USA > Pennsylvania > Encyclopedia of genealogy and biography of the state of Pennsylvania with a compendium of history. A record of the achievements of her people in the making of a commonwealth and the founding of a nation, Volume I > Part 10
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The hardy Scotch-Irish settlers of Pennsylvania never took kindly to the idea of paying twenty-five cents a gallon tax on whisky. It was antagonistic to their inherent principles, for their ancestors had resisted such a tax in Ireland, and had emigrated to a free country when they came to America. With them any excise tax was wrong, but this governmental attempt to force a whisky tax from them was deemed an outrage, an oppression, and they refused to pay, and organized against it. and drove out the tax collector, and even opposed themselves 11 armed force to the authority of Pennsylvania and the general govern- ment. They even went so far as to declare that they would renounce all allegiance to this commonwealth, and set up a state government of their own west of the mountains, and they would have done so had not the strength of the government restrained them.
For about three years the opposition to the tax manifested itself chiefly in refusal to pay and threats against collectors and assessors. but in the summer of 1794 the militia and the mob exchanged shots with fatal results. Then mob violence became disorder and the insur- rection took the form of armed resistance to the law with an avowed intention to kill its officers. In this emergency the national govern- ment decided to act and first sent commissioners to treat with the dis- turbers of the peace. At the same time President Washington ordered twelve thousand troops to be collected from Pennsylvania, New Jersey.
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Maryland and Virginia to suppress any uprising and protect the reve- mnie officers in the discharge of their duty. Mifflin sent Chief Justice Mckean and General William Irvine to inquire into the state of the rebellion, while Judge Brackenridge and Albert Gallatin acted as medi- ators between the commissioners and the offenders.
This was Gallatin's first appearance as a conspicuous figure in Pennsylvania history. He had served in the legislature and in 1,94 was chosen to the United States senate. but was not seated on account of a question regarding his citizenship. After his services in connection with the whisky insurrection he was elected to Congress and became an important factor in financial circles. Brackenridge was better known and figured in Pennsylvania history as preacher, teacher, writer, lawyer. politician, and finally as judge on the bench of the supreme court (1799-1816).
The efforts of Gallatin and Brackenridge as mediators were only partially successful, for many of the insurrectionists refused to sign the articles of settlement. Then the president ordered the army into the country in revolt, while he himself went to Carlisle to be nearer the scene of events. Here he was met by a committee headed by William Findlay, and was assured that order would be restored : that the people in rebellion would submit to the laws, pay the excise tax and respect the officers.
Findlay had been active in state politics for several years, and was very popular with the "common people." He came from Ireland, served in the Revolution, and settled in Westmoreland county. He was a mem- ber of the legislature, and opposed the federal constitution as an attempt to centralize power. He served eleven terms in Congress ( 1791-99. and 1803-17).
While the federal authorities were busy with the whisky insur-
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rectionists west of the Alleghenies. Mitthu and his civil government were handling the complex and somewhat delicate question regarding the attitude of the commonwealth with respect to the war between England and France, which broke out in 1793. If Philadelphia had not been the seat of the national government. the situation would have been less embarrassing, for, above all things. Mifflin hoped never to · fend the representatives of a foreign power. He fought side by side with Frenchmen against Great Britain, but now the United States and that government were at peace. However. Jay's treaty with Eng- land made in 1794 created a political division in America, and Mifflin's administration promptly took the side of France. Naturally. Mifflin's enemies, and they were many, took the opposite side.
At the next assembly election the nominees were either "treaty" or "anti-treaty" candidates: that was the issue. When it was feared that this country might be drawn into the contest the governor called upon the militia to prepare for the public defense. But the period passed without serious disturbance, except in political and newspaper circles, and Mifflin's course made him more popular than ever, except with his political enemies who were envious of his strength, and, be- sides, they were hungry for power and the spoils of office.
About this time the old agitation was revived regarding the removal of the seat of state government from Philadelphia, and political issues were framed accordingly. The state now contained twenty-three conn- ties, and civil authority was extended over its entire territory. Its ag- gregate population approximated 750,000: that of Philadelphia was about 60,000, and it was believed, or at least argued, that the city in- terest- controlled legislation and secured to its political favorites nearly all the desirable offices. The outside counties now had a strong rep- Tesentation in the assembly, and controlled its action in many things.
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but the senate was otherwise influenced. and not always in accord with the sentiment of the lower house.
As early as 1784 a movement for the removal of the capital from Philadelphia was started, but resulted in nothing more than discussion. In 1793-4 the agitation was renewed, and in such a way that Phila- delphia was concerned lest the removal be effected. Political influ- ences in the city could control the senate, but not the house, and through the non-concurrence of the upper branch the measure was thrice de- feated, and removal was delayed until November. 1799. At first Lan- caster and Harrisburg sought the coveted designation, but in 1795 Carlisle entered the lists, and secured the vote of the house, the senate dissenting. In 1796 Lancaster, Carlisle and Reading were voted for. with a clear majority for the first mentioned city. but again the senate negatived the proposition. In 1798 Harrisburg and Wright's Ferry contended for the capital but again there was no result. In April, 1799, Lancaster was selected as the capital of the commonwealth, the act to take effect in November of that year. In February, 1810, an act of the legislature established the capital permanently at Harris- burg, the removal to be accomplished before the end of October, 1812. About the time of removal of the state capital from Philadelphia, that city ceased to be the seat of the national government.
The loss to the city by the removal of these two great institutions of government with all the machinery of their operation was not such a serious blow to its interests as some of the politicians of the time had claimed it would be. Neither was the removal an occasion of serious regret on the part of Philadelphians. Theirs was the most populous city in America, with business and commercial interests in proportion to its size, and in importance in every respect it had ad- vanced beyond the possibility of great loss on account of the taking
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away of purely political institutions. Still, in a way, the change affected the social status of the city, not to lower the standard, but rather to elevate it. for with the political "wheat" there went away a greater amount of "chaff." Philadelphia was no longer the seat of government. but it continued afterward to be the seat of influence and wealth, and. as in earlier years, the great measures designed to effect the advancement of American institutions were originated there in the fertile minds of Philadelphia statesmen.
In the early part of John Quincy Adams's term as president, the federal government was compelled to impose what became known as the "house tas," and it was made one of the duties of assessors to measure and register the panes of glass in the windows. The act was viewed and respected according as various interests and classes were affected by it. Over among the Scotch-Irish, where another possible outbreak was feared, there was no opposition whatever. When they had been reconciled to the whisky tax, they were prepared for almost any future emergency, and they passed the ordeal of a tax levied on their dwellings without a murmur of dissent. In the German counties. however, the house tax was not approved, and it was not paid, until enforced by the strong arm of federal authority.
The German people in the regions north of Philadelphia were peculiarly impressed with the new law. They could not understand it's provisions of appreciate the possible necessity for any such ridicu- lon- measure, and they simply stood out against payment of the tax with all the stubborn determination they were possessed of. Berks. Northampton. Bucks and Montgomery counties constituted the district where the disaffection displayed itself. In history the event always has been referred to as "Fries's Rebellion," from the fact that one John Fries set himself up as a leader of public thought and therefore deemed
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himself fitted to lead the people in resistance to law. From the fact that the housewives in some localities would occasionally greet the assessor with a kettle of hot water, the uprising also acquired the name of "Hot Water Rebellion." But however the insurrection may have been viewed 01 characterized, it was a serious event in the history of the state, and for a time threatened to extend itself throughout all the counties where the Germans were most numerous.
John Fries, the leader of the malcontents, had served with credit as a soldier in the Revolution, and among his own people had ac- quired a reputation for courage. He was not a leader, as he assumed to be, and his mental equipment was not above the average. His oc- cupation was that of "erier of auctions." hence he was a talkative per- son, and evidently he could arouse as well as amuse his hearers. Fries arrayed himself in a plumed hat, wore a pistol in his belt, and carried ¿. sword at his side, and thus accoutered he set out at the head of about sixty armed men to spread the sentiment of resistance to the house tax among the people. He spoke frequently, and loudly, and exclaimed against the injustice of the law. This was his right, if actuated by honest motives, but when he attempted to incite his followers to acts of lawlessness, his conduct was treasonable.
A noticeable participant in all of Fries's movements about the country was "his little dog, Whisky," to which all contemporary writers refer with some degree of enthusiasm, but it is not claimed the Fries's canine companion possessed qualities not found in others of his kind. But, however accompanied, the leader of this motley party went about the country and harangued the Germans almost without restraint or protest for several months before the authorities gave heed to his actions. Finally, a United States marshal arrested twelve of Fries's followers, and held them in custody at the Sun Inn, in Bethlehem. Their leader
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with his army went to the rescue, demanded their release, and threatened iorable seizure it refused. The marshal yielded up his prisoners, and Frie- marched away a hero, in his own estimation. But now he had wantonly violated the law, whereupon Governor Mifflin, at the presi- dent's request, sent the state militia to capture him and disperse his followers. Hearing of this, the valiant leader deserted his command and dled into a swamp south of Allentown, where he was afterward taken. He was indicted and tried for treason, was convicted and con- demned to death, but President Adams, against whose authority Fries bad offended, granted him full pardon.
Mifflin's incumbency of the governorship ended in 1799. Ilis ad- ministration from beginning to end was beset with new and aggravat- ing questions. Twice at least he had to deal with an armed uprising against the authority of the law. During his term, too, political parties were forming on definite lines, and more than once the executive was called upon to consider the necessities of his political followers. But Mifflin was inclined to be independent, and disappointment frequently awaited those who thought to control him. At times his course was subject to censure, and the opposition availed itself of every opportun- in to criticize him. On the whole, however, his administration was successful. When he first took the office every department of state government was new and untried, and the executive course had no pre- cedent as its guide. But he acquitted himself well, kept in good favor with his party, but rarely was commended by the opposite party. 1le repaid fealty with favor. and surrounded his administration with in- auences calculated to sustain it.
Thomas Mckean followed Mifflin in the governor's chair, and also served three terms of three years each. 1799-1808. At the time of his dlection Mckean was chief justice of the supreme court of Pennsyl-
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vania, and was the first incumbent of that judicial office under the constitution of 1790. AAs a judge of high repute, it was expected that he would bring to the governorship a special dignity, and that his ad- ministration would be conservative in all its parts, but no sooner was he inaugurated than he began the work of removal of public officials. lle cut off heads right and left, justifying his action with the declara- tion that they had not been appointed through merit. but personal con- siderations only : but as often as he removed an official he filled the va- cancy with one of his own friends. No federalist whom he could reach was allowed to escape him, and that he fully believed in the modern "spoils of office" system is shown in his own words, "It is out of the common order of nature to prefer enemies to friends."
MeKean also antagonized the legislature, which body retaliated upon him, and attacked him for holding the principles he declared. But he replied in kind, and really appeared to enjoy wrangling with all who opposed his policy. He found frequent opportunity to indulge himself in this direction, and on one occasion during his last term in office articles of impeachment were preferred against him. He was not tried. however, but through his quarrelsome propensity his whole administra- tion was spoiled, and little real progress was made so far as the gov- ernor's exertions in that respect were concerned.
Notwithstanding the unfortunate relations of the executive and legislative branches, much good progress was made in Pennsylvania during this period of its history. In 1802 an act was passed for the "education of the poor gratis." and in that act was laid the founda- tion of the present admirable system of free education that has attracted attention from and been adopted by other states. In the same year new and advanced militia regulations were adopted. In 1803. when a political campaign was in progress, the Democratic committee issued a
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circular saying " As Pennsylvania is the keystone of the Democratic ich, every engme will be used to sever it from its place." The dec- laration had no special significance at the time, but this comparison of the commonwealth with the keystone of an arch led to the accepted designation of Pennsylvania as the "Keystone State."
In MeKean's time, in 1803. the somewhat famous impeachment case of Yeats, Shippen and Smith reached its culmination. These three judges of the supreme court were arraigned at the bar of the senate charged with oppression, false imprisonment and high misdemeanors. The case attracted much attention at the time, but subsequently became less remarkable when, on account of almost constant variances of the executive, legislative and judicial departments of state government. some public official was presented for impeachment. The judges above referred to were acquitted of the charges brought against them, as were nearly all others similarly accused when political considerations and party advantage swayed men's minds and actions.
During the latter part of Governor MeKean's last term, the un- friendly relations of the United States and Great Britain were the oc- casion of much anxiety and regret in this state, but as yet the situation had not become serious enough to create a division of public sentiment. The injurious effects of the embargo act were felt in Philadelphia and other seaport cities early in 1808, but the legislature did nothing-in fact could do nothing-to relieve the distress of sailors and shipping interests. That branch of state government supported the embargo act, and otherwise stood loyal to the determination of the president and Congress. 1
While this subject was uppermost in the public mind. and while the people were beginning to discuss the question, "pro and con," for party purposes, a gubernatorial election was held (October, 1808) and
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Simon Snyder was chosen. He was the first of the Dutch governors. and was in all respects an honorable. efficient and conscientious public servant. In the political contest of the year there were three candidates. Snyder was the regular Democratic nominee, Spayd was the champion of the so-called constitutional democratic element. commonly called "Quids," and James Ross carried the banner of the Federalists, who even then had begun to cry "Free trade and no embargo."
Snyder's majority was overwhelming and carried gratification to the hearts of his supporters. The Germans in particular felt that their voting strength in the field of politics had at last been recognized. Sny- der proved as honest as he was outspoken and candid, and in whatever he did he was actuated only by the best motives. He was born in Lan- caster in 1759, and educated himself while serving as a tanner's ap- prentice. In 1784 he removed to Selinsgrove and engaged in mercan- tile pursuits. He never drifted into politics. He was not in sympathy with its practices, and yet he was frequently chosen to places of re- sponsibility : was justice of the peace twelve years; member of the con- vention which framed the constitution of 1790: first elected to the house of representatives in 1797: speaker of the house in 1802, and for six successive terms ; was governor from 1808 to 1817: state senator, 1817- 19: and died while a member of that body. November 9. 1819.
The principal event which took place during Governor Snyder's administration was that commonly known as the war of 1812, or the second war with Great Britain, which will be treated in the next chapter. But during that period there were other important events of a civil and political character that occupied the attention of the executive and legislative branches of state government. The banking and currency questions again presented themselves and at a time when least welcome. for the country was on the verge of another war. In ISII the old
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l'inter States bank passed out of existence, and immediately thereafter there followed a rush of applications for charters for state banks. The legislature under pressure of outside influence favored them, but the governor as warmly opposed them, or so great a number of them as were sought to be established. In 1814 charters were granted to forty-two banking corporations. The governor promptly vetoed the Hill, but the legislature passed them over the veto. The wholesale char- tering of banks, without restrictions of any kind, led to many abuses. and frequently they were established for the mere purpose of specula- tion, the unlimited issue of bills and participation in public improve- ment enterprises not contemplated-yet not prohibited-by their char- ter -. By this means public improvements were promoted, but ultimately the effects were disastrous.
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CHAPTER VI.
WAR OF 1812-15.
During the five years immediately preceding the second war with Great Britain, the entire country was in a condition of nominal peace. yet every political event on this side of the Atlantic showed a feeling of unrest and the sure approach of another contest at arms with the mother country. The United States had always observed the provisions of the treaty made with Great Britain at the close of the Revolution and had maintained, too, a strict neutrality during the progress of the Napoleonic wars when every consideration of gratitude should have prompted an alliance with France.
For several years the aggressive acts of the British had been a subject of anxiety and regret to all Americans and had created a feel- ing of indignation throughout the country. The embargo laid by Congress upon our shipping, as a measure of safety, was found so in- jurious to commercial interests that it was repealed, and the non-inter- course act was passed in its stead. In April. 1809. the British ambassa- dor in Washington opened negotiations for the adjustment of difficulties and consented to a withdrawal of the obnoxious "orders in council." so far as they affected the United States, on condition that the non-in- tercourse act he repealed. This was agreed to and the president issued a proclamation to the effect that on the Ioth of June trade with Great Britain might be resumed : but the British government refused to ratify the proceedings, and recalled her minister, whereupon the president revoked his proclamation, and the non-intercourse act again went into operation.
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The most offensive of all British aggressions during the period referred to, was the claim of "right to search." in pursuance of which British cruisers stopped American vessels on the ocean and seized such of their crews as were suspected to be subjects of the king and forced them into their service. This claim led to outrages to which no true American could submit, and the only choice left to our nation was war. or disgraceful humiliation. On June 12. 1812. President Madison sent a confidential communication to Congress in which he recapitulated the long list of British aggressions, and declared it the duty of that body to consider whether the American people should longer submit, but at the same time he cautioned the house to avoid entanglements with other powers which were then hostile to Great Britain.
It was seen that war was unavoidable, but the measure was not sustained in all the middle and New England states. The opposition was embraced in the Federal party, whose chief argument was that the country was not prepared for war. The Federalists then constituted a large and influential minority of the political element of Congress. and bad a strong following in the states not active in politics. They asked for further negotiations, and met the denunciations of the ruling party (the Democratic and Republican, for it went by both names ) with bitter attacks on Napoleon, whom they accused the majority with favor- ing. War was formally declared on June 18, 1812. but not before the president, in pursuance of an act of Congress, issued an order for the detachment of one hundred thousand militia from the several states to be prepared for any emergency.
During the second war with Great Britain no foot more hostile than that of a Federal obstructionist was set on Pennsylvania soil. The contests with that i've were fought out in political meetings, in heated campaigns throughout the counties of the state and at the polling places.
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Party lines were closely drawn and party issues were made clear and distinct. but the Democrats were largely in the majority. Snyder. being governor, was naturally looked upon as the leader of his party, vet he was not in any sense a politician. He was backed by a legislative majority and all branches of the state government were in accord with the federal authorities in adopting and prosecuting war measures.
In 1809 the Democratic majority in the legislature passed a reso- lution that members of that body at the next session "appear in clothes of domestic manufacture," and also ordered "that no British precedent should be read or quoted in courts of justice, nor any British decision made after July 4. 1776, except those on maritime and international law." This determination showed an extreme anti-British feeling among mem- bers of the majority party, but the resolutions were not generally ob- served by the Federalists, who would not be bound by them or respect them.
The Federalists were inclined to enlarge upon the condition of dis- tress created in Philadelphia through the enforcement of the embargo and non-intercourse acts, and gained accessions to their ranks by extending sympathy to the sailors who were for a time without a means of living. The scarcity of money and the feeling of unrest in financial circles also were convenient instruments for their political ends, and they used them. but without much success. The people of Pennsylvania were satisfied with the justness of their cause against Great Britain, and neither per- suasion nor spreading of alarms could change their course.
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