USA > Pennsylvania > Lancaster County > Lancaster county Indians: annals of the Susquehannocks and other Indian tribes of the Susquehanna territory from about the year 1500 to 1763, the date of their extinction > Part 27
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53
that the Mennonites commenced a settlement in 1709-10 at the place where the Herrs and Meylins now reside near Willow Street. On p. 456 Rupp says, in 1709 several families from the Palatines settled on Pequea
·
200
OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES
Creek. He then mentions a list of preachers that these Palatines brought forth and said that they all preached German.
However, the most authentic docu- ment I can find is a letter dated the 20th of July, 1711 by Jacob Taylor among the Taylor papers in the His- torical Society, No. 2769, in which he says, "six or seven families of Palatines are settled at Pequea and more desire to go there next win- ter."
This letter was written the mid- dle of 1711 and it may be taken for granted that the six or seven fami- lies were at Pequea some time and likely arrived about 1709. But of course white people were in this
country among these Indians sever- al years before the settlements be- gan. This, then is the year which announced the fate of the Indians of this section by reason of the coming of the whites. It is interesting to know that next year will be the two hundreth anniversary of this event.
1710 - The Queen of the Conestogas Goes to Philadelphia.
In the 2nd Vol. of Watson's Ann- als, p. 178, he states that, "On the 21st of September, 17th the Queen of the Conestoga Indians, Ojuncho, and two chiefs and some of the Conoys visited Philadelphia and laid down before the Council five bundles of skins and furs, making at the gift of each a speech." He says also that "the belt from the Conestoga Indians prayed thus, 'sent from the children born and those yet in the womb, that room might be allowed them to sport and play, without danger of slavery.'" It would seem that Wat- son is wrong about this as we shall see later, in that Colonel French was at Conestoga and received the belt above referred to instead of the old
| queen having come to Philadelphia, but we will show this later.
1710 - The Governor Asks a Larger Present for the Conestogas Than the Assembly Proposed.
In Vol 2 of the Votes of Assembly, p. 42 it is set forth that "James Lo- gan came again to the House in a message from the Governor, and ac- quainted the Assembly, 'That the Governor ordered him to give a re- lation of the several messages sent to the Indians at Sasquehanna; which he did; and further informed the House, that the Governor's Indisposi- tion obstructed his going up to Con- estoga, to visit the Indians, as he in- tended; therefore prest that the House will consider of a present for them; to the value of Twentyfive Pounds.'
Which relation being debated and considered, Resolved that although the account given by the said James Logan concerning the said messages, is not satisfactory to this House, yet in regard the chief of these Indians are come to town, if any will credit the public with goods that will suit the Indians, to the value of twenty- five pounds, (being the sum proposed by the said James Logan, as sufficient for presents for them at this time), the same shall be repaid out of the public money that shall be raised." At page 43 of the same book it ap- pears that the question of giving 25 Pounds in Presents to these Indians was very warmly discused.
1710-The Conestogas Received My- sterious Belt of Wampum.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 509, at the bottom of the page it is set forth that, "The Governor laid be- fore the board a letter he had receiv- ed from the Colonel Ingolsby, wherein was enclosed a
paper in these words William Dalbo, one of
201
ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND
the Justices of the Peace, in ye County of Glocester, saith: that an Indian of his particular acquaintance who hath been very intimate with him, the said Dalbo, from his child- hood, acquainted him that there is a belt of Wampum come to Conesto- goe, from Mahquahotonoi; that there was a tomahawk in red in the belt and that the French with five nations of Indians were designed for war, and to fall on some of these planta- tions; the Governor also laid before the board a letter he had received from Mr. Yeates, Caleb Pusey and Thomas Powel, dated this day, pur- porting that tomorrow there was to be a great concourse of Indians those of Conestogoe and those of Jersey; that they were of opinion that it might be a seasonable opportunity for the Governor to visit them altogeth- er the meeting being the greatest that has ever been known these 20 years, and it is to be about two miles from John Warraw's, at Edgmond. It is the opinion of the Board that the Governor with some of the Council, and as many others as can be got, should go tomorrow to meet the said Indians, to inquire further of them about the said belt of wampum and what else may be thought neces- sary."
1710-Bizalion, the Indian Trader About Conestoga, Acts Sus- piciously.
In the book and at the page last mentioned it is stated that, "The Governor acquainted the Board that he has been informed one Peter Biz- alion, a French man and Roman Catholic, a trader amongst the In- dians at Conestogoe has lately spok- en some suspicious words, and com- mitted some misdemeanors, where- upon he has caused his effects to be . seized, the better to oblige him to hand to plant corn. The Board tak-
appear and answer unto what should be laid to his Charge, and Craved the advice of the Board in the pre- mises, who came to this resolve, that ye said Bizalion should enter into recognizance to the Queen, in five hundred pounds, with two sufficient sureties, in two hundred and fifty pounds apiece for the said Bizalion's personal appearance at the next sessions of the peace, to be held at Philadelphia for the said County, and his good behavior himself in the meantime, which being done his ef- fects to be restored to him, paying ye cost of seizure."
The suspicious and disturbable matters sets forth in these last two items made the visit to Conestoga by the Governor a necessity; and he made such visits as we shall see in the next item.
1710- Governor Gookin's Visit to the Conestogas and Shawanese.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec., p. 510 it is set forth that "The Governor acquainted the Board that upon his arrival at New Castle last week, he was informed that Opessa, one of the Shawannah chiefs, had been there four days; that he went away in the night, nor could he hear what he came about, that he had been with some of the Delaware Indians, who resolve, (as it is said) not to plant corn this year; That Mr. Garland has lately shown a belt of wampum, sent by the Five Nations by Indian Harry, with this further message, that as soon as the bark ran, they would be with them at Conestogoe, with sixty men and make a speech; that he was informed at Brandywine, that an old Indian woman said, (as it was inter- preted) that their great men had ugly talk among them, and that they had left none but her and her hus-
202
OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES
ing the premises into consideration, are of the opinion (be the report true or false) that it may be conven- ient for the Governor to make a journey to Conestoga (he not having been among the Indians since his ar- rival), to inform himself of the truth of these reports, and for the keeping up of a good understanding and Cor- respondence twixt us and the In- dians, and that some of the Council wait upon him thither."
And at the top of p. 511 of the same book it is set forth that "The Governor acquainted the Board that upon his arrival at Conestoga, he found the Indians very well inclined to the English, and to the Proprie- tary and this Government in parti- cular; but that had complained to their business to waylay their him that several persons make it young men returning from hunting, making them drunk with rum, and then cheat them of their skins, and that if some method be not taken to prevent it they must be forced to remove themselves or starve, their dependence being entirely upon their peltry ; whereupon it is thought
proper that such Indian traders as are foreigners being admitted and licensed by the Governor, shall come under such regulations as the Gov- ernor and Council from time to time shall direct and appoint."
In this we are told of the Governor visiting the Conestogas and
Shaw- nese and we can readily see the im- portance of what transpired.
1710-Colonel French and Henry Worley Carry a Message to the Conestogas.
In the book and at the page last mentioned we are given further in- formation of the unsettled condition of the Indians on the Susquehanna, Conestoga and Pequea from the fact
that in addition to the Governor's visit about the beginning of May,this year, the two messengers French and Worley were sent to Conestoga where they arrived on June 8th, 1710, and entered into proceedings with these Indians, of which the follow- ing is a verbatim report made by Worley found at p. 511, as I have just said:
"At Conestoga June 8, 1710.
Present: Henry Worley and John French.
Iwaagenst Terrutawanaren, and Teonnottein, chiefs of the Tuscaror- ces, Vivility, the Seneques kings, and four chiefs more of that nation, with Opessa ye Shawanois King.
The Indians were told that ac- cording to their requests we were come from the Governor and Govern- ment, to hear what proposals they had to make anent a peace, accord- ing to the purpose of their embassy from their own people.
They signified to us by a belt of Wampum, which was sent from their old women, that those implored their friendship of the Christians and In- dians of this Government, that with- out danger they might fetch wood and water.
The second belt was sent from their children born, and those yet in the womb, requesting that room to sport and play without danger of slavery might be allowed them.
The third belt was sent by their young men fit to hunt, that privilege to leave their towns, and seek pro- vision for their aged, might be grant- ed to them without fear of death or slavery.
The fourth was sent from the men of age, requesting that the word by a happy peace was sent from the men of age requesting that the wood by a happy peace, might be as safe from them as their forts.
203
ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND
The fifth was sent from the whole ! to this, of their good behavior, and nation requesting peace, that there- then they might be assured of a favorable reception. by they might have liberty to visit their neighbors.
The sixth was sent from their Kings and chiefs, desiring a lasting peace with the Christians and In- diains of this Government that there- by they might be secured against those fearful apprehensions they have these several years felt.
The seventh was sent in order to intreat a cessation from reducing and taking them, that by the allow- ance thereof, they may not be afraid of a mouse, or anything that ruffles the leaves.
The eighth was sent to declare, that as being hitherto strangers to this place, they are blind, no path or communication being betwixt us and them; but now they hope that we will take them by the hand and lead them, and then they will lift up their heads in the woods without danger or fear.
These belts (they say) are only sent as an introduction, and in or- der to break of hostilities till next Spring, for then their Kings, will come and sue for the peace they so much desire.
We acquainted them as most of this continent were the subjects of the Crown of England, though divi- ded into several Governments; so it is expected that their intentions are not only peaceable towards us, but also to all the subjects of the Crown and that if they intend to settle and live amiably here, they need not doubt the protection of this Govern- ment in such things as were honest and good but that to confirm the sin- cerity of their past carriage towards the English, and to raise in us a good opinion of them, it would be very necessary to procure a certifi- cate from the Government they leave,
The Seneques return their hearty thanks to this Government for their trouble in sending to them, and ac- quainted us by advice of a Council amongst them it was determined to send these Belts, brought by the Tus- caroroes, to the Five Nations.
May it please your Honor.
Pursuant of your Honors, and Council's orders, we went to Cones- togoe, where the forewritten con- tents were by the chiefs of the Tus- caroroes to us delivered; the sincer- ity of their intentions we can not any- wise doubt, since they are of the same race and language with our Seneques, who have always proved trusty and have also for these many years been neighbors to a Govern- ment jealous of Indians, and yet not displeased with them; Wishing your Honor all happiness, we remain, Your Honor's. Most humble and
Obliged Servants, JOHN FRENCH, HENRY WORLEY."
"Journey to Conestogo. DR.
Pds. s. d.
To bread,
0
4 2
To meat,
0 12 0
To Rum,
1
10
0
To Sugar,
0
15 0
To two Men's hire
For Baggage,
4
0
0
To John, 1
4
0
8 5 2"
In this item is set forth the belt that the old woman of the Conestogas gave to French on which Watson seems to be somewhat confused.This item is
of importance because the business that was done at Cones- toga by these messengers was really a confirmation of many forms of treaties. It also serves to show the exact state of the relations existing
204
OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES
between these Indians and the whites at this time, and the questions which were agitating them.
1710-The Conestoga Indians Reply to a Swedish Sermon.
In Mombert's History of Lancaster County p. 16, in a note the following appears :
" In or about the year of our Lord, 1710, a Swedish Missionary preached a sermon at an Indian treaty held at Conestoga in Pennsylvania; in which sermon is set forth original sin, the necessity of a mediator; and endea- vored by certain arguments to in- duce the Indians to embrace the Christian religion. After he had end- ed his discourse, one of the Indian chiefs made a speech in reply to the sermon; and the discourses on both sides were made known by interpre- ters. The Missionary upon his re- turn to Sweden, published his ser- mon, and the Indian's answer. Hav- ing written them in Latin he dedi- cated them to the University of Up- sala, and requested them to furnish him with arguments, to confute such strong reasonings of the Indians. The Indian speech translated from the Latin is as follows:
'A speech delivered by an Indian Chief, in reply to a sermon, preach- ed by a Swedish Missionary, in order to convert the Indians to the Chris- tian religion :
Since the subject of his (the Mis- sionary's) errand is to pursuade us to embrace a new doctrine perhaps it may not be amiss, before we offer him the reasons why we can not comply with his request, to acquaint him with the grounds and principles of that religion, which he would have us abandon.
Our forefathers were under a strong persuasion, as we are, that those who act well, in this life, shall be rewarded in the next, according
to the degree of their virtue: and on the other hand that those who be- have wicketly here, will undergo such punishment hereafter as are propor- tinate to the crimes they were guilty of. This hath been contstantly and invariably received and acknowledg- ed for a truth, through every succes- sive generation of our ancestors. It could not have taken its rise from fables for human fictions however artfully and plausibly contrived can never again gain credit long, among any people, where free equity is al- lowed: which was never denied by our ancestors; who, on the contrary, thought it the sacred inviolable, na- tural right of every man to examine and judge for himself. Therefore we think it evident that our notion, concerning future rewards and pun- ishments, was either revealed imme- diately from heaven to some of our forefathers, and from them descended to us, or, that it was implanted in each of us, at our creation, by the Creator of all things. Whatever the methods might have been, whereby God hath been pleased to make known to us his will, and give us a knowledge of our duty, it is still in our sense, a divine revelation.
"Now we desire to propose to him some few questions: Does he believe that our forefathers, men eminent for their piety, constant and warm in the pursuit of virtue, hoping thereby to merit everlasting happiness, were all damned? Does he think that we, who are their zealous imitators, in good works, and influenced by the same Motives as they were, earnest- ly endeavoring, with the greatest cir- cumspection, to tread the paths of in- tegrity, are in a state of damnation ? If these be his sentiments, they are surely as impious as they are bold and daring.
In the next place we beg, that he would explain himself more parti-
205
ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND
cularly concerning the revelation he talks of. If he admits no other than what is contained in his written book, the contrary is evident from what has shewn before: but, if he says God has revealed himself unto us, but not sufficient for our salva- tion; then we ask, to what purpose should he have revealed himself to us in anywise? It is clear that a re- velation insufficient to save, can not put us in a better condition than we should be in without any revelation at all. We can not conceive that God should point out to us the end we ought to aim at, without opening to us the way to arrive at the end. But, supposing our understandings to be so far illuminated as to know it to be our duty to please God, who yet hath left us under an incapacity of doing it, will this Missionary, therefore, conclude that we shall be eternally damned? Will he take up- on him to pronounce damnation up- on or against us, for not doing those things which he himself acknowl- edges were impossible by us to be done. It is our opinion that every man is possessed of sufficient knowl- edge for his salvation. The Al- mighty for anything we know, may have communicated the knowledge of himself to a different race of people, in a different manner.
Some say they have the will of God in writing; be it so; their revel- ation has no advantage above ours since both must be equally sufficient to save; otherwise the end of the re- velation would be frustrated. Be- sides if they be both true they must be the same in substance; and the difference can only lie in the mode of communication. He tells us there are many precepts, in his written re- velation which we are entirely ignor- ant of. But these written demands can only be designed for those who
have the writings; they can not pos- sibly regard us. Had the Almighty thought so much knowledge neces- sary to our salvation his goodness would not long have deferred the communication of it to us, and to say that it is a matter so necessary, he could not, at one and the same time, equally reveal himself to all man- kind, in nothing less than an absolute denial of his omnipotence. Without doubt, he can make his will manifest without the help of any book or the assistance of any bookish man what- ever.
We shall, in the next place, con- sider the arguments which arise from a consideration of Providence. If we were the work of God (which I presume will not be denied), it fol- lows from thence that we are under the protection and care of God, for it can not be supposed that the Deity should abandon his own creatures and be utterly regardless of their welfare. Then, to say that the Al- mighty has permitted us to remain in a fatal error through so many ages, is to represent him as a tyrant. How is it consistent with his justice to force life upon a race of mortals, without their consent, and then dam them eternally, without ever opening to them a door of salvation? Our conceptions of the gracious God are more noble; and we think that those who teach otherwise do little less than blaspheme. Again, it is through the care and goodness of the Al- mighty, that from the beginning time, through many generations to
this day, our name has been preser- ved, unblotted out by enemies, un- reduced to nothing. By the same care we now enjoy our lives; are furnished with the necessary means of preserving our lives. But all these things are trifling, compared with our salvation.
of
206
OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES
Therefore, since God hath been so careful with us, in matters of little consequence, it would be absurd to affirm that he has neglected us, in cases of the greatest importance. Ad- mit that he hath forsaken us, yet it could not have been without a just cause. Let us suppose that an hei- nous crime was committed by one of our ancestors, like to that which we are told happened among another race of people; in such case, God would certainly punish the criminal, but would never involve us, who are innocent, in his guilt. Those who think otherwise must make the Al- mighty a very whimsical illmatured being. Once more are the Christians more virtuous, or rather are not they more vicious than we are? If so, how came it to pass that they are the objects of God's beneficence, while we are neglected? Does the Diety confer his favors without rea- son, and with so much partiality ? In a word, we find the Christians much more depraved, in their morals than ourselves; and we judge of doctrine by the badness of our lives."
1710-Most of the Indian Chiefs of the Continent Expected to Meet at Conestoga.
In Vol. 2 of the Col, Rec., p. 513 at a Council held the 2nd of July, this year, "The Governor laid be- fore the Board an Express he had received last night
from Colonel French, purporting that in three days the Chiefs of the Seneques would be at Conestoga, and with them the Chiefs of the Indians of most part of the Continent and also some of the Gentlemen of the Maryland, and that the Governor's presence there was expected; what the design of the Congress might be was not certain, but was told it was of great conse- quence to the Crown, and would
tend much to the preservation of the subject. The board having taken the premises into consideration are of the opinion, that it is absolutely necessary that the Governor, with as many as can be got to attend him go to Conestoga to meet the Indians, and inform himself of the cause of their meeting."
In this item we see that Conestoga was now to be the scene of a great meeting of Chiefs. The heads of all the Indian tribes were about to gath- er there; and this was to be the great Indian Council of the year. I am unable to find whether the Coun- cil as· intended met and perhaps we shall see later on, what became of the action. The importance of Con- estoga is however shown in this.
1710-The Queen of the Conestogas and Some of the Conoys at Philadelphia.
At a Council meeting held on the 21 of September, 1710, as it is re- corded in 2 Col. Rec., p. 516, and stated, "The Queen of the Conestoga Indians, Ojuncho, and two chiefs more, and some of the Conois In- dians, laid down before the Council four bundles of skins and furs, and at the delivery of the first bundle, the said, (as was interpreted) that they had given the Governor notice of their intentions of coming hither the last time he was at Conestogo, that they were now come, and do present him with that bundle to make him a cover for his table to be used in the same manner as the Car- pet, then spread upon the Council's table.
Upon their presenting the second bundle, they said it was in remem- brance, and as an acknowledgment for the gunpowder and lead present- ed to them here the last year, for which they were very thankful.
Upon their presenting the third
207
ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND
bundle, they said it was as a token of their good will and friendship, and that they shall ever remember and observe the Governor's advice to them last year, to live peaceably with one another, which they will al- ways endeavor.
Upon their presenting the fourth, they said it was in remembrance of the advice that was heretofore, given them not to be too credulous of re- ports, they being generally false and spread abroad by ill men, that for their parts they would believe no re- ports against us, and hoped we would believe no ill reports of them.
Whereupon the Governor replied that he was glad to see them and thanked them for their kind pre- sent and cautioned them not to be- lieve lies and stories that now too commonly spread abroad for mis- chief by ill men, and that if any- thing happened extraordinary they should have notice by a messenger on purpose, and desired the like from them as their brothers, and being ordered to attend tomorrow in the afternoon they withdrew.
Ordered that Mr. Hill, Mr. Norris, and Mr. Preston, dispose of the said. presents to the best advantage, and provide a suitable return against to- morrow." More of the prominent position of Conestoga is shown in this item.
1711-Expenses of the Conestoga In- dian Treaties.
In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly, p. 92, it is set forth that John French accounts of his several journeys to Conestoga and the expenses therein at the intance of the late Governor, amounting to 119 Pounds, 19s and 10d, was read, and some of the 60 Pounds of new currency was allow- ed to the said John French.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.