USA > Pennsylvania > Montgomery County > Lives of the eminent dead and biographical notices of prominent living citizens of Montgomery County, Pa. > Part 7
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" We take no note of time But by its loss."
Even as early as the age of ten years Jonathan Roberts had developed a literary taste unusual in one so young. Speaking of himself and his elder brother Mathew, he says: " We relished El- wood's Davidies. We could then distinguish the flowing lines and good rhymes. I had some perception of David's prowess and his love of Jonathan. I was not then aware that Achilles had his Pa- troclus, Alexander his Hephestion, and the existence of the later imitations of Nisus, Euryalus, Eneas, and Pallas. But none of these could, in my estimation, compare with the friendship of Jonathan, the heir of Israel's crown, for his rival, the shepherd boy of Beth- lehem. I date from this period and circumstance my enthusiastic veneration for the sages of Greece. Those of Rome never claimed the same regard from me, nor do they yet." [He was then more than threescore and ten. ] "About this time my mother procured me the Jewish Antiquities of Josephus. It awakened my admira- tion for that wonderful people, but it soon subsided when I had come to know something of the Greek sages, in whom all that was amiable and sublime in virtue was to be met. I had now begun to comprehend the full meaning of what I read. Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the World raised the veil that I might know something of the outlines of Ancient History. Gordon's Geography, which had been my father's text-book, was perused with interest, although
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it left a boundless terra incognita. I read the History of Englandiz in sixteen volumes, by Smollet. With the writings of. Josephus added to these I had an outline, though a faint one; of much an- cient and modern time."
In 1785, when 14 years of age, he entered the school of Edward Farris at the "Gulph." He lived at home while attending the latter school, and had about four miles to walk to and from school daily. His aptness at learning and diligence in the pursuit of knowledge soon attracted the attention of his teacher, who strove. to diversify his studies. This was an important era of his life, as his mind was fast opening to the realization of such learning as was. within reach at that time. Notwithstanding the distinction attained as a pupil, he remained the humble farmer's boy, and this sim -- plicity of demeanor characterized his early youth. He was markedly respectful and obedient to his teacher, never having incurred his. displeasure except in one instance. Mr. Farris wished to train him. in elocution, and set him to memorize Addison's soliloquy of Cato. This he refused to do, and in speaking of the incident in after life, said: " I felt too great a repugnance to declaim what had been said by a man who, as it then appeared to me, had criminally killed. himself .* I did not then comprehend the purpose of Addison. It. was a great cross to my teacher. My father, hearing of my obsti- nacy, was mortified, and censured me freely. Although I revered his authority, I doubt whether even he could have vanquished my repugnance to pronounce the soliloquy, for good moral reasons, as. I then understood the case." His teacher loaned him Rollin's. Ancient History and Pope's Odyssey, which he read with the great- est delight. With the close of the sping of 1786 his school instruc- tion ended, when in his 16th year. Long after that, however, his intercourse with his honored preceptor was of great advantage to him, and he retained the sentiments of high regard which he had formed for Mr. Farris in early manhood until the close of his life. When entering upon his 17th year he was indentured an apprentice. to learn the wheelwright trade with a Mr. Evans, near Downing- town, Chester county. Accustomed to habits of industry and ap- plication to business, he soon acquired a knowledge of the handi- craft, and rapidly won the esteem, confidence and friendly interest of Mr. and Mrs. Evans.
During the period of his apprenticeship, which continued for the
*Mr. Roberts must refer here to the historical fact that notwithstanding Addison's- high character as a moralist, he was very intemperate.
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full term of three years, he sought and relished intercourse with men more cultivated and enlightened than himself. In this respect he was favored, for among his neighbors were several families whose friendly interest in the young artisan opened to him that social in- tercourse, which greatly tends to mould the character of youth for usefulness and distinction in after years. For the memory of these early friends and patrons he ever cherished the most grateful re- gard. In speaking of the recollections of his apprenticeship, late in life, he said: "I was so engaged in my work, sometimes, from earliest dawn to latest twilight, that I could feel the loss of a mo- ment's interruption in comparing the labors of one day with an- other. Work absorbed every thought and feeling. I have felt at times a like abstraction when in office, discharging public duties. Such entire engrossment has filled up the most pleasurable inter- vals of my life. To this faculty of entire absorption of my powers, whether mental or physical, I owe any success I have ever reached."*
On the expiration of his apprenticeship, in his 21st year, he re- turned home and resumed labor upon the farm, but took little en- joyment in the usual recreations, pastimes and pleasures of his young acquaintances. He hungered after a wider field of action and higher aims. Visions of a part to be performed in life inspired his imagination and incited him to efforts for the public good. Al- though athirst for knowledge, his relish for rural labor was not les- sened. Indeed, he much preferred the latter occupation to the pur- suit of his trade. While continuing to attend to such calls for the ex- ercise of mechanical skill as offered, he did not seek to extend his business in that direction, preferring to be employed on the farm whenever his services were needed or could be made most useful. From the time of his return home he laid down a plan of study which was to be pursued by the lamp before and after the labors of the day were performed. It was his especial object to acquire a satisfactory style of composition, and he wrote much with that view in the way of essays and correspondence with others having similar tastes.
At that time political controversy ran very high. Great events were passing from day to day in which he took the deepest interest. The French Revolution and the war between Great Britain and France in 1793 gave rise to a popular ferment in this country that divided the people into parties animated by the strongest convic-
*This posthumous sentiment of this truly great man is a bright beacon, inviting every young reader to emulate his example.
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tions as to the proper policy to be adopted by the American Gov- ernment. Notwithstanding the cruelties and tyranny of the British Cabinet, many of the most noted and honored statesmen of the country had been deeply indoctrinated with British theories of a mixed government. These distinguished leaders in the war for in- dependence were in control of the government, their notions cul- minating during the administration of the elder Adams, and the public measures to which they resorted were such as to arouse the apprehensions of all who felt a desire for the continuance of a real Republican polity. This latter portion of the people looked to Thomas Jefferson as the statesman best fitted to give effect to the great Declaration of 1776, and initiate a real Democratic govern- ment. In the political contests which followed, Jonathan Roberts, although a young man, took a most active and decided part in favor of Republican men and measures. Hamilton, Knox, and others, were steadily pressing a policy which they called strong govern- ment, and among the measures they sought to establish was a sys- tem of excises. The excise on whiskey fell heavily on the interior of Pennsylvania, which, in 1794, produced an insurrection in the western part of the State. This was promptly suppressed by a vig- orous and powerful military demonstration against the malcontents, thus avoiding bloodshed; but the feeling of opposition which even this show of force aroused, gave vigor and coherence to the anti- Federal tendencies of the people.
In January, 1795, Mr. Roberts joined in the organization of a literary association which numbered twenty-five members, and which was continued for a year. It comprised several young men who afterwards attained considerable distinction in their respective lines of effort in after life. Before this society he read some twenty essays on various subjects, which are still extant and display the youthful efforts of a promising literary organization. Finding it necessary to relinquish the association, owing to the diminution of its members, it was concluded by those who remained to organize a library company, which was afterwards incorporated under the title of " The Great Valley Library Company." In this enterprise Mathew and Jonathan Roberts took a leading part. The catalogue included nearly all the standard works, whether in literature, science or general information, and displayed a discriminating judgment on the part of the managers. Through the facilities for learning which this library afforded, the active mind of Mr. Roberts was constantly stimulated and fed to an extent not usual to those whose time was
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mainly devoted to useful physical labor. He had for several years been a reader of Freeman's National Gazette, Gale's Gazetteer, and when these were discontinued, of Bache's Philadelphia Aurora. He was thus prepared to stand in the front rank of opposition to the 'high-toned measures of the General and State Governments. In . the election of 1796 John Adams, by a mere accident, received a majority of votes over Thomas Jefferson for President, on the retire- ment of Washington. During this period Montgomery county was controlled by the Federal party, but the opposition continued to 'gain strength steadily.
Late in that year Mr. Roberts and his brother Mathew became the lessees of their father's farm. Jonathan was then in his twenty- fifth year. He had attained the position which was most to his taste, that of a managing agriculturist. The arrangement with his father proved every way satisfactory and profitable. In speaking of their business at that time, he says: "In seven years we could com- mand seven thousand dollars, and had greatly increased our stock .and improved our land. At every spare moment I still recurred to . my studies. My desk and books were ever kept at hand. I never touched them, however, but with cleanly washed hands." Such were his occupations until he attained his twenty-eighth year. Early in July of 1798 Mr. Roberts was nominated for the State Assembly, at the great election then pending. The activity of himself and brother Mathew in politics attracted public attention to them. Both were young men of high promise, but although the younger, the choice fell to Jonathan Roberts. This was doubtless owing to the fact that he had already manifested high qualifications for public service. He was then a consistent member of the society of Friends, his life had been passed mainly in literary seclusion, and he had been habituated to use the plain language of Friends in his inter- course with his family and neighbors. He was elected, however, .and entered the Assembly as one of its youngest members as well in years as in legislative experience. The election of 1799 gave the Republican party a majority of two in the House. The Federal party had a majority of one in the Senate. Party feeling was very violent, and personal civilities, outside of party lines, were hardly discernible : it was near the crisis of the contest between those early political leaders. The future policy of the Union hung in doubtful ,poise. In the Assembly he was associated politically with Dr. Lo- gan, Governor Mifflin, and a few other active and prominent pub- lic men. Being naturally retiring and modest, he hesitated to as-
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sume a leading position on the floor of the House. He did not. lack general knowledge to render him efficient as a debater, but was one of the most thoroughly informed in that body, although re- garded as its youngest member. What he only lacked was practi- cal experience in legislative and administrative duties. At that time- the seat of State government was in the city of Lancaster. Speak- ing of his return home at the close of the first session, he said: "I sat down to a plain farmer's table, lodged in the old loft on a chaff" bed, and in three days had resumed my usual habits of daily toil. It was my purpose to retain habits of industry at whatever cost, as a necessary foundation for personal and political independence." This. resolution he adhered to during a long public career, the experi- ences of which never weakened his taste for labor or made him sigh. for the enjoyments of ease. He was returned to the Assembly the next year, and having made the most of his opportunities at the pre- vious session, began to take part in the discussions before the House. At this meeting, by a coalition of fifteen Federalists with a part of the Republicans, Governor Muhlenberg was elected to the United. States Senate by one majority over Dr. Logan. The former was. then in the United States House of Representatives. President Jef- . ferson soon after made Muhlenberg Collector of Philadelphia, which appointment the latter accepted, and Dr. Logan was then sent to the Senate, in accordance with the wishes of the Republican party.
The part Mr. Roberts took in the choice of a Senator, favoring and working for the election of Dr. Logan, gave offence to some of" his Republican friends, who, acting with the Federalists, secured his defeat the next year (1802) by a small majority. His success- ful competitor was his neighbor, Samuel Henderson, of Upper Merion. The Federal party had found him an active and formida- ble opponent, and they were glad to aid in keeping him out of pub- lic position. He had given them every reason to know that he was, firm and inflexible in his opposition to their policy. Although out of office, and constantly engaged in business occupations, his influ. ence was everywhere felt in the current of political events. His- retirement continued until 1807, when he was nominated without solicitation, and indeed against his inclination and expectation, for the State Senate, from Montgomery county. He was elected by a majority of more than five hundred over John Richards, a popular German candidate. He was then in his thirty-sixth year, with men- tal and physical powers in full vigor. He was, however, about that.
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time stricken down by an epidemic fever, which affected his whole family, his father falling a victim to it at the age of 82.
His father bequeathed his landed property, consisting of some three hundred and seventy-five acres, to his two eldest sons, Mathew and Jonathan Roberts, and they continued to hold it in joint pos- session till 1812.
Mr. Roberts served out his term in the State Senate, having taken throughout a very prominent and active part in that body. Here his great fund of general knowledge, added to his former experience in public life, enabled him to take the first rank among his breth- ren, many of whom were even then his seniors. Although a man of decided party feeling, his public course was so distinguished by manly independence and regard for public interests, that he com- manded the respect of political opponents as well as the admiration and approval of his party friends. At the end of the term he left his seat in the State Senate with a solid reputation for high charac- ter and ability.
While yet in the latter body his name was brought forward as a candidate for the National House of Representatives, and the fol- lowing summer he was nominated for the district composed of the five counties of Bucks, Montgomery, Northampton, Luzerne and Wayne, in conjunction with General Roberts Brown of Northamp- ton and William Rodman of Bucks, and all three were elected.
He was now called to enter upon a new field of action and to mingle with his fellow men in a more exalted arena. In the autumn of 1811 he left home to attend the sessions of the twelfth Congress. His conveyance to Washington was by a private hack, through Lan- caster, by what was called the western route. Never had there ex- isted in this country more bitterness of party feeling than at this period. The old Federal party, after more than ten years of de- feat, remained well organized and buoyed up with the hope of re- gaining power. Its leaders had ever displayed a veneration for British institutions, which the Republican party regarded as re- actionary. The latter looked upon the British Government as the rule of a cruel stepmother, whose tyranny had driven this country to resistance at the expense of widespread calamities. France, on the contrary, had essentially aided us in making our defence against the mother country effectual. This sympathetic feeling was strength- ened by witnessing her mighty struggle against the league of Con- tinental despots: This country, however, had suffered in its com- mercial interests at the hands of both powers, but in nothing had its
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rights been so outraged as in the impressment measures of the British Government as inflicted upon our sailors navigating the high seas .*
The resort to embargo and non-intercourse having failed to ar- rest European aggressions, public feeling became so aroused that Congress was filled with a large number of Republican members of talent and influence determined to command redress. It met that year with a decided majority of its members impressed with a reso- lution that if negotiations failed to obtain relief, a declaration of war must be resorted to. Negotiations did wholly fail to effect a change of English policy. France, it is true, in some sort, suspended her hostile decrees, but England, while pretending friendship, still per- mitted her ships of war to impress our men. A large majority of the Republican members of Congress were elderly men, hardly one of whom could not claim meritorious service in the Revolutionary struggle. John Randolph, on the contrary, had then reached the acme of his fame. He took the side of opposition to war measures. Indeed, to him the Federalists looked as to their forlorn hope. This was all well enough so far as it strengthened the arm of nego- tiation, but the committee, determined that the time had come for decided action, made a strong report in favor of a declaration of war and against the aggressive power of Great Britain. Mr. Rob- erts took a firm stand with the administration of President Madison, and gave his earnest support to the measures brought forward by the able men connected with it. He also made a very able speech pending the consideration of a declaration of war, found published at length in James Winnerd's Weekly Register, which may be con- sulted in the Norristown Library. Mr. R. closed with the words: " I repose safely on the maxim, 'Never to despair of the Republic.' " In taking this course he came into conflict with the peace tenet of the society of Friends, which compelled him to forego his connec- tion with that religious body.
His official and personal intercourse with Mr. Madison led him to form an exalted opinion of the ability and patriotism of that dis- tinguished statesman. Mr. Roberts had the entire confidence of Mr. Madison, who availed himself of his services in many important emergencies, pending the preparations for a declaration of war and afterwards. Not only in Congress did Mr. Roberts support the ad-
*A miller at Easton, in our State, named Paschal Hollingsworth, wrote Mr. Roberts a carping letter about this time, complaining that he was helping to ruin the country by the Embargo law, to which Mr. Roberts replied in a two-column article with great force and pertinence, proving that upon such men as he, the British and other enemies of the country were relying for "aid and comfort," and that it was just because of such that we should have to go to war. Mr. Roberts, according to the modern phrase, "cleaned him out."
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ministration, but as a correspondent of several public. journals sus- tained it with his pen with marked ability and force. His letters were for a time printed in the Aurora, the State Republican organ for Pennsylvania, published in Philadelphia by John Binns. One series of his letters were addressed to John Randolph, of Roanoke. These letters created general public attention, and were regarded as highly creditable to their author. As a controversial writer few men were his superiors, especially in relation to the current politi- cal topics of that day.
Early in May, 1812, the President informed Congress that there was no hope that Great Britain would abandon her aggressions. The time had arrived when resistance or colonial vassalage were the only alternatives. The Federal opposition then sought by dilatory measures to postpone decisive action. The Senate passed a resolu- tion to adjourn for thirty-eight days, that Congress might go home and learn public opinion, and sent it to the House. This artful stroke of policy was promptly negatived by the latter. A confer- ence was asked for by the Senate and granted. The latter ·body appointed . General Bradley of Vermont, Chauncey Goodrich of Connecticut, General Reed of Maryland, Governor Worthington of Ohio, and William B. Giles of Virginia. Those on the part of the House were Dr. Bibb of Georgia, Mr. Macon of North Caro- lina, Mr. Pleasants of Virginia, Jonathan O. Mosely of Connecti- cut, and Jonathan Roberts of Pennsylvania.
At the conference a most spirited discussion arose, in which Mr. Roberts took a prominent part, he standing alone against any ad- journment on the final vote being taken. His colleagues of the House all voted for a longer or shorter adjournment, but opposed the time fixed by the Senate. A report of disagreement followed. In speaking of these events Mr. Roberts, in his memoirs, says : " The measure of aggression was full; negotiation had been ex- hausted, and such a case was presented, after embargo and non- intercourse had been tried without effect, as brought up the alter- natives of submission or resistance. The policy of the Senate was obviously to give the war question the go-by. Their measure of adjournment seemed to be as futile as it was strange, as at the end of thirty-eight days they could promise nothing but to prepare the country for submission. When, after war was declared, we learned of the modification of the aggressive British Orders in Council, and of the export from their ports to ours of an immense amount of their accumulated manufactures, in anticipation of a proclamation by our
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President that our ports would be open to them, there remained scarcely a doubt that the proposed adjournment of Congress was predicated upon some understanding that was had between the oppo- sition or anti-war men and the British Minister that within that time some concession would come from the British Government. The modifications of the Order in Council, unsatisfactory as they cer- tainly were, claimed " the right to withdraw them whenever British interests should require it."
On the report of disagreement by the committee of conference, the Senate again sent to the House the resolution to adjourn for the same period. Instant action was called for, when Mr. Roberts moved to suspend the daily pay of members during the adjourn- ment. This was a measure the friends of adjournment were not prepared to meet, and a short debate followed. While this was pending, Mr. Blacklege, of North Carolina, moved to postpone the resolution and amendment indefinitely. This was carried by a majority of three votes. So near was this nation falling into a policy that must have shown it to be shamefully unworthy of its patriotic founders.
The crisis had then been reached, and soon the House was in de- liberation on the question of war. An animated debate ensued, in which the purpose of the opposition seemed to be to consume time. Mr. Roberts got the floor, and at the first opportunity moved the previous question. Mr. Clay in the chair ruled out all dilatory motions, and declared the main question to be on the war bill. The House was thus enabled to reach a vote with unexpected celerity. It was carried, by a large majority, on June 18th, 1812. It now remained a duty on Congress to provide revenue and armaments. Men had been voted beyond any practicable enlistment, but there was little inclination to act upon the question of internal taxes. The two houses of Congress had been in session many months, and it was then nearly midsummer; many members had retired, and there was a general impatience to get away.
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