and every concomitant horror that a reluctant, but indispensable, prosecution of mili- tary duty must occasion, will bar the way to their return." It was about the same time that the border warfare was begun on the frontiers of Pennsylvania, in pursuance of the suggestion to the Earl of Dartmouth by Governor Hamilton, in a letter written at Detroit, September 2, 1776.3 Lord George Germaine, after duly weighing Hamilton's proposition, wrote from White Hall, March 26, 1777, to Sir Guy Carleton that "it is his Majesty's resolution that the most vigorous efforts should be made, and every means employed that Providence has put into his Majesty's hands, for crushing the rebellion."4 He
1 Life of Brandt, vol. 1, p. 205.
2 Remembrancer, 1777, p. 211.
3 Germaine to Carleton, Michigan Pioneer Collections, vol. 9, pp. 346-47. 4 Ibid.
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instructed Carleton to direct Hamilton, which was done May 21st, to assemble as many of the Indians in his dis- trict as possible, and employ them in making a diversion and exciting an alarm upon the frontiers of Pennsylvania, restraining " them from committing violence on the well- affected and inoffensive inhabitants."
Such was the Indian policy of the British Ministry when Burgoyne's savages went forth on their murderous mission, and brought disgrace and indignation upon his head. Their defeat at Oriskany, and their flight at St. Legers, contributed to the surrender of the army, 1 while the bloody tale of Jane McCrea and her companions at Fort Edward made English statesmen blush with shame. 2 Said Earl Chatham : " We have sullied and tarnished the armies of Britain forever, by employing savages in our service, by drawing them up in a British line, and mixing the scalping knife and tomahawk with the sword and fire- lock." Nor did the caution given to the Indians, not to slaughter the aged men, the women and children, and the unresisting prisoners, and on no account to take scalps from wounded or dying men, excuse the British Ministry. "Suppose," said Burke, " that there was a riot on Tower Hill. What would the keeper of his Majesty's lions do ? Would he fling open the dens of the wild beasts and then address them thus : ' My gentle lions, my humane bears, my tender-hearted hyenas, go forth ! But I exhort you, as you are Christians and members of civilized societies, to take care not to hurt any man, woman or child ?' "
As to whether the Americans or the British began the movement of employing the Indians, is an unsolved ques- tion. The blame for their cruelties on the border inhab- itants was laid at the door of the British Ministry by the
1 Cobbett's Parliamentary History, vol. 19, p. 506.
2 Ibid, p. 489.
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2
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Americans and by the Whigs of England.1 Burke said, the difference between employing savages against armed and trained soldiers, as the Americans had done, referring to the Stockbridge Indians, and employing them against the unarmed, defenseless men, women and children, left those who attempted so inhuman and unequal a retalia- tion without excuse. Lord Germaine said he had no al- ternative, for " they either would have served against us, or we must have employed them." Lord North looked upon the employment of Indians as bad, but unavoidable. If censure were to be meted out by the effects produced, England would have been much more reprehensible than the Americans. But when the intent is considered, and not the success of the measure, historical justice must award to the Americans a due share of the blame. 2 Neither the Americans nor the English found the Indians of any use as soldiers of the line. As the British occu- pied the frontiers, they could use them to harass the Americans in the rear, and draw off their forces from the seaboard. As offensive allies, the Indians were therefore of the greatest importance to the British ; while to the Americans, they could be of no advantage, except as neutrals. Bearing this in mind, it is readily seen why Congress made treaties of neutrality and the British sought to break them.
To defend the frontiers against the Indians thus allied with the British, and at the same time meet the calls of Congress for the war on the seaboard, was a tremendous task for the Colonies ; but none were put to the test more severely than Pennsylvania, with its long line of border settlements, its boundary disputes with Connecticut and Virginia, its heterogeneous population, its voluntary
1 Almon's Parliamentary Register, vol. 3, pp. 349-353.
2 Sparks.
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militia, and its conscientious scruples against war. The only other Colonies whose frontier exposure could com- pare with that of Pennsylvania were New York and Vir- ginia. But while New York had its Mohawk Valley and Virginia its Ohio Valley to defend, Pennsylvania bad its Delaware, Wyoming, West Branch, Juniata and Ohio Valleys to defend. While New York had its Tryon county and Virginia its West Augusta and Kentucky dis- tricts on the frontier, Pennsylvania had its Northampton, Northumberland, Bedford and Westmoreland counties. In three of these five frontier valleys of Pennsylvania there was at the outbreak of the Revolution a fierce civil strife raging.
In the North and West Branch valleys of the Susque- hanna the Pennamite and Yankee war was at its height at the outbreak of the Revolution. On the 28th of Sep- tember, 1775,1 a plantation on the West Branch, about sixty miles above Sunbury, was attacked by a body of Northumberland militia, who, after killing one man and wounding several others, made prisoners of the other set- tlers, and conducted them to Sunbury. About the same time a number of boats trading down the North Branch from Wyoming, were attacked and plundered by the Pennamites. "Considering the most perfect union be- tween all the Colonies necessary," Congress, November 4th,2 passed resolutions urging Pennsylvania and Con- necticut to take speedy measures to prevent such hostili- ties. The voice of Congress, however, was unheeded. By authority of Governor Penn, Colonel Plunkett, of Sunbury, was authorized to raise a force and expel the Connecticut settlers from Wyoming. When Congress heard of this movement, it again passed resolutions urging
1 Stone's History of Wyoming, p. 187.
2 Journals of Congress, vol. 1, pp. 215-216.
:
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Pennsylvanians to refrain from hostilities until the dispute could be legally decided.1 Colonel Plunket had already marched ; and in the closing days of December he en- countered the Yankees at Nanticoke Falls. One of his men was killed by the first fire and several others wounded. Other circumstances being likewise unfavorable, he aban- doned the expedition. The civil feud now ceased. Con- gress recommended to Connecticut not to introduce any more settlers into Wyoming : 2 while the Proprietors of Pennsylvania, having lost their government, were no longer able to continue hostilities. Both Colonies laid their differences aside for the time being, and joined in the common cause of liberty.
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