History of the One hundred & sixth regiment, Pennsylvania volunteers, 2d brigade, 2d division, 2d corps, 1861-1865, Part 12

Author: Ward, Joseph Ripley Chandler, 1845-
Publication date: 1906
Publisher: Philadelphia, McManus
Number of Pages: 558


USA > Pennsylvania > History of the One hundred & sixth regiment, Pennsylvania volunteers, 2d brigade, 2d division, 2d corps, 1861-1865 > Part 12


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HEADQUARTERS BURNS' BRIGADE. Near Bloomfield, Va., Nov. 3, 1862.


General Order No. -.


The order has been received which separates us. While regrett- ing heartily to part with my tried and true companions-in-arms, higher command alluresª me, as it does each of you, to advance in my efforts to save our glorious country.


In bidding you a final adieu, I cannot refrain from asking you, in the name of our cause, your success, and safety, to pay rigid regard to discipline.


Without discipline the bravest must yield to the basest. General Washington wept tears of blood over this great want in his army. You know the necessity now. I beg you to remember me in your determination to do your duty, and I will always feel proud of the victories you will win. God bless you.


WM. W. BURNS, Brigadier General Commanding.


The separation was mutually regretted. As has been previous- ly stated, the men were much attached to him; he had led them in several hard fights, and greatly improved their proficiency, and has, on many occasions, testified to his affection for his old Brigade, both previous and subsequently to his departure. On one occasion, speaking of his former Brigade, he wrote:


It is not alone the performance of good deeds, but more in re- straining from temptation and resisting the inclination to do bad acts that deserves the reward, "Well done, thou good and faithful servant" of our Lord, and the respect and imitation of mankind.


The patriot who rushes to the field in defence of his country follows the blind impulse of an honorable instinct, but the man


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who, in addition, subjects himself to the restraints of discipline, endures hardships and suffering in the thousand of vicissitudes which a military life in camp and in field inflicts upon a universal soldier, passes through the chrysalis state of manhood into the veteran defender of his country and her rights. When this soldier perseveres with a single eye to duty, resisting alike the disloyalty and weakness of his superiors, while combating the open blows of his country's foes, he becomes a "hero". This char- acter was earned and is the meed of praise due to the soldiers who were first organized into a brigade under the eloquent Baker, ill- fated at Ball's Bluff, and who from that battle to Petersburg faith- fully fought for the Union under the flag they bore, which by a seeming providential design, always floated where the hottest battle centered, in every engagement with the enemy during the Herculean contest of the Army of the Potomac.


Colonel Joshua T. Owen, of the Sixty-Ninth, assumed command of the brigade, and appointed Adjutant F. M. Pleis, of the One Hundred and Sixth, as Acting Assistant Adjutant-General. We left camp about I o'clock, and marched about five miles and camp- ed, being about two and a half miles from Upperville. The enemy's cavalry being discovered in our front, our artillery was placed in position, and opened on them, and in a short time drove them out of sight and range.


About noon on the 4th, left camp, marched through Upperville and Paris to Ashby's Gap, where we remained two days guarding the pass to prevent the enemy coming over the mountain at that point. Upon our arrival we could see the smoke of their camp fire on the other side of the Shenandoah River, three miles distant.


On the 6th, left the Gap, marched back through Paris, and went into camp on Goose Creek about I o'clock, marching about eight miles.


We remained in camp on the 7th, and received the first snow- storm of the season ; it began snowing about 10 o'clock and con- tinued until dark, spreading a white mantle over the ground about two inches deep. It was rather hard on us, with nothing but our small shelter-tents to protect us.


On the 8th, continued our march, passing through Rectortown and thence to Salem and camped, making about ten miles. Gen- eral Howard, who had been absent on leave, returned and took command of our division to-day, relieving General Gorman.


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On the 9th, passed through Warrenton. Being Sunday, Chap- lain Harris held service after arriving in camp, and delivered his farewell address, he having resigned to accept a position under the Christian Commission.


On the 10th, the whole army was drawn up in line on each side of the Warrenton road for final review by General McClellan, who had been relieved, and had turned the command of the Army of the Potomac over to General Burnside, and now wished to take farewell of his army. It was a sad sight as "Little Mac", as he was familiarly called, rode between the lines, to see the sad expression on the faces of the men, tears stealing their way down the bronzed cheeks of the veterans who knew not fear, who wept now at the loss of their old commander, so endeared to them. Some left the ranks, rushed into the road and begged him to stay, even seizing his horse. The General was deeply affected ; he said, "I wish you to stand by General Burnside as you have stood by me, and all will be well. Good-bye", and rode on. The men re- turned to camp greatly depressed, feeling keenly their loss. Those who were there will never forget that sight and its effects, as witnessed by them on that day. None of his successors ever won from the men such enthusiasm. No matter how tired, if hardly able to get along from the fatigues of the march, plodding through Virginia clay or mud, covered with dust or suffering from the intense heat, let the word pass along the line, "Here comes 'Little Mac'", and every man would straighten up, take his place in line and greet him with cheers. The writer felt the same depression, and feared that great injury was done our cause at that time by that removal, which the subsequent defeat of Burnside at Fredericksburg and Hooker at Chancellorsville clear- ly demonstrated. While McClellan perhaps did not do all that was required of him, it must be remembered what difficulties he had to contend against. He had taken a new army, just from the pursuits of civil life, and made veterans of them, and forced the enemy back on his capital, and when for want of men to keep his connections complete, was forced to yield his ground, he executed one of the most successful changes of base on record. Withdraw- ing his own army from the Peninsula to turn it over to General Pope and part of it to cover the retreat of the defeated army of


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Pope, he was left without a command until he was called upon to reorganize that demoralized army, and following close upon that defeat, with the victorious enemy invading our own country and threatening the National Capital, he fought two important battles, and forced them back within their own territory, and then, having reorganized his army, developed new plans of a campaign, and having started to execute those plans, was relieved before having had the opportunity to do so.


Colonel Palfrey writes :


To relieve Mcclellan of his command so soon after he had forced Lee out of Maryland, was hard measure. He had succeed- ed to the command when Pope had been very badly beaten, and when the sound of the enemy's guns had been plainly audible at Washington. He had rapidly raised the troops from a condition of much discouragement and demoralization, and made of them a compact and efficient force. Within ten days after he left Wash- ington, he had led this army against Lee's rear-guard in the South Mountain passes and had driven it from them, and had fought a great battle against Lee's entire army, in which he had so far gotten the advantage that the Confederate invasion of Maryland had come to an immediate end. He had, since those battles, gradually advanced his army to a position in which it both in- terposed itself between Lee and the capital, and was at least fair- ly well placed for offensive action ;


then adds why he thought he lost his command, by


"His delays on the Peninsula", "His acrimonious correspond- ence", being a "political general", and the probable Democratic candidate for the Presidency.


So the "young Napoleon", the popular idol of 1861, was removed 'from the command of the army for which he had done so much, and while it seemed that hard measure was meted to him, there is more ground for sympathy than there is for wonder.


and further on adds:


He was a courteous gentleman. Not a word was ever said against his way of life nor his personal integrity. No orgies dis- graced his headquarters while he was in command. His capacity and energy as an organizer are universally recognized. He was an excellent strategist, and in many respects an excellent soldier. * * He was the best commander the Army of the Potomac ever had. No one would think for a moment of comparing Pope or Burnside or Hooker with him.


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And I would further add that I firmly believe, that had Mc- Clellan been better supported by those over him, as well as those under him, for there was a lack of support by some of his junior generals, and left to carry out his own plans, much better results would have been accomplished, and the only fault would have been, that perhaps he would have taken too long to accomplish them. He had worked his way, driving the enemy before him, until June 1, 1862 found him in front of Richmond, holding Mechanicsville at the crossing of the Chickahominy on his right, covering his base of supplies at White House on the Pamunkey, and extending across the Chickahominy to White Oak Swamp on his left, and had less than 100,000 men. This he thought was insufficient to attack their works, and was also so believed, by all of his "non-self-seeking Generals", the rule being three to one. He, therefore, pleaded with the Administration to send McDowell's forty thousand men, then at Fredericksburg, to join his right, to protect his supplies and enable him to withdraw his right wing to the Richmond side to attack. It was refused. He persisted for twenty-five days, and received McCall's Division of only 10,000, and an order was issued for McDowell to advance on Richmond, McClellan to co-operate.


Bryant reports :


That the returns of June 14th showed 158,838 men, of whom 115,152 were present for duty.


This includes the Division of McCall, but I still think, with that Division included, he did not have 100,00 effective men.


He extended his right to Hanover, but McDowell failed. to connect, but sent his troops up the valley after Jackson, who slipped by him at Fredericksburg and turned McClellan's right back upon his base of supplies, necessitating a change of base to the James. As Richmond, the enemy's capital, and the army there concentrated was the military objective point of the war, by con- centrating the army of the Potomac on the Richmond side of the Chickahominy, they could have gone into Richmond without per- adventure, with his base of supplies intact. It held the army and the capital of the Confederacy by the throat, only five miles off. It never approached so near again until they evacuated it. The


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war might have closed in July, 1862, but its base was gone, and "Napoleon never fought an attack without a base", and was com- pelled to withdraw.


On November 7, 1862, McClellan, with the Army of the Po- tomac, 140,000 strong, had pierced Lee's army near Warrenton, Longstreet being at Culpepper, when Lee, with Jackson and Hill, was in the Shenandoah Valley, across the mountains, two days' march apart. The passes of the mountains were held by Mc- Clellan, who was advancing on Longstreet, but ten miles away, when suddenly he was relieved from command and the enemy permitted to concentrate, their army again released and his capital saved. The war might have closed in December, 1862. These are historical facts fairly stated ..


War has two objectives, one political and the other military. The military objective was the enemy's capital and the army covering it. To destroy both at one blow would have closed the war and saved the Union. But would it have induced the people to change the Constitution and abolish slavery in 1862? Had the Administration assurance of it? Its fruit was not then ripe to pluck, so that the end justified the means?


CAPTAIN JOHN W. LYNCH.


Oct. 7, 1861.


Sept. 7, 1863.


As First Lieutenant. Promoted to Captain, Jan. 9, 1863. Discharged, Sept. 7, 1863. Disability.


SERGEANT HARRY J. BLAIR. Sept. 2, 1861. May 12, 1864.


As Corporal. Promoted to Sergeant, Nov. 7, 1864. Killed at Spottsylvania C. H., Va., May 12, 1864.


COMPANY C.


I862


1905


HENRY H. SPENCER.


Oct. 16, 1861. Oct. 16, 1864. Wounded at Fredericksburg, Va., Dec. 13, 1862. Detailed as Sharpshooter, May, 1864. Mustered out, Oct. 16, 1864.


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CHAPTER XII.


FREDERICKSBURG.


T HE Army of the Potomac, now under the command of Gen- eral A. E. Burnside, was divided into three grand divisions under Generals Sumner, Hooker and Franklin. The right grand division commanded by General E. V. Sumner, was com- posed of the Second and Ninth Corps; the center grand division under General Joseph Hooker, was composed of the Third and Fifth Corps; and the left grand division under General W. B. Franklin, contained the First and Sixth Corps. Each division was accompanied with a large force of artillery, making Burn- side's full force to number 127,574 officers and men.


The Second Corps was commanded by General D. N. Couch, the First Division by General W. H. French, the Second Division by General O. O. Howard, and the Third Division by General W. S. Hancock. Of our Division, the First Brigade was command- ed by General Alfred Sully, the Second Brigade by General J. T. Owen, and the Third Brigade by Colonel Norman A. Hall. Coming down to the Regiments of our Brigade, we find the Sixty- Ninth commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel D. O'Kane, the Seventy- First by Lieutenant-Colonel J. Markoe, the Seventy-Second by Colonel D. W. C. Baxter, and the One Hundred and Sixth by Colonel T. G. Morehead.


Sumner's grand division remained around Warrenton until Nov- ember 15th, when they advanced, passing Warrenton Junction, pushed on, and arrived at Falmouth on the Rappahannock river opposite Fredericksburg on the 17th, and encamped, not, however, without first having to contend for our ground, as the enemy opened on us as soon as we came in sight, from their batteries on the heights in rear of the city. Pettit's Battery was soon run into position on the hills above Falmouth, and by a few well dir- ected shots, silenced them.


Our Regiment left camp near Warrenton early on the morning of the 15th, marched past the Junction and camped, marching


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about eleven miles. On the 16th, we marched about eighteen miles, and on the 17th about eight miles to Falmouth, making about forty miles in two days and a half, and camped in the woods on the hills about the town.


General Sumner was anxious to cross at once and charge the heights, it being clearly demonstrated that but a small force of the enemy then occupied them, but General Burnside preferred to wait until his whole army was concentrated and ready to move together, and until the train of pontoons that was to be sent him from Washington should arrive, and thus give him ample facilities to cross a large force. The delay of the arrival of the pontoons, which was not until the 25th, afforded the enemy ample oppor- tunity to divine our object and greatly reinforce their troops stationed there, as well as to strengthen their position.


On the 19th, our old Brigade Commander, General W. W. Burns, who had recently been promoted and assigned to the com- mand of the First Division of the Ninth Corps, passed our camp with his new command. Our boys had not forgotten that he was but recently their commander ; it soon spread through the camp that "Billy Burns" was passing, and nearly the whole brigade thronged to the road and greeted him with cheers as he passed.


For nearly a month our troops were fast concentrating in the vicinity of Falmouth. Communication was opened by railroad with Aquia Creek, which was the main depot of supplies for our army, and they were quickly and continuously shipped to the temporary depots and dispensing stations along its line and at Falmouth, coming by steamers and transports from Washington to Aquia Creek.


The enemy were also improving their time. They were fast reinforcing their army, and fortifying their position on the heights, a range of broken hills, running parallel with the river immediately in the rear of the city, north, until they strike the river as it makes a turn west of Falmouth, and southeasterly for about five miles below the city, and near to the Massaponax River. That portion immediately in the rear of the center of the city was known as Marye's Heights.


On November 21st, General Sumner made a formal demand of the Mayor and Councils of Fredericksburg for the surrender of


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the city. This they declined to do, for they were powerless, as the Confederate commanders said they would not occupy the town themselves nor permit our troops to do so; but they finally did occupy it with their sharpshooters and riflemen.


Every preparation was now pushed rapidly forward to force the passage of the river, secure a landing in the town, and force its surrender. This their artillery could do little to prevent, but the great difficulty would be to clean out their sharpshooters, who now filled the town. The pontoons were brought up, concealed from the view of the enemy, and made ready, and by December 10th, all arrangements were completed, and Burnside ready to take the offensive. Our army now numbered about 113,000 effective men ready for action, the largest proportion of these being with Frank- lin on the left, as in addition to his two corps, the First and Sixth, he had two divisions of the Third, those of Birney and Sickles, Burns' Division of the Ninth Corps, and Bayard's Cavalry. Gen- eral Hunt, our Chief of Artillery, had placed in position on the heights from Falmouth south, 147 guns, including seven 41/2-inch siege guns, and twenty-two 20-pound Parrots. The estimated force of the enemy under Lee was about 78,000, with numerous artillery, all strongly entrenched.


At 3 o'clock on Thursday morning, the IIth of December, we were ordered under arms, a gun fired in the direction of the river being the signal. At 4 o'clock, additional shots were fired by our artillery, quickly followed by a volley of musketry. Our engineers were now at work laying the pontoon bridges, it being decided to throw two or three across the river at different points, one immediately in front of the city. Covered by darkness until daylight, and for some time afterwards by a heavy fog, they were far towards completion before discovered, but as soon as the fog lifted, their sharpshooters became aware of our intentions, and opened fire with terrible effect, driving our men from that one in front of the city, and compelling its abandonment, though several attempts were made to complete it. To insure its com- pletion the town must be cleared. This could only be done by artillery. Then followed a terrific cannonade for several hours. General Hunt directed his fire chiefly at the houses used as places of concealment by the riflemen, and although he brought to bear


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all the batteries that he had placed in position the night before, immediately facing the city, concentrating his fire and pouring into it a perfect storm of shot and shell, the men still remained, and at every attempt to complete the bridge renewed their fire and drove our men away. The remaining bridges down the river were, however, completed with little opposition, and the troops were crossing and taking position in the plain below the city.


At 6 o'clock we were moved from our camp about two miles down the river and massed under the cover of the Stafford Hills, near the river, opposite the point where the bridge was being laid, loaded and stacked arms, and rested and awaited orders. As has been stated, our Brigade was now commanded by Brig- adier General Joshua T. Owen, recently promoted from Colonel of the Sixty-Ninth Pennsylvania Regiment, and Colonel More- head commanded the Regiment. Our Color-Sergeant, B. F. Sloan- aker, having been promoted to Lieutenant for gallant services at the battle of Antietam, the colors were now placed in the care of Corporal J. N. Radcliff, of Company C, acting Color-Sergeant, who carried them successfully through this battle.


All morning passed, and afternoon was fast passing way, and still no orders to advance were received, no headway gained; the bridge could not be completed, although only a few boats were needed. General Howard held a consultation with some of the officers, and it was suggested to attempt to cross some men over in boats, and thus force a landing. General Howard sought Gen- eral Burnside to consult him, and they agreed to make the attempt, and about 3.30 o'clock detachments of the Seventh Michigan, under Colonel Harry Baxter, and the First Minnesota, under Lieutenant-Colonel Adams, were ordered forward, and, embark- ing in pontoon boats, pushed for the opposite shore ; soon effected a landing, and quickly drove the sharpshooters from their shelter at the river bank, capturing many before they got away, but could make no further headway into the town, so, holding the river bank near where they landed, they protected the engineers, who were enabled to finish the bridge, and the balance of Hall's Brigade crossed, followed by our Brigade, the One Hundred and Sixth leading, which in turn was followed by the First Brigade, our entire division. These were the only troops that crossed that


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night. As soon as our Brigade landed, it was formed in line on the left of the bridge down along the river bank, the One Hundred and Sixth Regiment being on the left of the line, and General Owen at once ordered details of each regiment to deploy as skir- mishers and drive the enemy out of the town. Companies B and G of our Regiment were at once thrown forward, also a detach- ment of Company H under Lieutenant Hassett, and with similar de- tails from the other regiments, endeavored to clear the town. This they found a rather difficult task, it then being dark. The enemy had the advantage, knowing the locality, and from their sheltered positions in the houses and behind walls were able to inflict con- siderable damage, especially upon Hall's Brigade on the right. After contesting each foot of ground, they fell back two squares from the river and made a determined stand. Our skirmishers were quickly reinforced, and, by a flank movement on the left through some houses and side streets, outflanked them, made many prisoners and completely routed the balance, and by ten o'clock had complete possession of the entire built-up portion of the city, and the firing ceased. We had captured about 100 prisoners, and six bags of mail matter. One of the prisoners, in passing Colonel Morehead, said, "Old man, I see you are alive yet. I had four good shots at you, and don't see how it is I did not hit you". This caused the "old man" to thunder forth, "You scoundrel, you", as the "reb" passed to the rear.


While this skirmishing was going on, the balance of the com- mand was still along the river bank. Immediately in front of our Regiment was a small house, and a light was seen to glimmer through a window. Thinking that some of the enemy was still concealed there and unable to get away, a detail was sent to in- vestigate. As soon as an effort was made to gain admittance, the light was put out. Upon insisting on an entrance, the door was opened by a female, who, when she found it was the "Yankees", threw up her hands, saying: "Bless de Lord", and called for a light. It was then found that about a dozen negroes, male and female, were crowded in that room. The cellar door was then opened, and about as many more came up out of there, making · about twenty that had sought shelter and remained hid all day in that cellar, to escape the cannonading. They were perfectly safe,


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as the river bank was so steep that houses built facing on the first street above would have their first story there, the second on the river front ; and this one was so near the river that our guns could not be depressed enought to affect it, and the shots of the Con- federates could not penetrate into that cellar. Colonel Morehead took possession of the house for his headquarters. As soon as the firing ceased, these people separated, and went to their own houses, leaving the owner of the house, his wife, and two children alone. They did all they could to make the Colonel comfortable, and soon had a good hot supper prepared for him, and I was fortunate enough to be invited to share it. This invitation I lost no time in accepting, as I had had nothing to eat since early in the morning, except a dry "hardtack". We both did ample justice to their liberality. They were all very light mulattoes, and the two daughters were very pretty girls. The man was a carpenter, and had been allowed by his master to work at his trade in the town until he had earned enough to purchase his own freedom ; and continuing, he finally purchased the freedom of his wife and children. He then built and bought the house in which they lived, and was now glad to get within the Union lines; and when subsequently they heard that we were evacuating the town, hastily packed up all their things they could carry, crossed the river, and made for Washington, and thence on to Columbia, Pa., where they had some relatives living.




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