USA > Pennsylvania > Martial deeds of Pennsylvania, Vol. 2 > Part 37
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the destruction of the very groundwork of our whole political system. . . . We have during the past year made mighty strides towards such a solution, and to all human appearance we approach its completion. But whatever reverses may happen --- whatever blood and treasure may still be required-whatever sacrifices may be necessary-there will remain the inexorable determination of our people to fight out this thing to the end; to preserve and perpetuate this Union. They have sworn that not one star shall be reft from the constellation, nor its clustered brightness be dimmed by treason and savagery, and they will keep their oath."
The sympathy of Governor Curtin for the distresses occasioned by war was unbounded, and prompted him to constant acts of personal kindness and executive amelioration. He knew full well that war, even when conducted according to the most humane and Christian usages, was a source of constant suffering. It was not in his nature to repose when there was aught to be done which could promote the comfort of the humblest private. The midnight hour often found him still hard at work in the Exec- utive chamber, and he cheerfully left his bed at night to face the winter's blast, that some act of executive duty that could speed waiting troops on their way, or a parent hastening to a perishing son, might be performed. He was often at the front, and never neglected an opportunity to visit the soldiers in their camps or bivouac; and where he could not go in person he sent faithful and competent representatives. The hospital and the field were thus constantly under his supervision, and if suffering or want was to be alleviated, there was the hand of the Commonwealth outstretched to administer relief. When the soldier, rendering willing obedience to the mandates of the Government, cheerfully volunteered, Governor Curtin extended a promise in behalf of the State that his family should be protected, and if he fell in battle his children should be provided for. That promise was not forgotten. His messages abound in recommendations for the relief of the needy and those despoiled by the ravages of war : and the statute books through all the years of battle show that his suggestions were promptly heeded.
In the Gettysburg campaign parts of the border overrun by
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the two armies were completely ravaged, and many families found themselves reduced from competence to beggary. To ameliorate their condition, and to secure suitable remuneration for their losses, was an object of his care. Nor were his sym- pathies alone excited by the needs of his own people. When it was announced to him that the loyal inhabitants of East Tennes- see were suffering and dying from want, his heart was moved to tenderness, and he embodied the following recommendation in his message of 1863 : "The condition of the loyal people of East Tennessee is represented to be most deplorable, and appeals with irresistible force alike to your sympathies and your sense of justice. Their whole country has been laid waste by the con- tending armies of the Government and the rebels. Four times large armies have passed over that district, destroying or carry- ing off all that had been gathered for the approaching winter, and now the women and children are left in a state of destitution. Representations made by gentlemen of the highest respectabil- ity, from that State, are of the most heart-rending character. Starvation, actual and present, now exists. Can we in the midst of affluent abundance for a moment hesitate as to what our action shall be towards the people whose only crime has been their loyalty to the Government ? Even if a portion of our charity should reach the starving families of those in sympathy with the Rebellion, better it should than that those devoted, self-sacrificing people who have so unhesitatingly adhered to the Government be left to suffer. Whenever pestilence and famine distressed any portion of our country, we have always been foremost in relieving it, and the people of Pennsylvania have extended their open-handed benevolence and broad charity to the starving of foreign countries. Shall it be said that the appeals of these people for bread fell upon the heart of Pennsyl- vania in vain, and that we who have so recently given thanks for our abundance have no relief for them in their extremities?"
But the subject which was nearest his heart, and upon which he was most eloquent and earnest, was that of the care of the orphans of soldiers. Through his appeals and personal influence a system has been adopted in Pennsylvania to which, for efficiency and completeness, no approximation has been made in any other
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State of the Union. The orphans are clothed, fed and in- structed in Homes where they are under the kindest and best of influences, and are trained to useful employments. Seven thousand three hundred and ninety of these pupils have been the children of the State, and the aggregate expense thus far has reached the sum of $4,322,298.34. The manner in which these schools originated and the system was wrought is of peculiar interest, as it strikingly illustrates of what heart and spirit Governor Curtin is. In accordance with a time-honored custom the chief magistrate had, carly in November, 1863, issued his proclamation setting apart a day, and recommending its observance as one of thanksgiving and praise. On the morning of that day there came to the Governor's door two small children, scantily clad and apparently pinched with hunger, begging food. Upon inquiry he found that their father had been killed in the battle of Gettysburg, that their mother had since sickened and died, and that they were friendless and alone in the world. Ile called a servant and relieved their immediate wants, and as he returned to his cheerful and comfortable apartments he ex- claimed, "Great God ! can it be that the people of this Common- wealth in the midst of their abundance are this day to feast and revel in profusion, while the children of the soldiers who have yielded up their lives upon the altar of their country, home- less and friendless, are begging bread !"
With a heavy heart he went at the appointed hour to join in the service to Almighty God; but burdened with the feelings which the experience of the morning had awakened, his heart was not in the worship. For several days he was much oppressed, eagerly devising some plan by which he could arouse the feelings and conscience of the Commonwealth in behalf of these unfortunate orphans. Sooner than he anticipated, and in a way he had not discerned, the occasion came. Henry Ward Beecher had just returned from his mission to England, where he had effectively plead the interests of his country, and he had been invited to speak at a public reception which was accorded him in the Academy of Music at Philadelphia, to be held in behalf of the United States Sanitary Commission, and Gover- nor Curtin was invited to preside and introduce the speaker.
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When the request was made to his Excellency he exclaimed : "This is my opportunity! Yes, I will come." A brilliant assemblage greeted him as, with the reverend orator, he appeared upon the platform, and in his brief address on taking the chair said : "We meet amid the comforts of home, and the enjoy- ments of civilized and peaceful life, to aid a great association for the beneficent object of following the soldier of the Republic, sick or dying-of being with him after every battle, to bind his wounds, slake his fevered thirst, and pour into his ears as life ebbs the consolations of religion; and, if no other good can be done, to bear his lifeless remains back to those to whom in life he had been nearest and dearest. . . . I fear that we have not done what we ought for the comparatively uncared for, who have been left at home by the gallant fellows who have gone forward. I assured thousands of them, as I committed to their care the. sacred charge of guarding our country's flag. and honor, and placed in their hands the national ensign, that those of us who remained at home would guard, protect, and cherish the house- holds they left behind them. I fear that we have not done our whole duty in this particular, that out of our abundance we have failed to render a just share to the surviving relatives of the slain, and to the families of those who, maimed and wounded, have become helpless. Indeed, I am certain that the orphan and widow have not been cared for as the priccless treasure of a life surrendered for the country should have demanded. Coming, as these claimants upon our patriotism and benevolence usually do, from the humbler walks of life, their modest and unpretending wants are hardly recognized amid the clamor and excitement of the times, and the soldier's widow turns with a natural pride from what might be considered the condition of a mendicant or the recipient of charity. My friends, let us no longer fail in the performance of our solemn duty, but let us make the position of these an honorable one, and not one of degradation. Let the widow and her dependent offspring become, in fact and in truth, THE CHILDREN OF THE STATE, and let the mighty people of this great Commonwealth nurture and maintain them. Let this not be a mere spasmodic effort, but let us now at once lay the foundation of a systematic and continuous work,
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which will enable the defender of the Constitution to know, as he paces his weary vigil upon the cheerless picket, that living, his family at home is cared for, and that dying, the justice, not the charity of the country has provided for the helpless survivors." In his message delivered soon after he said : "I commend to the prompt attention of the Legislature the subject of the relief of the poor orphans of our soldiers who have given or who shall give their lives to the country during this crisis. In my opinion their maintenance and education should be provided for by the State. Failing of other natural friends of ability to care for them they should be honorably received and fostered as children of the Commonwealth." But the Legislature did not at once feel the force of the Governor's suggestion, and the Act which he had caused to be prepared and offered was defeated. Some time previous, the Pennsylvania Railroad Company, in that spirit of independent and manly generosity which has ever characterized it, presented to the Governor $50,000 to be expended in raising and equipping troops, or in such way as the Legislature should direct for the benefit of the soldiers. Seeing his benevolent designs in behalf of the orphans about to fail, the Governor be- thought himself of this fund, which had not been disposed of, and near the close of the session secured the passage of a resolution authorizing him to appoint a superintendent and gather the orphans into suitable schools. That resolution of a few lines served to inaugurate the system, and to found a charity before which the most imposing are dwarfed. His end was compassed, and his heart was made glad. Hon. Thomas H. Burrowes, a man who had devoted his life to education and was peculiarly gifted with the power of organizing, was made superintendent. Institu- tions in convenient parts of the Commonwealth were selected, and intelligent and efficient supervision was provided. The next Legislature seemed as little inclined to make appropriations as the preceding, and again was the cherished purpose in imminent peril. In this extremity the Governor had recourse to a flank movement which for tactical skill and overwhelming success was never excelled by Grant or Sherman in their palmiest hours. IIe sent out and had the orphans from a few schools summoned to Harrisburg, and on an appointed day the offspring of heroes
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sacrificed on their country's altars came and were quartered among the citizens, the Governor himself receiving twenty into his own home. With fife and drums and diminutive banners they marched to the capitol, and in presence of the assembled members they had recitations and sung songs, and one brave little fellow told the story of his father's life, and how he had fallen on the first day at Gettysburg, how his mother had died and he with his young sister was left alone in the world, until by the efforts of the Governor and the representatives of the people they had been provided for in the orphan school, had been furnished with warm clothing and given the care of kind teachers. The recital excited profound emotion; tears rolled down cheeks where tears were strangers, and the breasts of strong, rough men were bowed with tenderness. Addresses were made by the Governor and by members; but they were dull and tame in comparison with the simple story of that boy whose lips would never more be pressed in parental affection. The bill for the support of Soldiers' Orphans was promptly passed, and ample appropriations without further question made, all parties uniting, and ever after persevering in their support of the measure. Thousands were thus gathered and placed under the charge of experienced and kind-hearted educators, and were treated as children of the State. The policy was wise and just; for it not only discharged a debt due the fallen soldier, but it preserved in the paths of honor and usefulness a class of children, who failing of protection and care would have been ready subjects of tempta- tion and vice. The zeal and earnestness which Governor Curtin displayed in this enterprise, and the success which crowned his efforts, will constitute his strongest claim to gratitude and remembrance by future generations.
A consideration of the perishable nature of the records of troops while in the field induced the Governor to recommend the prepara- tion of a more permanent account of every soldier who went out from the Commonwealth to do battle for his country, that the patri- otic and faithful might point to with pride and satisfaction. The. authority was duly granted, and a compendium from all official and available sources was made and published, filling five large octavo volumes, in which each has at least one line, embracing
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the chief items in his record, besides a condensed account of the part taken by the regiment or organization to which he belonged.
The winter of 1864-'65 was spent by Governor Curtin in Cuba, his physicians enjoining it as the only alternative of saving his life, he having been much reduced by sickness and having in the previous year been under the care of an eminent physician in New York. He was prominently named near the close of his gubernatorial office for the United States Senate, and a large number of his political friends in the Legislature were eager to place him there. He was also named for Vice-President on the ticket with General Grant, and soon after the latter had been elevated to the chief office, he appointed Governor Curtin Minis- ter to Russia, a compliment no less graceful than merited. His residence at St. Petersburg was in an eminent degree pleasant to himself and agreeable to the royal family, he being highly esteemed for his high public position, but more especially for his personal worth, his courtly bearing, and his unsurpassed con- versational powers. Early in 1872 he resigned his office and returned to this country. Parties were at the time in a state of turmoil and mutation. His old political friend and associate, Mr. Greeley, was a candidate for the Presidency, in opposition to President Grant. It is a striking mark of the hold which Gover- nor Curtin had upon the popular heart that he should have been strongly urged in the convention of the Liberal Republicans, and in that of the Republicans also, for Vice-President in that year. In the struggle which ensued he gave his support to Mr. Greeley.
Allusion has been made above to Governor Curtin's rare con- versational power. Those who have been favored with his intimacy know how irresistible is its charm. Never monopo- lizing the attention of the company with Johnsonian arrogance. he yet never suffers conversation for a moment to lose its interest, and his sallies of wit, his matchless caricature, the display of keen insight into the springs of human nature, his affinity for the lofty and ennobling, his unrivalled power of description and delineation, and withal a mind of never-failing resource, combine to make him a princely companion. His oratorical powers are of a rare order. The political rostrum has been the scene of his most frequent triumph. There were his
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earliest attempts to wield that mysterious influence which sways the heart, and there, in the full maturity of his powers, with master hand, touching that potent instrument,
"In varying cadence soft or strong He swept the sounding chords along."
A striking example of Governor Curtin's power in binding personal attachment occurred in his last election as Governor. The soldier, Birney, after having displayed the most exalted heroism and courage at the front, was stricken with a mortal sickness, and was being brought home to die. On arriving in Philadelphia, knowing that it was the day of the guber- natorial election, and filled with the fervor of a stern and uncompromising patriotism, he insisted on being taken to the polls. His friends, knowing his weakened condition, endeavored to dissuade him. But with that determined voice so often heard in the thick of battle he answered: "I must vote, sir; I must vote ! Governor Curtin may be defeated for lack of my vote." So weak was he that he had to be lifted from his carriage, and to aggravate his peril his vote was challenged. But not till that vote was accepted and recorded would he turn away.
Governor Curtin is in person kinglike, a head taller than the people, and of a dignified and commanding carriage. His head is broad and massive, and his face indicative of high resolve and kindly emotion. He married Catharine, daughter of William J. Wilson, M. D. The issue of this marriage has been one son and four daughters.
IMON CAMERON, Secretary of War during the early stages of the Rebellion, was born in Lancaster county, on the 8th of March, 1799. He received a fair English education, and early learned the art of printing, working as a journeyman in Lancaster, Harrisburg, and Washington, and subsequently editing newspapers in Doylestown and Harrisburg. He was largely interested in banking and railroad construction in the central portion of the State, and was for a time Adjutant-General. In 1845, he was elected United States Senator, in which capacity he served until 1849. In 1857 he was reelected for the full term of six years, and was a participant in the stormy sessions of that
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body preceding the opening of hostilities, advocating peace and a fair settlement of questions in dispute with an earnestness and pertinacity which seemed almost at variance with his support of the principles on which the Republican party was built. In the national convention which met at Chicago in 1860, he was presented as a candidate for President, having strong support, and when Mr. Lincoln was nominated, it was generally conceded that Pennsylvania should be accorded the Vice-President, in the expectation that Mr. Cameron would be named; but the delegation being unable to harmonize, IIannibal Hamlin of Maine was selected.
Recognizing Mr. Cameron's great executive ability, President Lincoln designated him as a member of his cabinet, assigning him to the Department of War, which necessitated his resigna- tion as Senator. When once the alternative of a resort to arms was forced upon the Government, Mr. Cameron advocated the prosecution of the contest with relentless vigor. When Mr. Lincoln decided to call seventy-five thousand men, his voice was for a more decided policy. The status of the slave, which was at the foundation of the struggle, early claimed the Secretary's attention, and when General Butler wrote asking instructions, and proposing to treat fugitives as contraband of war, he enunci- ated the general principles which should govern throughout the entire Union army. "The war," he says, ".now prosecuted on the part of the Federal Government is a war for the Union, and for the preservation of all the constitutional rights of the States and the citizens of the States in the Union. .. . In States wholly or partially under insurrectionary control, it is obvious that rights dependent on the execution of the laws temporarily fail. . . . To this general rule rights to services can form no exception. Under these circumstances it seems quite clear that the substan- tial rights of loyal masters will be best protected by receiving such fugitives as well as fugitives of disloyal masters into the service of the United States, and employing them under such organizations and in such occupations as exigencies may suggest or require." A record was authorized to be kept of such fugitives with a view to compensating loyal masters. But as complications multiplied and dangers thickened, to his keen practical sense it
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was evident that, if the Government was ever to conquer a peace, the fugitive should not only be treated as a contraband, but that his services should be actively employed in the national armies. On the 13th of November, 1861, Colonel John Cochrane, in presence of a large concourse of citizens and officials high in the service of the Government, spoke to his regiment, the First United States Chasseurs. His words throughout breathed a determined spirit, and upon the subject of the slave he said : "Suppose the enemy's slaves were arrayed against you, would you, from any squeamishness, refrain from pointing against them the hostile gun, and prostrating them in death ? No, that is your object ; and if you would seize their property, open their ports, and even destroy their lives, I ask you whether you would not use their slaves ? Whether you would not arm their slaves and carry them in battalions against their masters ? If necessary to save this Government, I would plunge their whole country, black and white, into one indiscriminate sea of blood, so that we should in the end have a government which should be the viceger- ent of God. Let us have no more of this dilettante system, but let us work with a will and a purpose that cannot be mistaken. Let us not put it aside from too great a delicacy of motives. Soldiers, you know no such reasoning as this. You have arms in your hands, and .those arms are placed there for the purpose of exterminating an enemy unless he submits to law, order, and the Constitution. If he will not submit, explode everything that comes in your way. Set fire to the cotton. Take property wherever you may find it. Take the slave and bestow him upon the non-slaveholder if you please. Do to them as they would do to us. Raise up a party of interest against the absent slaveholders, distract their counsels, and if this should not be sufficient, take the slave by the hand, place a musket in it, and in God's name bid him strike for the liberty of the human race." In response to this sentiment Mr. Cameron said : "The doctrines which he (Colonel Cochrane) has laid down, I approve as if they were my own words. They are my sentiments-sentiments which will not only lead you to victory, but which will in the end reconstruct this our glorious Federal Constitution. It is idle to talk about treating with these rebels upon their own terms. We must meet them as our
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enemies, treat them as enemies, and punish them as enemies, until they shall learn to behave themselves. Every means which God has placed in our hands it is our duty to use for the purpose of protecting ourselves."
But, Mr. Cameron was not a man to be satisfied with proclaim- ing his sentiments and allowing them to end in idle vaporing. He was a man rather of few words, and chiefly powerful in deeds. General T. W. Sherman was at about this time sent to have command in the Department of the South. In preparing his instructions the Secretary inserted the following: " As special directions, adapted to special circumstances, cannot be given, much must be referred to your own discretion as commanding general of the expedition. You will, however, in general, avail yourself of the services of any persons, whether fugitives from labor or not, whe may offer them to the National Government; you will employ such persons in such services as they may be fitted for, either as ordinary employés, or, if special circumstances seem to require it, in any other capacity, with such organization in squads, companies, or otherwise, as you deem most beneficial to the service. This, however, not to mean a general arming of them for military service." Mr. Greeley, in his "History of the Rebellion," in a note relative to the concluding sentence of the above extract, says: "It is well understood that this was inserted by the President in revising the order." But Mr. Cameron was not content with issuing the instructions. He caused to be prepared a quantity of gay uniforms in which the bright colors suited to please the susceptible and imaginative negroes predominated, and sent them to General Sherman, well knowing that the commander would understand for whom they were intended.
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