USA > Pennsylvania > Dauphin County > Centennial : the settlement, formation and progress of Dauphine County, Pennsylvania, from 1785 to 1876 > Part 14
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Many were the murderous deeds perpetrated by the savages-but where these came from was a mystery. Indians had been traced by the scouts to the wigwams of the so-called friendly Indians at Conestoga, and to those of the Moravian Indians in Northampton county. Sus- picion was awakened, the questions, "are these Christian Indians treacherous ? are their wigwams the harbors of our deadly foe ? do they conceal the nightly prowling as-
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sassin of the forest : the villain, who with savage ferocity, tore the innocent babe from the bosom of its mother, where it had been quietly reposing, and hurled it in the fire ? The mangled bodies of our friends cry aloud for vengeance." Such were the questions, surmises, and ex- pressions of the exasperated people on the frontiers; and well warranted, for on one occasion when the Assembly were deaf to all entreaties and petition, with the hope of arousing their sympathy the murdered were taken to Philadelphia on wagons-when a prominent Quaker, with a sneer, remarked they were "only Irish." This un- feeling expression was remembered by the Scotch-Irish of the frontiers.
The Quakers who controlled the government, as here- tofore remarked, "seemed resolved," says Parkman, "that they would neither defend the people of the fron- tier or allow them to defend themselves, vehemently in- veighed against all expeditions to cut off the Indian ma- rauders. Their security was owing to their local situa- tion, being confined to the eastern part of the Province." That such was the case, rather than to the kind feelings of the Indian towards them, is shown by the fact that of the very few living in exposed positions, several were killed.
The inhabitants declared openly that they no longer confided in the professions of the Governor or his ad- visers in the Assembly. Numbers of volunteers joined the Rangers of Northampton, Berks, Lancaster, York and Cumberland, who were engaged in tracing the mid- night assassins. On the Manor, a portion of land sur- veyed for the Proprietaries, situated in Lancaster county, near where the borough of Columbia is now located, was settled a band of squalid, miserable Indians-the refuse
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of sundry tribes. Time and again they were suspected of murder and thievery, and their movements at this crisis were closely watched. Strange Indians were con- stantly coming and going.
Colonel Elder under the date of September 13, 1763, thus wrote to Governor Hamilton, "I suggest to you the propriety of an immediate removal of the Indians from Conestoga and placing a garrison in their room. In case this is done, I pledge myself for the future security of the frontiers."
Subsequently, on taking charge of the executive affairs of the Province in October, Governor John Penn replied as follows: "The Indians of Conestoga have been repre- sented as innocent, helpless and dependent on this gov- ernment for support. The faith of this government is pledged for their protection. I cannot remove them without adequate cause. The contract made with Wil- liam Penn was a private agreement, afterwards con- firmed by several treaties. Care has been taken by the provincial committee that no Indians but our own visit Conestoga. Whatever can be faithfully executed under the laws, shall be as faithfully performed;" and yet Gov- ernor Penn in writing to Thomas Penn afterwards
uses this language: "Many of them," referring to the frontier inhabitants, "have had their wives and children murdered and scalped, their houses burnt to the ground, their cattle destroyed, and from an easy, plentiful life are now become beggars. In short, not only in this Prov- ince, but in the neighboring governments is the spirit of the people inveterate against the Indians."
John Harris had previously made a similar request : "The Indians here, I hope your honor will be pleased to
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be removed to some other place, as I don't like their com- pany."
The Rangers finding appeals to the authorities useless, resolved on taking the law into their own hands. Sev- eral Indian murderers had been traced to Conestoga, and it was determined to take them prisoners. Captain Stewart, whose men ascertained this fact, acquainted his colonel of the object, who seemed rather to encourage his command to make the trial, as an example was neces- sary to be made for the safety of the frontier inhabitants. The destruction of the Conestogas was not then pro- jected. That was the result of the attempted capture. Parkman and Webster, following Rupp, state that Colo- nel Elder, learning of an intent to destroy the entire tribe, as they were about to set off rode after them com- manding them to desist, and that Stewart threatened to shoot his horse. Such was not the case. From a letter dated Paxtang, December 16, 1763, written to Governor Penn, he says: "On receiving intelligence the 13th inst., that a number of persons were assembled on pur- pose to go and cut off the Conestoga Indians, in concert with Mr. Forster, the neighboring magistrate, I hurried off an express with written message to that party 'entreat- ing them to desist from such an undertaking, represent- ing to them the unlawfulness and barbarity of such an ac- tion; that it's cruel and unchristian in its nature, and would be fatal in its consequences to themselves and families ; that private persons have no right to take the lives of any under the protection of the legislature ; that they must, if they proceeded in that affair, lay their ac- counts to meet with a severe prosecution, and become liable even to capital punishment ; that they need not ex- pect that the country would endeavor to conceal or
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screen them from punishment, but that they would be de- tected and given up to the resentment of the govern- ment.' These things I urged in the warmest terms in or der to prevail with them to drop the enterprise, but to no purpose."
Not to be deterred, the Rangers reached the Indian settlement before daylight. The barking of some dogs discovered them and a number of strange Indians rushed from their wigwams, brandishing their tomahawks. This show of resistance was sufficient inducement for the Rangers to make use of their arms. In a few moments every Indian present fell before the unerring fire of the brave frontiersmen. The act accomplished, they mounted their horses and returned severally to their homes. Un- fortunately a number of the Indians were absent from Conestoga, prowling about the neighboring settlements, doubtless on predatory excursions. The destruction at the Manor becoming known, they were placed in the Lancaster work-house for protection. Among these vag- abonds were two well known to Parson Elder's scouts.
An express being sent to Philadelphia with the news, great excitement ensued, and Governor Penn issued a proclamation relative thereto. Notwithstanding its fine array of words it fell upon the Province harmless. Out- side of the Quaker settlements every one heartily ap- proved of the measures taken by the Paxtang Rangers. As the Governor himself wrote to England: "If we had ten thousand of the King's troops I don't believe it would be possible to secure one of these people. Though I took all the pains I could even to get their names, I could not succeed, for indeed nobody would make the discovery, though ever so well acquainted with them, and there is not a magistrate in the country would have
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touched one of them. The people of this town are as in- veterate against the Indians as the frontier inhabitants. For it is beyond a doubt that many of the Indians now in town [referring to the Moravian Indians confined in the barracks] have been concerned in committing murders among the back settlers."
The presence of the remaining Indians at Lancaster also became a cause of great uneasiness to the magis- trates and people, for as previously remarked, two or three were notorious scoundrels. It may be here related that several of the strange Indians harbored at Cones- toga, who were also absent at the destruction of the village, made their escape and reached Philadelphia, where they joined the Moravian Indians from Nain and Wechquetank, and there secreted.
The removal of the remaining Indians from Lancaster was requested by the chief magistrate, Edward Shippen. Governor Penn proved very tardy, and we are of the opinion he cared little about them, or he would have acted promptly, as from his own confession he was not ignorant of the exasperation of the people and the mur- derous character of the refugees. Day after day passed by, and the excitement throughout the frontiers became greater. The Rangers, who found that their work had been only half done, consulted as to what measure should be further proceeded with. Captain Stewart proposed to capture the principal Indian outlaw, who was confined in the Lancaster work-house, and take him to Carlisle jail, where he could be held for trial. This was heartily approved, and accordingly a detachment of the Rangers, variously estimated at from twenty to fifty, proceeded to Lancaster on the 27th of December, broke into the work-house, and but for the show of resistance would
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have effected their purpose. But the younger portion of the Rangers, to whom was confided this work, were so enraged at the defiance of the Indians, that before their resentment could be repressed by Captain Stewart, the unerring rifle was employed, and the last of the so-called Conestogas had yielded up his life. In a few minutes thereafter, mounting their horses, the daring Rangers were safe from arrest. George Gibson, who, from his acquaintance with the principal frontiersmen of his time, in a letter written some years after, gives the most plaus- ible account of this transaction, which bore such an im- portant part in the early history of the Province. He says: "No murder has been committed since the re- moval of the friendly Indians and the destruction of the Conestogas-a strong proof that the murders were com- mitted under the cloak of the Moravian Indians. A de- scription of an Indian who had, with great barbarity, murdered a family on the Susquehanna, near Paxtang, was sent to Lazarus Stewart at Lancaster. This Indian had been traced to Conestoga. On the day of its de- struction he was on a hunting expedition. When he heard that the Rangers were in pursuit of him he fled to Philadelphia. The three or four who entered the work- house, at Lancaster, were directed by Stewart to seize on the murderer, and give him to his charge. When those outside heard the report of the guns within, several of the Rangers alighted, thinking their friends in danger, and hastened to the door. The more active of the In- dians, endeavoring to make their escape, were met by them and shot. No children were killed by the Paxtang boys. No act of savage butchery was committed."
If the excitement throughout the Province was great after the affair at Conestoga, this last transaction set
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everything in a ferment, "No language," says Rev. Dr. Wallace, "can describe the outcry which arose from the Quakers in Philadelphia, or the excitement which swayed to and fro in the frontiers and in the city." The Quakers blamed the Governor, the Governor the Assembly, and the latter censured everybody except their own inaction. Two proclamations were issued by the Provincial author- ities, offering rewards for the seizure of those concerned in the destruction of the Indians; but this was impossible, owing to the exasperation of the frontiersmen, who heartily approved of the action of the Rangers.
On the 27th of December the Rev. Mr. Elder hurried- ly wrote to Governor Penn: "The storm, which had been so long gathering, has at length exploded. Had government removed the Indians from Conestoga, as was frequently urged without success, this painful catastrophe might have been avoided. What could I do with men heated to madness? All that I could do was done. I expostulated, but life and reason were set at defiance, and yet the men, in private life are virtuous and respectable- not cruel, but mild and merciful. The time will arrive when each palliating circumstance will be calmly weighed. This deed, magnified into the blackest of crimes, shall be considered one of those youthful ebullitions of wrath caused by momentary excitement, to which human infirmity is subjected."
To this extenuating and warm-hearted letter came a reply, under date of December 29, 1763, from the Gov- ernor, requesting the commanders of the troops-Colo- nels Elder and Seely-to return the provincial arms, etc., as their services were no longer required. From this letter of Governor John Penn, it is evident that the commissioners, or rather the Provincial council, intended
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to punish both Colonel Elder and Esquire Seely, or that with the destruction of the Conestogas, there was little or no danger of Indian atrocities. The latter proved to be the case, but the authorities were cognizant of the fact that the Paxtang boys were correct in their surmisings, and that peace would follow the removal of the friendly Indians. It shows, also, that believing thus, the Provin- cial authorities were culpable to a great degree, in allow- ing the Indians to remain on the Manor, despite the rep- resentations of Colonel Elder, John Harris and. Edward Shippen. The Reverend Mr. Elder quietly laid by his sword, feeling confident that time would vindicate his course, whatever that may have been.
Of the marching of the Paxtang boys towards Philadel- phia, we shall briefly refer in this connection, and the rea- son therefor is best given by an extract from a letter of Governor Penn: "The 14th of this month we suspect a Thousand of the Rioters in Town to insist upon the As- sembly granting their request with regard to the increase of Representatives, to put them upon an equality with the rest of the Counties. They have from time to time pre- sented several petitions for the purpose, which have been always disregarded by the House; for which reason they
intend to come in Person." Although our Quaker his- torians have uniformly stated that the object of the Pax- tang Boys was the massacre of the Moravian Indians in Philadelphia, yet the foregoing statement of the Execu- tive of the Province proves conclusively that their visit was not one of slaughter but of petition for redress of grievances. The narrative is one of interest to us in this section and the true history remains to be written.
Pamphlets, says Webster, without number, truth or decency, poured like a torrent from the press. The
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Quakers took the pen to hold up the deed to execration; and many others seized the opportunity to defame the Irish Presbyterians as ignorant bigots and lawless ma- rauders.
Violent and bitter as were the attacks of the Quaker pamphleteers, Parson Elder was only casually alluded to. With the exception of the following, written to Col. Burd, he made no attempt to reply to any of these, leav- ing his cause with God and posterity: "Lazarus Stewart is still threatened by the Philadelphia party; he and his friends talk of leaving; if they do, the Province will lose some of its best friends, and that by the faults of others, not their own; for if any cruelty was practiced on the In- dians, at Conestoga or at Lancaster, it was not by his or their hands. There is great reason to believe that much injustice has been done to all concerned. In the contra- riness of accounts, we must infer that much rests for sup- port on the imagination or interest of the witnesses. The character of Stewart and his friends were well estab- lished. Ruffians, nor brutal, they were not; but hu- mane, liberal and moral, nay, religious. It is evidently not the wish of the party to give Stewart a fair hearing. All he desires is to be put on trial at Lancaster, near the scenes of the horrible butcheries committed by the In- dians at Tulpenhocken, etc., where he can have the testi- mony of the scouts and rangers, men whose services can never be sufficiently rewarded. The pamphlet has been sent by my friends and enemies; it failed to inflict a wound: it is at least a garbled statement; it carries with it the seeds of its own dissolution. That the hatchet was used is denied, and is it not reasonable to suppose that men, accustomed to the use of guns, would make use of their favorite weapons?
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"The inference is plain, that the bodies of the Indians were thus mangled after death by certain persons, to ex- cite a feeling against the Paxtang boys. This fact Stew- art says he can and will establish in a fair trial at Lan- caster, York or Carlisle. At any rate we are all suffer- ing at present by the secret influence of a faction-a fac- tion who have shown their love to the Indians by not ex- posing themselves to its influence in the frontier settle- ments."
The "pamphlet" alluded to in the foregoing was the notorious article written by Benjamin Franklin for polit- ical effect. He acknowledged, in a letter to Lord Kames, that his object was a political one. As such, its tissue of falsehoods caused his defeat for member of the Assem- bly, a position he had held for fourteen years. Fortu- nately for him, the Revolution brought him into promi- nence, and the past was forgotten.
This transaction was subsequently "investigated" by the magistrate at Lancaster, but so condemnatory of the In- dians was the evidence elicited that it was the Quaker policy to suppress and destroy it. Nevertheless all efforts to carry into effect the proclamation of the Governor was really suspended, so far as his authority went, in regard to which grave complaints were inade by the Assembly, who seemed to bend all their energies to persecute the offenders.
The names of many of those brave defenders of their homes have been lost to us-but the frequent statement in all our histories that the participants in that transac- tion came to an untimely end, is false. With the excep- tion of Lazarus Stewart, who fell on that unfortunate day at the massacre of Wyoming, these heroes of the fron- tiers lived to hearty old age, and several reached almost
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the hundred years of life. Their deeds were those of desperation, it is true, but their acts are to be honored and their names revered.
The discussions which ensued may truly be said to have sown the seeds of the Revolution, and in a letter of Gov- ernor John Penn to his brother in England, written at this time, he thus alludes to the inhabitants of Paxtang, "their next move will be to subvert the government and establish one of their own."
No wonder then, when the first mutterings of the storm was heard, that the people of this entire section were ripe for revolution. The love of liberty was a lead- ing trait of the people who settled this delightful valley. The tyranny and oppression of Europe drove them to seek an asylum among the primeval forests of America. Persecution for conscience' sake compelled alike the Scotch-Irish and the German of the Palatinate to come hither and rear their altars dedicated to God and Free- dom to man. With them Independence was as much their dream as the realization. Their isolated position- placed on the frontiers-unprotected by the Provincial authorities-early instilled into their minds those incen- tives to action, that when the opportune moment arrived they were in the van. Two years before the Declaration by Congress, the people had assembled at their respect- ive places of rendezvous, and heralded forth their opin- ions in plain and unmistakable language, while the citi- zens of the large towns were fearful and hesitating.
As early as the spring of 1774 meetings were held in the different townships, the resolves of only two of which are preserved to us. The earliest was that of an assem- bly of the inhabitants of Hanover, Lancaster county, held on Saturday, June 4, 1774, Colonel Timothy Green,
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chairman, "to express their sentiments on the present critical state of affairs." It was then and there "Unani- mously resolved:"
"Ist. That the recent action of the Parliament of Great Britain is iniquitous and oppressive.
"2d. That it is the bounden duty of the inhabitants of America to oppose every measure which tends to deprive them of their just prerogatives.
"3d. That in a closer union of the colonies lies the safe- guard of the people.
"4th. That in the event of Great Britain attempting to force unjust laws upon us by the strength of arms, our cause we leave to Heaven and our rifles.
"5th. That a committee of nine be appointed who shall act for us and in our behalf as emergency may require.
"The committee consisted of Col. Timothy Green, Jas. Caruthers, Josiah Espy, Robert Dixon, Thomas Copen- heffer, William Clark, James Stewart, Joseph Barnett and John Rogers."
So much for patriotic Hanover. Following in the footsteps of these brave men, on Friday following, June IO, 1774, a similar meeting was held at Middletown, Col. James Burd, chairman, at which these stirring resolves were concurred in, and which served as the text of those passed at the meeting at Lancaster subsequently :
"Ist. That the acts of the Parliament of Great Britain in divesting us of the right to give and grant our money, and assuming such power to themselves, are unconstitu- tional, unjust and oppressive.
. "2d. That it is an indispensable duty we owe to our- selves and posterity to oppose with decency and firmness every measure tending to deprive us of our just rights and privileges.
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"3d. That a close union of the Colonies and their faith- ful adhering to such measures as a general Congress shall judge proper, are the most likely means to procure redress of American grievances and settle the rights of the Colonies on a permanent basis.
"4th. That we will sincerely and heartily agree to and abide by the measures which shall be adopted by the members of the general Congress of the Colonies.
"5th. That a committee be appointed to confer with similar committees relative to the present exigency of af- fairs."
Not to be behind their Scotch-Irish neighbors, the German inhabitants located in the east of the county, met at Frederickstown, (now Hummelstown,) on Satur- day, the 11th of June, at which Captain Frederick Hum- mel was chairman, resolving to stand by the other town- ships in all their action.
We say they were ripe for revolution, and when the stirring battle-drum aroused the new-born nation, the inhabitants of Dauphin valiantly armed for the strife. One of the first companies raised in the Colonies was that of Captain Matthew Smith, of Paxtang. Within ten days after the receipt of the news of the battle of Lexington, this company was armed and equipped, ready for service. Composing this pioneer body of patriots was the best blood of the county-the Dixons, the Elders, the Simpsons, the Boyds, the Harrises, the Reeds, the Tods and others. Archibald Steele and Michael Simpson were the lieuten- ants. It was the second company to arrive at Boston, coming south of the Hudson river. It was subsequently ordered to join General Arnold in his unfortunate cam- paign against Quebec, and the most reliable account of that expedition was written by a member of this very
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Paxtang company, John Joseph Henry, afterwards Presi- dent Judge of Lancaster and Dauphin counties. They were enlisted for one year. The majority, however, were taken prisoners at Quebec, while a large per cent- age died of wounds and exposure.
In March, 1776, Capt. John Murray's company was raised in Paxtang township, attached to the rifle battalion of Col. Samuel Miles. The officers of this company were First Lieutenant, John Stoner, May 15, 1776; Second Lieutenant, James Hamilton, March 16, 1776; and Third Lieutenant, Charles Taylor, March 19, 1776. The last named was killed at the battle of Long Island, August 27, 1776. This company participated in the bat tles of Long Island, White Plains, Princeton and Trenton.
Captain Patrick Anderson's company was raised in the lower part of the county in January, 1776. It was at- tached to Col. Atlee's musketry battalion, suffered se- verely at Long Island, re-organized under Captain Am- brose Crain, a gallant officer, placed in the Pennsylvania State regiment of foot, commanded by Col. John Bull, and subsequently, in the re-arrangement of the line, the 1 3th Pennsylvania, under Col. Walter Stewart, so con- spicuous in the battle of Yorktown.
Captain John Marshal's company was from Hanover, enlisted in March, 1776, and attached to Col. Miles' bat- talion, participating in the various battles in which that brave command distinguished itself. Of this company the remaining officers were First Lieutenant, John Clark, March 15, 1776; Second Lieutenant, Thomas Gourley, March 15, 1776, promoted to First Lieutenant of the 9th Pennsylvania, December 7, 1776; Third Lieutenant, Stephen Hanna, March 19, 1776.
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