USA > Pennsylvania > Washington County > History of Washington County : from its first settlement to the present time, first under Virginia as Yohogania, Ohio, or Augusta County until 1781, and subsequently under Pennsylvania > Part 54
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attending the war ; but as these will attend the war in either event, I shall par- ticularly allude to them in the supposition of our defcating the United States.
To me this event appears improbable in the last degree. A train of unfortunate delusions (for such I deem them) seems to occupy the minds of many in this country. It is said that no militia will come out against us; that if they do, we are so much superior in arms that we shall easily defeat them; that we can intercept them in the mountains and prevent their passage; that if they should come they will march peaceably along and not disturb the citizen engaged in the lawful occupations of life; and that, at the worst, we can throw ourselves under the protection of Britain.
On such notions, these are my remarks : From all that I have heard or seen there is a resentment in the people of the other side of the mountains against our conduct on two grounds-as being contradictory to the princi- ples of democracy, which require obedience to a constitutional law ; and as refusing to bear any part of a burden, to which they have submitted. This resentment will not only carry vast numbers to them, to comply with the regular call of the militia, but to step forward as volunteers. Supposing (which may yet be doubted) that they may at first be inferior to us in the art of fighting, the interests of the United States are so deeply involved in our submission, that no expense will be spared to accomplish it. And should the draught of the militia be insufficient, certainly the legislature will enable the Executive to raise and maintain a standing body of forces to accomplish the object of government. They will come at different times and in different directions and accumulated numbers; for the " whole force" of the United States will be directed against us : so has the President, who never speaks until he has determined, declared by his proclamation. If this county rejects the conditions offered, the whole country will be con- sidered as in a state of rebellion ; every man must be considered either as a citizen or an enemy. If he says he is a citizen, he may be called upon by the authority of the government to assist its force in subduing its enemies. If he refuse, he becomes an enemy and may be treated as such. The arm of government may live among us at free quarters, and reduce us to obe- dience by plunder, fire, and sword. Will the British receive us? The government of Canada dare not, without authority from London. And it is not to be supposed that Britain will risk the loss of the friendship and trade of the United States for so poor an object as our becoming her subjects. If she did, might we not expect that the United States would seize her dominions on the eastern part of Canada and Nova Scotia and intercept our communication with her ? Against the " whole force" of the United States, exerted as we have reason to fear, what have we to rest on? Where are our arms ? Where are our magazines of military stores ? Or where can we obtain a supply of these articles, but from the United States, with whom we shall be at war? All communication between us and our fellow citizens on the east side of the mountains will be cut off. Even the supplies of the common articles of life, which we receive from them, will be prevented; and not a single article of food or clothing, much less of arms or ammunition, will be furnished to us from that quarter. Army after army will be sent against us. In a state of open war, we shall be considered as any other enemy, with the additional rancor attached to a civil war. Our agriculture will be de- stroyed ; our fields laid waste; our houses burnt ; and while we are fighting our fellow-citizens on one side, the Indians (and God knows how soon) will attack us on the other. The consciences of many among ourselves will shrink back with horror at the idea of drawing a sword against our brethren ! They will call for neutrality. They will enter into associations for mutual defence. Many, who now from fear of danger or insult, put on the appearance of zeal
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and violence, will, when it comes to decisive exertion, draw back. But those who are for war will strive by force to draw in those who are for peace. We shall attack and destroy each other, and fall by our own hands. Our corn- fields will be converted into fields of battle. No man will sow, for no man will be sure that he will reap. Poverty, distress, and famine will extinguish us. All mutual confidence will be at an end, and all the bonds of society will be dissolved. Every man will be afraid to speak to his neighbor. There will be no power of government to control the violence of the wicked. No man's life, no man's house, no man's goods, no man's wife, no man's daughter will be safe. A scene of general destruction will take place. And should government weary of chastising us, at last leave us to our- selves, we shall be a miserable remnant, without wealth, commerce, or vir- tue-a prey to the savages, or slaves to Britain.
Are we prepared for a separation from the United States, and to exist as an independent people ? This is a question which ought to be settled pre- viously to our taking up arms against government. For, to disobey govern- ment, while by remaining in it we admit its authority to command, is too absurd, and too contrary to the duty of citizens, for any man of reason and virtue to maintain ; especially when that government, like ours, is created and changeable by the people themselves-that is, by the whole people, or a majority of the whole people. Our appeal to arms is, therefore, a declara- tion of independence, and must issue either in separation or submission. Government cannot recede farther than it has done. It has already made sacrifices which entitle it to grateful returns. It offers to forgive past offences and consider us as having never erred. It cannot, without a total extinction of all authority, repeal this law while we resist it. Government must either subdue us or cast us off. For, however we may flatter our- selves with the destructive hope of defeating government, we can have no prospect of subduing it, and compelling the United States to retain us in the Union. Suppose us, then, a separate people, what prospect have we of being able to secure those objects which are essential to the prosperity of this country, and of far more consequence than the repeal of the excise law ? Shall we, at our own expense, subdue the Indiaus, seize the western posts, and open the Mississippi ? Or will not the British, countenanced by the United States, retain the posts, and arm and protect the Indians against us ? And will not the Spaniards, under the same countenance, block up the Mississippi, and refuse, perhaps, all trade with us ? At present, there is a fair prospect of an accommodation with Britain, and, by the influence of the United States, we have reason to hope for a surrender of the western posts, and of consequence a peace with the Indians. There is also a nego- tiation industriously and not unpromisingly conducted with Spain, for the free navigation of the Mississippi. The continuance of our union with the United States may, therefore, in a short time secure us all our favorite objects. And there must be time; for we have to deal with sovereign and powerful nations, whose rights we cannot infringe : we must therefore solicit, and not extort. But separated from the United States, and of course from the friendship of France and the world, what hope have we to bend the haughty nations of Britain and Spain ? We should be their sport or their slaves.
In rejecting the conditions now offered us by government, we cannot hope to extort a repeal of the excise law. If we would remove it by force, we must be able to cut ourselves off from the United States, with the loss of our prosperity, our happiness, and perhaps our existence. A rejection of the conditions is a declaration of war, and war is the sure road to ruin.
Let us next consider what will be the consequence of our submission to
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the government on the terms offered : We are restored to the peace and protection of government. We shall be tried for our offences or delinquen- cies by courts and juries in our neighborhood. But with these favorable terms we must submit to the excise law.
The peculiar objection which lay in the mouths of the people on this side of the mountains to this law was this : that from our local circumstances it drew from us a sum of money which was disproportioned to our wealth, and would soon exhaust our circulating medium. However necessary on these grounds an opposition to the excise law might be three years ago, it is less necessary now. Since that period, the progress of this country to wealth has been amazingly rapid. There have been more public and pri- vate buildings raised within this period, than for nine years preceding; and fewer sheriff's sales for debt in the whole threc, than in any one of the nine. Three years ago, I believe, there was not a burr mill-stone in this county ; now there are many. The quantity of money circulating among us is, since, greatly increased, and the value of all property is thereby greatly increased : in other words, the value of money is greatly lessened, and thereby the value of the excise to be paid by us is greatly lessened. Then there was hardly any trade to the Spanish settlements on the Mississippi ; it was, at any rate, small, and confined to a few adventurers; the quantity of grain exported was but little-of course but little was withdrawn from our own consumption, and this little was generally bought with goods. Now a very respectable trade is carried on to the Spanish settlements; our traders are treated with great civility by the Spaniards ; the duty on our trade is reduced to a mere trifle, and there is very little difficulty in bringing away dollars in return. We shall soon have the whole supply of that mar- ket to ourselves. Last spring our best flour was sold there for a dollar each barrel dearer than flour from New York. None of the traders now depend on goods for the purchase of wheat, but must purchase at a reason- able price in money. From this increased exportation of our grain, the necessity of distillation is greatly lessened in degree, and will every day lessen. Government does not now, as formerly, supply the army with whiskey, through contractors purchasing with goods, but employs agents to purchase it with money. Last year ten thousand dollars were laid out in this way by one agent in this county, and the execution of an order for ten thousand more was stopped only by the present troubles. The contractors themselves have, these two last years, purchased their supplies with cash. From these circumstances, and the pay and other expenses of the army, government sends far more money to this side of the mountains than it can draw back by the excisc. At the commencement of this law a very great quantity of foreign spirits was consumed in this country ; but so heavy is the duty which this law lays on foreign spirits, that the people on the east side of the mountains drink such spirits at a very increased price, and our store- keepers cannot afford to bring foreign spirits in any considerable quantity over the mountains.
As our circumstances are thus materially changed, so the law itself is changed also. Originally, the duty on a still was sixty cents per gallon, now it is fifty-four; originally, the duty on a gallon of whiskey was nine cents, now it is seven cents. Another material alteration is, granting a license by the month, at ten cents per gallon on the still-a provision pecu- liarly suited to a country where few distillers work in summer.
I do not say that by these alterations in our circumstances, and in the law, our objections to the excise law are removed, but they are surely les- sened. We have reason also to believe, that our remonstrance would be listened to more effectually, if, by obedience, we put ourselves in a capacity
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of being heard; but it is natural to answer, " Why complain of a law which you have never obeyed ?" I will go yet further, and state an opinion, that the easiest, the speediest, and I believe the only way to accomplish our object, a total repeal of this law, is instantly to accept the conditions offered by government, honestly comply with them, and come fairly before the legislature with our remonstrance.
I have before stated the impossibility that the legislature should repeal this law, so long as we resist it. I will now explain to you on what grounds I form the opinion, that they will repeal it as soon as possible after, by our submission, we have restored them to their authority, and you may judge of yourselves of the probability of this opinion.
The present prospect of French affairs, and the favorable reception which Mr. Jay, our ambassador, has met with in England, give reason to hope for a good understanding between us and Britain, and a consequent termi- nation of the Indian war. I estimate two years as a reasonable period for these causes to operate and these effects to be produced. If the extraordi- nary expenses of the Indian war ceased, there is reason to expect-such is the increasing trade of America-that the imposts would suffice for the ordinary expenses of government. If this be true, so generally is the exeise on domestic produce disliked, and so imperfectly paid, that we have no reason to presume that the legislature will keep it up longer than it is necessary. You have now the grounds on which I state the opinion that it may be repealed in two years. If repealed then, it will have lasted five years ; of these five, we shall, perhaps, if we comply now, be compelled to pay for only two years ; and supposing the tax so unequal, paying but two years out of five may correct the inequality; and while we pay a far greater sum for the expenses of the war is circulated among us. Thus the Indian war, occasioning the excise, bears with it a remedy; and when this remedy fails, there is reason to expect the evil may also fail.
Whether, therefore, we could avoid ruin, or whether we could obtain a repeal of the excise law, it appears evident to me that we have no way to gain our point but by immediately accepting and faithfully performing the conditions proposed.
If we do not, we shall get no more cash for our whiskey. The army will be supplied with whiskey from Kentucky, and regulations will doubtless be made and exerted, to seize and forfeit our whiskey, if carried anywhere out of this county. We shall therefore become its only consumers, and it will again cease to be a cash article and again become a mere drug.
But it is said, if we submit now, we have nothing to expect from a re- monstrance; for our past remonstrances have been ineffectual. I say, it is too hasty to draw this conclusion. Besides what I have formerly observed, that we have never by obedience entitled ourselves to relief, I request your attention to the situation of the United States hitherto : The imposts have not been sufficient for the expenses of government, including those of the Indian war. The excise law, therefore, could not be repealed, unless some new fund were substituted in its stead. Now it is impossible to impose any tax whatever that will operate equally on all men. Suppose, therefore, some other tax imposed in lieu of this, while we continue to resist this, what would be the consequence ? It might be as unpopular here, or in some other place, as this excise; the consequence would be, that from an experience of the weakness of government in failing to enforce the excise, the new tax would be resisted also, and no tax would ever be enforced. [A direct tax, imposed by a law of Congress, produced in 1799 an insur- rection in Northampton County, Pennsylvania.]
Suppose a direct tax, on a general valuation of property, there would be
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great frauds. Suppose a direct tax on lands. The amount of all direct taxes in each State must be in proportion to its number of inhabitants (U. S. Court, i. 2) ; now unless lands or other property in quantity and value bear the same proportion in each State with the number of inhabitants to the whole, the direct tax would in some States be unconstitutional, and of course resisted. I am informed that in New England a direct tax would be as unpopular as the excise is here. Government, therefore, could not with safety substitute any other tax, instead of the excise, till it had first shown that its authority was sufficient to enforce the excise.
Attend, especially, to the situation of the United States during the last session of Congress and judge for yourselves : Was that a time to release any established subject of taxation and try a new experiment ? The whole world seemed to lower upon us. The Indians attacked our back settle- ments. The Algerines plundered and the British captured our ships at sea. It was judged necessary, for safety and justice, to equip a fleet, to fortify our harbors, and to send out against the Indians two thousand volunteers from Kentucky. For all these purposes, the imposts (diminished by the spoliations and the embargo) would come too slowly in, and it was found necessary to anticipate the revenue by enabling the President to borrow a million of dollars. Was this a time to press a repeal of the excise law ? From all these circumstances, the failure of our past remon- strances is no sufficient reason to conclude that after we have submitted to the authority of government, and after its embarrassments are removed, our future remonstrances will fail of a just effect.
On all these grounds I do most earnestly exhort to an immediate accept- ance of the conditions offered by the commissioners, and a faithful per- formance of them on our part, as the only way in which we can hope for redress or escape ruin.
I have thus expressed my sentiments honestly and freely, as at this crisis it becomes every man who has any regard to the welfare of this country to take every occasion to do. This is not a time for concealment or dissimu- lation. Let every man speak out, and let us not by silence or falsehood deceive one another. Let a free currency of opinions restore mutual confi- dence and mutual safety, that the dagger of the assassin, the torch of the incendiary, and the tongue of the slanderer be not feared. Let the energy of government be restored; let the publie peace and the rights of persons and property be preserved sacred; and let every individual repose with confidence and safety on the protection of the law. Let the power of punishment be exerted only as our principles prescribe by courts and juries ; let offences be ascertained only by the volumes of our laws ; while a man's words and actions are lawful, let his safety be untouched, and let not individuals assume the public duty of repaying vengeance.
Do you, gentlemen, who by your station can do it so effectually, unite with me in expressing, propagating, and supporting these sentiments; and through you, both now and hereafter, let them be felt to be the voice of your country.
They are mine ; and were an angel from heaven to charge me to make to you, as I should answer it at the tribunal of God, a faithful declaration of my opinion of the interest of this country at this important period, I would, were it the last moment of my life, address you as I have now done. And oh, may the God of Wisdom and Peace inspire this people with discernment and virtue ; remove from their minds blindness and passion, and save this country from becoming a field of blood !
[P. S .- The meeting at Redstone not having given the assurances required by the commissioners, but appointed a committee to obtain better terms
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the commissioners changed the terms, to individual subscriptions of assurance by every man in these counties. When these terms were declared, I exhorted to a compliance with them in the delivery of this charge in the several counties, adapting the expressions to the circumstances. The following paragraphs are as delivered at Washington, Sept. 22, 1794.]
It may not be amiss to suggest that, notwithstanding the limited time is expired, it may still be proper, for those who have not signed the form of acknowledgment of submission, yet to sign it before some magistrate. Signing it is no admission of past offence, nor any additional obligation of duty in any particular person. It is merely that criterion of civil duty, which our fellow-citizens have thought proper to require after a general appearance of departure from it. And to this duty we are equally bound, whether we sign or not.
You, gentlemen, are guardians of the public peace of this county. At this time, it is peculiarly incumbent on us to watch over the preservation of the peace. Notwithstanding the assembling of an army, under the dis- couraging view of our reluctance to return to our duty, and of our persist- ing in the acts of violence, we may yet, perhaps, save ourselves from the disgrace and injury of its entering among us, by manifesting to government plain proofs of our submission to its authority, and our firm determination to preserve the peace. Let us not have it said that our reformation has been accomplished by fear of an armed force, but from a generous reflection on past error, a sincere sense of duty and an honorable purpose of receiving the estimable character of good citizens. The people of this country, I always hoped, and still trust more and more to be convinced, have good sense and virtue sufficient to entitle them to the respect and good will of their fellow-citizens of the United States. One rash step may be obliterated by an uniform tenor of regular demeanor, and our name may be restored to its due credit. But if we would arrest the threatening hand of government, if we would honorably deserve the character of good citizens, let us now, at this critical moment, watch with peculiar care against the least symptoms of violence, outrage, or breach of the peace. Let all tumults, tumultuous assemblies, appearances, or words of sedition be instantly discouraged, suppressed, and if necessary brought under the coercion and punishment of the civil authority. This alone can secure to us that peace which we had lately lost, and preserve us from that fatal anarchy in which we were lately plunged ; for if civil authority be not supported by ourselves, it must be supported by some other force. This alone can prevent an armed force from entering our country and exposing our peaceable citizens to the private plunder of troops not inured to discipline and irritated by our misconduct. This alone can secure to us that pardon and indemnity which the generosity of government has held out to our former offences, and of which another outrage would certainly deprive us. And this alone can restore to every man among us, that shield of protection against fear and danger, which law and government only can furnish, and make us sit securely in our houses and sleep soundly in our beds.
In the neighboring counties, resolutions have been entered into for pre- serving the public peace and supporting the civil authority. In two of the counties, persons uttering inflammatory and threatening expressions have been put in gaol. I trust the county of Washington will be behind none in duty and love of peace, and will show itself as respectable in the virtue, as it is in the number of inhabitants. We may especially expect from all peace officers, justices, sheriffs, and constables, watchful and earnest exer- tions of their duty and power, for the establishment of peace and tranquillity, and from all the well-disposed citizens ready aid and concurrence, in sup-
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port of the authority of officers and the maintenance of the happiness, honor, and virtue of this country.
At the December Sessions of the Court of Quarter Sessions for Washington County, in the year 1794, Judge Addison delivered the following charge to the grand jury :-
GENTLEMEN : The late insurrection in this country, from the numbers con- cerned in it, the manner in which it was conducted, the object it proposed to accomplish, the fatal effects which it produced, and the melancholy pros- pects which it exhibited, may be considered as the most alarming event that has occurred in America for many years. When anthority has been encountered with tumult, and laws have been suspended by armed men, when the rage of some citizens has attacked the lives of other citizens and destroyed their houses and property by fire; every man of a sober mind must be impressed with concern, and seriously consider to what these things tend.
That a people struggling against usurped powers should oppose oppres- sion by violence, or that, in the state of inflammation which is produced by a revolution, occasional outbreaks should break forth, no man will wonder. But that a people living under a settled and free government of laws, esta- blished by their own will, and changeable when and to what they please, should have recourse to force to repeal or alter their laws, or to anything but authority to redress their grievances, is not less absurd in itself than destructive to liberty, and will more effectually promote arbitrary power, discredit democracy, and show the inefficacy of a free representative government, than all the arts and arguments which its enemies have ever invented.
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