USA > Pennsylvania > Lives of the governors of Pennsylvania : with the incidental history of the state, from 1609 to 1873 > Part 18
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Benedict Arnold, who had been assigned to military com- mand in Philadelphia, by General Washington, immediately after its evacuation by the British, early in the summer of 1778, had, by his alleged violations of official duty, fallen under the displeasure of the council, which brought charges against him that were presented to Congress. It appears that Arnold, on assuming command in the city, had set up a style of living of unprecedented extravagance. He rented the house of Richard Penn, which had been the headquarters of Sir William Howe, and was afterwards occupied by General Washington, during his Presidency. IIe kept liveried ser- vants, and a coach and four. He married for his second wife, Margaret Shippen, the youthful and accomplished daughter of Edward Shippen, afterwards Chief Justice of the State, and a Tory. To support his extravagant way of life, his salary as an officer was entirely insufficient. To secure the requisite means he had prostituted his official position. Having closed all places of business in the city, he allowed his minions to trade, charging exorbitant prices, the profits of which he shared. He employed the transportation of the army for private uses; and in sundry ways defeated the ends of justice, thereby securing his own advantage. Upon these and other charges Arnold demanded a court-martial, which was ac- corded; and after many delays, he was tried, found guilty of a part, and sentenced to be reprimanded by the Commander- in-chief. This result exasperated Arnold, whose temper had been previously soured by his failure to obtain large sums of money from Congress, in payment of expenses incurred in the Canada campaign. He accordingly resigned his commis- sion, and immediately commenced a correspondence with officers in the British army, with the purpose, undoubtedly, of having his revenge. Major André, with whom he subse-
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quently planned his treachery for the surrender of the strong- hold at West Point, had, during the winter that the British occupied Philadelphia, been on intimate terms with Miss Shippen, whom Arnold married, and through him the cor- respondence was opened. Thus can be traced the ruin of Arnold -a name at the mention of which every breast is filled with loathing-to a luxurious and extravagant way of life, a cause which has brought many a man since to destruction.
In the prosecution of the charges against Arnold, Reed, as President of the Council, took an active part, and conse- quently incurred the odium of the friends of the traitor. Actuated by revengeful feelings, charges were brought against Reed of having been approached by emissaries of the British Government, with the offer of a bribe, to use his influence for a reconciliation with the mother country; and the con- versation of Mrs. Ferguson, through whom the proposition had been conveyed, with the Agent of the Crown, was pub- lished. The history of this event is well known.
In February, 1778, Lord North, the British Premier, pro- posed the total abolition of all taxes, of whatever kind, of which the Americans had complained, and the appointment of Commissioners to negotiate terms of peace. Grown sick of war, vastly expensive in blood and treasure, the English people demanded this policy. It prevailed; and Earl Carlisle, George Johnstone, and William Eden, were accordingly ap- pointed. As they were only empowered to forgive past offences, and conclude peace upon the old basis of Colonial dependence upon the British Crown, Congress refused to listen to them, asserting that the Americans had done nothing that needed forgiveness, that they would listen to no terms while British armies remained on Colonial soil and indepen- dence of British rule was denied. Finding that no negotia- tions of a public nature could be engaged in, the bribing of men high in the service of the nation was attempted. John- stone had been the bearer of private letters to Reed from his brother-in-law, De Bert, in England, and Reed had, out of
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politeness, sent the bearer a letter of thanks, showing his missive to Washington, and having the latter's approval before sending it. Presuming upon this act of civility, Johnstone, in a conversation with Mrs. Ferguson upon the horrors of the conflict, expressed his desire to engage Reed in securing a pacification, and that if he consented, ten thousand guineas, and the best office in the Province, would be at his disposal. This he desired Mrs. Ferguson would communicate to Reed. The reply of the latter, on hearing this disgraceful proposition, was worthy of the noblest patriotism. " My influence is but small ; but were it as great as Governor Johnstone would insin- uate, the King of Great Britain has nothing in his gift that would templ me."
Upon the return of the loyal inhabitants to the city of Philadelphia, after the departure of the enemy, the feeling against the Tories, who had remained aiding and abetting them, was very bitter, and many prosecutions for treason were commenced. The action of the committee who had been ap- pointed to conduct these proceedings, was not so summary as the populace desired, and the feeling of the militia, princi- pally that of the privates, was wrought to such a pitch that acts of violence were attempted against some of the most es- teemed citizens; especially those lawyers who had defended the Tories in court, embracing such men as Robert Morris, and James Wilson, a signer of the Declaration of Indepen- dence. To elude the rioters, many took refuge in Wilson's house. The rabble in passing fired upon it, and shots were given in return, by which one was killed and several wounded. In the midst of these proceedings the President, mounted, appeared with a squadron of the City Troop, and dispersed the rioters, taking some of the leaders into custody.
The Academy and College of Philadelphia was a subject of legislation during this administration. The Provost, Dr. Smith, and some of the Professors and trustees, were believed to be hostile to Independence. The charter required an oath of allegiance to the King of Great Britain. By act of the trustees, of the 14th of June, 1764, it was alleged that they
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had " departed from the plan of the original founders, and narrowed the foundation of the said institution." After due inquiry into the facts by a committee appointed for the pur- pose, an act was passed on the 27th of November, 1779, abro- gating its former charter, removing its instructors and officers, and vesting its property in a new board, granting an endow- ment from confiscated estates, yielding an annual income of fifteen thousand pounds. The new board of trustees was composed of three classes, ex-officio members to the number of six, a like number of clergymen of as many different de- nominations, and thirteen citizens selected on account of their devotion to liberal learning. The name of the institution was changed to that of the " University of the State of Penn- sylvania."
At the urgent request of Washington, President Reed was invested, in 1780, with extraordinary powers. The want of energy in the action of the several State governments in sup- plying troops and the means of prosecuting the war in emer- gencies prompted to this action. In writing to Reed upon this subject, Washington said : " This is a decisive moment ; one of the most, I will go further, and say, the most important America has seen. The Court of France has made a glorious effort for our deliverance, and if we disappoint its intentions by our supineness, we must become contemptible in the eyes of all mankind, nor can we after that venture to confide that our allies will persist in an attempt to establish what, it will appear, we want inclination or ability to assist them in."
The extraordinary authority bestowed was wisely and pru- dently exercised. Indeed, the influence of the President with the militia was all-powerful. For, when, in the winter of 1780, the soldiers of the Pennsylvania line under General Wayne, poorly clothed, badly fed, and worse paid, kept be- yond their period of enlistment by a most disingenuous in- terpretation of language,* revolted and commenced the march under non-commissioned officers with arms in their
* "For three years or the war," was interpreted to mean as much longer than three years as the war should last, whereas three years was clearly intended as the maximum term.
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hands to Philadelphia, to demand redress from Congress, and it was told to them that President Reed was on his way to meet them, they halted in their mad course, and received him with tokens of the utmost respect and veneration. Terms of pacification were speedily arranged by which those entitled to discharge were relieved, and the remainder re- turned to duty.
Just previous to the arrival of the President, two emissaries of the enemy came post-haste to the disaffected soldiers, hold- ing out strong inducements for continuing the revolt. The mutineers spurned to listen, and handed them over to the American officers as spies, by whom they were tried and exe- cuted at the next cross-roads. The two sergeants who had arrested them were offered a reward of fifty guineas; but they would not accept it, alleging that they had acted under the orders of the Board of Sergeants in command. A hun- dred guineas were then offered the latter. Their answer was worthy of Spartan virtue : " It was not for the sake, or through any expectation of reward, but for the love of our country, that we sent the spies immediately to General Wayne; we therefore do not consider ourselves entitled to any other re- ward but the love of our country, and do jointly agree to accept of no other."
When President Reed approached the mutineers, he was uncertain in what temper they might be. It was deemed im- prudent for him to go among them, lest in their exasperated state of mind some indiscreet ones should do him violence. But he determined to trust himself implicitly among them, and wrote to the Executive Council : " I have but one life to lose, and my country has the first claim to it." He after- wards took the field in person, at the head of a body of militia called out for special service. The camp was established at Trenton, and here he carefully organized and trained the row recruits with the patience and industry of a subaltern.
At the expiration of his term of office as President of the Council, he resumed the practice of the law in Philadelphia. Among the causes in which he was concerned at this period
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was one in the decision of which the State of Pennsylvania was deeply interested. The State of Connecticut had long before laid claim to a vast section of land known as the Wyoming Territory, and had sent emigrants to settle it. Frequent attempts had been made to drive these settlers out by force, as well as by peaceful arbitration, which had proved unavailing. Congress now appointed a commission, of which Reed was one, to make a final decision. The commission met at Trenton. The argument of Reed occupied six hours in its delivery, and was an exhaustive and masterly statement of the case. The result was a decision in favor of Pennsyl- vania, thus preserving the territory as acquired by Penn, intact.
Soon after Mr. Reed's retirement from the Presidency, his wife, a most estimable woman, was removed by death. Her loss was deeply felt, and it was not long before his own system began to give tokens of decay. IIe visited England, hoping that a sea-voyage and change of scene and climate might restore him to soundness; but he found little relief, and after an absence of a few months he returned in September, 1784. In the November following, he was chosen a member of Con- gress, but he never took his seat. The disease which had fastened upon him, pursued him still, and after a painful ill- ness of two months, he breathed his last on the 5th of March, 1785, at the early age of forty-four, literally worn out in the service of his country.
Mr. Reed's mind was one of remarkable activity and power. His scholarly attainments, his acuteness of perception, and his kind and affable manners fitted him for great usefulness in the way of life which he was called to tread. The high estimate which Washington placed upon his capacity, and his devotion to the cause of his country, is seen in the selection of him to lead the cavalry in one of the most active and try- ing periods of the American war, and the repeated solicita- tions for him to accept the position. At his dying hour he said : " My situation in life has made me an object of much envy, calumny, and reproach; I, therefore, on this solemn occasion, declare that any charge of infidelity to my country,
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correspondence with the enemy, injustice to the state or indi- viduals, which has been made against me, is false." A life so devoted to the service of his country, from its opening to its closing scenes, will be little affected by the voice of detrac- tion, and the best answer to the cavils of the traducer is the great life-work that he accomplished, which we have endea- vored briefly to sketch.
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WILLIAM MOORE,
PRESIDENT OF THE SUPREME EXECUTIVE COUNCIL, November 14, 1781, to October 8, 1782.
W ILLIAM MOORE, who, from the 18th of October, 1779, had been Vice-President of the Council, was unani- mously elected President to succeed Joseph Reed. He had been a merchant, and was a man of great energy of charac- ter, possessing the warm regard and confidence of his fellow- citizens. IIe was an active and steadfast patriot, and at that period in the progress of the Revolutionary War, when many were despondent and would have gladly given up the contest, such a man as he was needed at the helm of State to inspire confidence and preserve the public integrity.
The period just previous to that during which Mr. Moore was Governor was one of great monetary distress. The war had been a long and wasting one, and the colonists, when compared with the nations of Continental Europe, were very poor. Bills of credit had been issued to such an enormous extent that they had depreciated far beyond any known pre- cedent. There appears on the minutes of the Council of November 20, 1780, a record of settlement of William Moore's salary for one year as Vice-President, that illustrates the extent to which at that time the currency had been reduced. It is as follows : "Dr. The State of Pennsylvania with Honorable William Moore, Esq. To amount of one year's salary, at £600 per annum, or 1200 bushels of wheat at £20 Continental, £24,000."* Then follow payments at various dates of sundry sums to the amount of £13,000, and a record of an order drawn at that date for the balance of £11,000. Thus had the moderate salary of £600 a year
* Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. III. pp. 511-12.
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grown to the enormous one of £24,000 by a very simple method. The authorities were sadly in arrears in paying even in this almost worthless medium. The troops were in some cases in open mutiny, and the army seemed on the eve of breaking up. At this juncture Robert Morris, a merchant of Philadelphia, and one of the foremost of the patriots, a friend and associate of Moore, was appointed by Congress Secretary of Finance, and was placed at the head of the first National Bank established in the United States. It was known as the Bank of North America, and was located in Philadelphia. Through the skilful management of Morris, aided by wealthy citizens of Pennsylvania, the credit of the country was revived, and the war was brought to a successful issue. In the winter of 1776, when the time of the militia from several of the States had expired, and they were about to disband, Washington induced them to remain in the field by the offer of a bounty. The day of re-enlistment was drawing near, and the Commander-in-chief was without the money necessary to meet his bounty engagement. It was useless to apply to Congress, for it had no funds. In this emergency Washington made an urgent appeal to Robert Morris. The sum needed was large, and it must be in specie. Morris is represented as leaving his counting-house in a depressed spirit, unusual to him. On his way he met a wealthy Quaker, to whom he made known his wants. "Rob- ert, what security canst thou give !" asked the Quaker. "My note and my honor," promptly replied Morris. " Thou shalt have it," was the answer; and the next morning Morris wrote to Washington : "I was up early this morning to dis- patch a supply of fifty thousand dollars to your Excellency. It gives me great pleasure that you have engaged the troops to continue; and if further occasional supplies of money are necessary, you may depend on my exertions either in a public or private capacity."* It was thus that Pennsylvania in every stage of the war aided the patriot cause, not only by sending her soldiers to the field, but by furnishing the sinews of war.
* Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, Vol. II. p. 25.
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Before the year for which Governor Moore was elected President had expired, the period of three years during which he had been a Councillor was at an end, and he was obliged, on account of the limitation fixed by the Constitu- tion, to retirc, and hence could not be a candidate for re- election. In February, 1784, he was elected a director of the Bank of Pennsylvania, and in July of that year we find him acting as chairman of a meeting of citizens of Philadel- phia, convened to take measures for placing the public debts upon a permanent foundation. In October following, he was elected a member of the Assembly from Philadelphia. He died in 1793.
Mr. Moore married Sarah, daughter of Thomas Lloyd - the other daughter of Mr. Lloyd, Susanna, having married Thomas Wharton, Jr., first President of the Council. The father of Mr. Lloyd was Vice-President of the Council under William Penn, and is said to have traced his ancestry back to Mirick or Meirig, Prince of Demeca, born A. D. 490. Three children were the issue of this marriage. A son, Colonel Thomas Lloyd Moore, is described by Griswold, in his American Court, as " a military gentleman well known in the gay world of that day." He enjoyed the friendship and social intimacy of the family of President Washington. He married Sarah Stamper, and their only daughter, Eliza, became the consort of Richard Willing, of Philadelphia, a family which figured largely in the best society of that day. Elizabeth, the only daughter of President Moore, married the Marquis de Marbois, French Charge d' Affaires for a period of six years to the United States, and who negotiated the treaty for the cession of Louisiana. Their only child, Marie Ann Sophie, married the Duke de Plaisance, son of Le Brun, one of Napoleon's colleagues in the Consulate. They resided for a time in Greece, where the Duchess, who survived her husband, died intestate, and a large estate, after a suit in the French courts, was decreed to the heirs of Richard and Eliza Willing. President Moore's third child was Robert Kearney Moore.
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JOHN DICKINSON,
PRESIDENT OF THE SUPREME EXECUTIVE COUNCIL, November 7, 1782, to October 18, 1785.
TOHN DICKINSON, the fourth President of the Council, was born in Maryland, on the 13th of November, 1732. His father, Samuel Dickinson, was a man of considerable fortune, possessed of a strong mind and liberal views. He sent his two eldest sons, by a first marriage, to England to be educated, who both died before completing their studies. For his second wife he married Mary Cadwalader, descended from one of the earliest settlers in Pennsylvania. Of this marriage, John, the subject of this sketch, was the eldest- born. Sorrowful at the early death of his two children in a foreign land, the father determined that this one should be educated in the Colonies, and he was placed under the tuition of an eminent scholar, Mr. Kilen, subsequently Chan- cellor of the State. A few years after the son's birth, the father removed to his estate in Dover, Delaware, where he became the first judge of the Court of Common Pleas.
Having completed his academic course, he commenced the reading of the law in the office of John Mowland, Esq., of Philadelphia, and afterwards visited England, where for three years he prosecuted his legal studies in the Temple with great assiduity and singular profit. Well grounded in the elements of his chosen profession, and thoroughly imbued with its spirit, he returned to America, and commenced its practice in the city of Philadelphia, at once taking rank as one of the most crudite and scholarly members of a bar which at that early day had become renowned.
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Native dignity and worth, aided by careful culture, made him a fit instrument in fashioning the civil polity of a new and rising State, and fortune favored his transfer from the arena of the law to the broader field of statesmanship. In 1764 he was chosen a member of the Colonial Assembly. For several years previous, a bitter controversy had been in progress between the Proprietors and the Assembly respect- ing the taxing of the Proprietary estates. The former claimed exemption, while the latter as resolutely asserted the right to tax. No money bill could be passed without the assent of the Deputy Governor, and he being subservient to the Proprietors, legislation was often at a stand-still, while the most violent controversies were maintained. So vexa- tious had these delays finally become, that the Assembly had decided to appeal to the Crown to take the Colony under its immediate control. Dickinson, upon his entrance into the Assembly, opposed this change, as being likely to involve the Colony in greater evils than those of which complaint was made; and when it was proposed to send Dr. Franklin as the agent of the Assembly to England, to represent their cause at court, Dickinson objected to his appointment, on the ground of his being a warm partisan of the project. But the troubles were of so long standing, and there being no prospect of improvement, the resolution asking the change was carried, and Franklin was appointed. The conservative tendency of Mr. Dickinson's mind was clearly manifested in the debates upon these measures, and that tendency he pre- served to the close of a life singularly devoted to weighty cares and responsibilities.
The feeling of opposition to the passage of the famous Stamp Act in the following year called forth vigorous remonstrances against it from nearly all the Colonies, and a proposition for a Congress of delegates to concert measures for opposing it. To this Congress, which met at New York in October, Messrs. Dickinson, Fox, Bryan, and Morton were appointed delegates from Pennsylvania, and full instructions were given by the Assembly for their
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guidance. They were to assert the constitutional rights of the Colony firmly, but were enjoined "to frame their ad- dresses in respectful terms." Their instructions are concluded in the following strain : "That the Assembly deem it their duty thus firmly to assert, with modesty and decency, their inherent rights, that posterity may learn that it was not by their consent that taxes should be levied upon them by others than their representatives; and that these resolves might bear testimony of the zeal and ardent desire of the present House to preserve their inestimable rights, which, as English- men, they possessed since the Province was settled, and to transmit them to their children." * The petition to the King and the memorial to Parliament, issued by this Congress, were not signed by Mr. Dickinson, as he was called home by his private affairs before they were prepared, but with the sentiments of those papers he was in full accord.t
The wrongfulness of the course of the British ministry Dickinson could distinctly see. He believed that, if he could make the ruling classes of England see that error as clearly as he did, they could not fail, if actuated by reasonable and just views, to renounce it. He accordingly commenced a series of essays, conceived in a temperate but most lucid and just vein, designed to enlighten not only the governing power, but the popular mind. The first was a letter addressed to a friend in England by a gentleman of Philadelphia, on the late regulations of the Crown for the government of American Colonies, in which he dwelt especially upon the impolicy of the scheme, aside from its injustice. This was soon followed by a pamphlet, addressed to the inhabitants of Barbadoes, who had animadverted, in an address to the King, upon the rebellious spirit of the Colonies, in comparison with their own implicit faith and obedience. Dickinson in a firm, manly way defended the cause of the Colonies. "Let any person," he says, " consider the speeches lately made in Par- liament, and the resolutions said to be made there, notwith- standing the convulsions occasioned through the British
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