USA > Pennsylvania > Our Campaigns: or, The marches, bivouacs, battles, incidents of camp life and history of our regiment during its three years term of service > Part 18
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Mr. S- had three daughters, the oldest possessing an excellent education and most fascinating manners, she being the lady of the family, and the others were almost her reverse, though all possessed honest and warm hearts. They told us frankly they were secessionists at heart, and that they had two brothers in the Confederate army, but situated as they were, they had no objection to entertain-
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ing Union officers whose duty placed them upon their property. They conversed freely about the war, sung " My Maryland," "The Bonny Blue Flag," " Dixie," and other Confederate songs for us. The mother showed us many times the daguerreotype of her darling "Charley," a boy of sixteen, who belonged to the Forty-seventh Vir- ginia infantry, whom we promised, if we caught, to spank and send home to her.
We remained at Brooks' Station until December the 8th, when we struck tents and marched at six o'clock in the morning ; the weather being clear and cold, and the roads so hardly frozen that the artillery and trains did not cut them up much, but the horses being smooth-shod, slipped continually, and were much worried in their march of eight miles, which the infantry accomplished by noon. Our encampment was in a meadow not far from White Oak Church. While we laid here all the detailed men were ordered into the ranks and sixty rounds of cartridges supplied to each man.
THE BOMBARDMENT OF FREDERICKSBURG, DECEMBER 11TH .- At three o'clock on the morning of the 11th, our bugles sounded the reveille, awaking the boys from their slumbers on the hard frozen ground, and soon the val- leys and hills for miles around were lit up by innumer- able fires, around which they gathered to prepare their coffee. In half an hour we took up our march, the bright stars in the blue vault of heaven lighting us on our way. and. as the columns defiled through the gorges and woods, the steady tramp of men alone disturbed the death-like stillness of the morning. Soon the booming · of heavy guns in front announced that the ball had opened, and moving on to within a mile of the river we halted. loaded, and stacked arms in a piece of heavy pine woods, where we laid for the day and night.
In the mean time the roar of artillery had become incessant along the river bank in our front, and the men clustering on the neighboring hills had a fine view of the bombardment of Fredericksburg, which had com-
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menced in earnest. The engineers had attempted to lay six pontoon bridges, four opposite the city and two about four miles below, but they had not got more than two- thirds of the distance laid before they were driven off by the enemy's sharpshooters posted in the houses of the town. To dislodge these, one hundred and forty- three guns were put into position, the larger portion of which opened upon the town. The sight was a mag- nificent but sad one, and just before dark it became grand in the extreme. The town was on fire in several places, the flames and smoke ascending high into the heavens, while shells were seen bursting in almost every quarter. During this time the enemy's sharpshooters kept up a vigorous fire upon the cannoneers and officers who lined the bank, their bullets at that long range whizzing wickedly by. Finding it impossible to drive the sharpshooters away with artillery, the pontoon boats were filled with infantry and run quickly across the river under a heavy fire, and landing, the men rushed up into the streets and houses and drove the enemy away, killing, wounding, and taking many prisoners. In fifteen minutes after the detachment landed, our men began building the bridges, and in half an hour more they were completed.
When the boats first went over, Joseph Cline, a boy of sixteen, belonging to Company C, being where they started from, could not resist the temptation and went over with them, capturing a Mississippi rifle and accont- tements from a "Grayback " he killed.
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CHAPTER XXI.
BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. LOSS OF OUR ARMY. INCIDENTS. CAUSES OF THE DEFEAT. RE-CROSS THE RAPPAHANNOCK.
THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG, DECEMBER 13TH .-- Early on the 12th, we marched down to the lower pon- toons, and at eleven A. M., crossed, halted and formed in line of battle on the bottom land beneath the elevated plain. Here the men commenced making coffee and eating dinner, as no one could tell when they would have an opportunity to build fires again. While they were thus engaged and every one was expecting in a short time to go into battle, four young boys were quietly seated, playing cards upon a blanket. For two of them it was their last game. Soon after we were moved up on the plateau, and the whole army was formed into line of battle, with the artillery and cavalry all posted. It was one of the most magnificent sights the eyes of man ever rested upon.
Some slight picket skirmishing took place in our front, and on the right, the enemy opened with artillery, but soon retired. The "Bucktails" were ordered to the ex- treme left for picket duty, and our regiment sent to oc- cupy the buildings and out-houses at Smithfield, and to hold the bridge across Deep run, near where it emptied into the river. The main building was Dr. Thomas Platt's large brick house, which, being unoccupied, we entered through a window, and found it very handsomely furnished. Around this building the men were posted, and it was occupied by us during the night. Upon our arrival, Colonel McCandless caused the arrest of the overseer and two other white men, and sent them to General Meade's head quarters, who caused them to be detained until the battle was over. With the exception of the exchange of a few shots every thing passed quietly through the night.
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The field upon which the battle of Fredericksburg was fought, consisted of a plateau, extending from the bluffs of the river to a range of heavily-wooded heights, com- mencing on the Rappahannock, above and in the rear of Fredericksburg, and extending to the valley of Mas- saponax, a distance of between four and five miles, its greatest breadth being two miles. On this plateau was drawn up the Union army, Major-general E. V. Sumner, commanding the right grand division, Major-general Joseph Hooker commanding the centre grand division, and Major-general William B. Franklin commanding the left grand division.
Early on the morning of the 13th, the enemy threw out foot and mounted skirmishers, on our left, and Colo- nel McCandless ordered Companies B, Captain McDon- ough, and H, Captain Mealey, to the support of the " Bucktails," and it soon after becoming evident that the enemy meditated an attack upon that point, the balance of the regiment was moved up. Soon after the re- mainder of the Pennsylvania Reserves, under General Meade, moved forward, and Doubleday's division passing to our left, we advanced and formed the first line of battle with Gibbons' division on our right. Crossing the Bowling Green road, we advanced to within about one thousand yards of the base of the mountain and laid down on the crest of the field, behind the batteries we were to support.
Our division formation was, the First brigade in line of battle, with the Sixth regiment deployed as skir -. mishers; the Second brigade in rear of the First, three hundred paces: the Third brigade by the flank, its right flank being a few yards to the rear of the First brigade, having the Ninth regiment deployed on its flanks as skirmishers and flankers; the batteries be- tween the First and Second brigades.
This disposition had scarcely been made, when the enemy opened a brisk fire from a battery posted on the Bowling Green road, the shot from which took the divi-
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sion from the left and rear, As there were indications of an attack from that quarter, the Third brigade was faced to the left, thus forming, with the First, two sides of a square. Simpson's battery was advanced to the front and left of the Third brigade, and Cooper's and Ransom's batteries moved to the knoll on the left of the First brigade. These batteries immediately opened on the enemy's battery, and, in conjunction with some of Doubleday's batteries in our rear, on the other side of the Bowling Green road, after some twenty minutes' firing, silenced and compelled the withdrawal of the guns.
During this artillery duel, the enemy advanced a body of sharpshooters along the Bowling Green road, under cover of the hedges and trees at the roadside. General Jackson, commanding the Third brigade, promptly sent out two companies of marksmen from his brigade, who drove the enemy back, and no further de- monstrations were made on our left and rear.
During this time a dense fog, which had hung over the field, was dispelled by the rays of the sun, and re- vealed to the enemy our magnificent lines drawn up in battle array. As our division had been chosen by Ge- neral Reynolds, who commanded our corps, to storm the heights, Ransom's battery was moved to the right and front of the First brigade, and Amsden's battery was posted on the right of Cooper's, and the Third brigade changed front, and formed in line of battle on the left of the First brigade, its left extending so as to be nearly opposite to the end of the ridge to be attacked. The formation was barely executed before the enemy opened a sharp fire from a battery posted on the heights to our extreme left. Cooper's, Amsden's and Ransom's bat- teries were immediately turned on it, and, after about thirty minutes rapid firing, the enemy abandoned the guns, having had two of his limbers or caissons blown up, the explosions from which were plainly visible.
It was now twelve o'clock, M., and we had been lay-
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ing under a terrifie fire of round shot and shell for over three hours, which plowed up the earth in deep furrows, or went howling and bursting over our heads, filling the air with iron hail and sulphur. Though this is the most trying position soldiers can be placed in, there is little danger from it, not a man of our regiment being hurt, though the flagstaff was cut in two. But we were tired of lying still and being shot at without returning the fire, and when the order came for us to advance, it was received with joy by all. Upon the explosion of the caissons, the order to advance was given and received with loud cheers, the First brigade advancing over the field into the woods, driving the enemy before them. Having passed through a severe flanking fire from a rifle pit, which lined the base of the woods and mountains, we crossed the Richmond and Fredericksburg Railroad and drove the enemy from behind the embankments, and then making a half wheel to the left, gained the rear of the pit, and poured into its occupants a most destructive fire, by which they were slaughtered like sheep. Many of them attempted to escape by running the gauntlet in front of our regiment, they becoming perfectly wild with fright, not heeding our calls to halt, but with their arms up to shield their heads, some of them staggered to and fro up the hill, within a few yards of us, meeting certain death. The balance of our brigade being on our right, and a heavy fire being received from that direction they obliqued over to that side, and our regiment pushed on to the front.
In the mean time, about one company of scattered men were pouring into the rifle-pit, at the distance of fifty yards, a murderous fire, to which no response was given, but unfortunately the Seventh Reserve were in the field in front of the pit, and pouring into it a heavy fire, which harmed not the foe, but was received by our men, who in the excitement of the battle supposed the shots came from the pit. It was therefore almost impos- sible to stop the fire of our boys, until at last the adju-
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tant cased his sword, and taking off his cap advanced between the two lines, and asked the enemy if "they wished to fight or surrender." " We will surrender, if you will let us," was the reply. This stopped the fire of our regiment. The adjutant not wishing to weaken his own regiment by sending men with them to the rear, and to prevent treachery from the enemy, took several of them with him, and advancing in front of the rifle-pit, succeeded in stopping the fire of the Seventh, upon which he got the rest of the prisoners, numbering over three hundred, out, and sent them over to the Seventh .* At least one hundred men laid dead or wounded in the pit and immediately in its rear. When the men left the pit to go into our lines, from their dirty and ragged ap- pearance, they resembled the emptying of an almshouse more than any thing else, but under these soiled and torn jackets, there were many brave hearts, fighting for what they believed a holy and just cause. They were the Nineteenth Georgia infantry. Our regiment num- bered but one hundred and ninety-five muskets.
In the meantime our brigade pressed vigorously on, and continued forcing the enemy back until the crest of the heights was crowned, we crossing the main road that runs along there, breaking down a fence and enter- ing the open ground or plateau, across which we swept, passing rows of the enemy's muskets stacked, taking them by utter surprise and reaching their reserve and 'getting within sight of their ambulances. So vigorous and sudden was the attack, that the enemy in some in- - stances had not time to get under arms before we were upon them. At this point we were assailed by a very severe fire from a large force in front, and a battery- opened upon us from the right, completely enfilading us, and a few moments afterwards we received a heavy fire
" In the official report of General Meade of the battle, doubtlessly by mistake, the Seventh regiment is wrongfully credited with the capture of the rifle-pits, prisoners, and a standard.
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, on our left flank. After holding the ground here for a considerable time under these withering fires, and find- ing no support was coming to us, we were compelled to fall back to the railroad.
The second brigade, which advanced in our rear, after reaching the railroad, received so severe a fire on their right flank that the Fourth regiment halted, formed and faced to the right, to repel this attack. The other regi- ments, in passing through the woods, being assailed from the left, inclining in that direction and ascended the heights, the Third regiment going up as the One-hun- dred and twenty-first, then attached to our brigade, was retiring. The Third continued to advance until they met the balance of our brigade, when all retired to- gether. The Seventh engaged the enemy on the left, and continued to advance until they encountered the enemy's reinforcements, when they were driven back.
The Third brigade had not advanced over one hun- dred yards when the battery on the heights on its left was remanned, and poured a destructive fire into its ranks. General Jackson attempted to outflank the bat- tery on the right, and succeeded so far that some of the regiments advanced across the railroad, and ascended the heights in their front, but here the gallant Jackson was killed, and so severe a fire of both artillery and in- fantry was opened upon them, that they were compelled to withdraw.
Upon our reaching the open ground General Meade requested Colonel McCandless, who was now in com- mand of our brigade, as Colonel Sinclair had been severely wounded, to rally the men. Our flag and that of another regiment was brought to the front, and we partially reformed and maintained our ground for some twenty minutes, but such was the severity of the artil- lery and infantry fire concentrated upon us, we were again forced to retire. Moving on across the field we reached our batteries, behind which we found General Birney's troops. The enemy did not follow us but a
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short distance from the woods, when they retired to their original position.
General Gibbons, whose division laid on our right, ordered his First brigade forward when he saw us ad- vancing. Finding they faltered, he shortly afterwards ordered up the Second brigade, but such was the severity of the fire he could not get them to charge. He then ordered the Third brigade to form in column on the right of his line, and they went in on the bayonet and advanced as far as the railroad, the enemy's outer line, at the base of the heights, but this was not until we were being driven back by the concentrated force of the enemy on our front and flanks.
General Meade stated, prior to the assault, that he could take the heights, but could not hold them without support, which he fully expected. He sent three dif- ferent times to General Birney by three staff officers, twice requesting him to advance to his support, and the third time ordering him to advance, and then he came up. To the first request he answered, he was under the orders of General Reynolds, and could not move with- out his orders. When he received the order to advance he sent four regiments under General Hobart Ward, who arrived just as we had retired from the woods, and they, with a portion of the Reserves and Gibbons' division, prevented the enemy from advancing beyond the edge of the woods.
. General Birney, in his testimony before the "Com- mittee on the Conduct of the War," states that he only received one message from General Meade request- ing support; that the enemy charged within fifty yards of his guns; that General Ward, with his four regiments, advanced beyond where the Reserves had ; that his com- mand was immediately in the rear of General Meade's during the attack, and that he was requested to try and stop the rout, and deployed two regiment for that purpose, but the fugitives broke through his lines. These statements would not be noticed if they were not
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in so direct variance with those of General Meade and other officers, and with what is known to be the facts by the majority of the officers and men of our division who were present upon the field.
Birney ordered to stop the fugitive "Pennsylvania Reserves" from running !!! No one was ever ordered to do that, for when they retired no troops ever went in after them !
General Franklin, who commanded the left grand division, received orders from General Burnside "to seize, if possible. the heights near Captain Hamilton's, on this side of the Massaponax, taking care to keep it well supported and its line of retreat open." "Holding these heights (on the right of our line), with the heights near Captain Hamilton's, will, I hope, compel the enemy to evacuate the whole ridge between these points." The troops under his command to accomplish this, were his own grand division numbering forty thousand men, and two divisions from Hooker's grand division under the command of General Stoneman, numbering from fifteen to twenty thousand men, making a grand total of from fifty-five to sixty thousand men. He also had twenty- three batteries, one hundred and sixteen guns, besides sixty one guns, some of them of very large calibre, sta- tioned on the north bank of the river to protect the bridges. A portion of these guns under Captain De Russy, had obtained complete control of the Massaponax, from its mouth up to the position occupied by the enemy. With all this force at his disposal, General Franklin saw proper to order the attack to be made by two divisions, the Reserves numbering four thousand five hundred, and Gibbon's division something over five thousand men, in all at the outside ten thousand men. This was the force it was contemplated to make the attack with, though our own division was in reality the only one that crossed the railroad, and we reached a point almost three-quarters of a mile beyond. General Franklin deemed it necessary to keep between forty five and fifty thousand infantry
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and a large number of guns to hold the bridges, that were two miles from the enemy, when twenty thousand men would have been amply sufficient, and if the heights had been held no infantry whatever would have been required for the purpose.
But the General in his testimony before the "Com- mittee" states, "I never dreamed that this was considered as a strong attack at all until since the battle took place. At that time I had no idea that it was the main attack, but supposed it was an armed observation to ascertain where the enemy was." "That night," the General con- tinues, "General Burnside sent for me, and I supposed his object in sending for me was to tell me what kind of attack was to come off the next day." It is rather surprising that General Franklin with all his known and admitted ability, should have fought through the memo- rable battle of Fredericksburg without "dreaming" that anything more than "an armed reconnoissance" had taken place. He was subsequently suspended from his . command for not being a better dreamer. .
The position held by the Confederates, and which our division attacked, was very faulty, as shown by our own maps afterwards, and the one captured from General Jackson. Jackson was thrown down on our left much too far, and if General Meade had received sufficient support to have enabled him to have held his position, it is believed that a portion of Jackson's forces and six or seven batteries could never have retired. And it is the unanimous opinion of the officers of the army, that being in the rear of the enemy's left, they would have been so shaken on the ridge, that the position in front could have been easily stormed and carried.
But the crown of victory was snatched from the brow of the Reserves.
While these operations were transpiring on the extreme left, the right was busily engaged, but with less success. General Sumner having received orders to storm the enemy's works on the extreme right immediately in the
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rear of Fredericksburg, selected the corps of Generals French and Hancock for that purpose. The works to be taken consisted of three tiers, the first an embanked stone wall, four or five hundred yards long, behind which infantry were posted, and with artillery enfilading it. The next tier was a more formidable row of fortifications, situated one mile in the rear on a higher position still. Between these were large masses of infantry. In the rear of this were other fortifications on still higher posi- tions. The first line of works was repeatedly assaulted, but in spite of all the efforts of the officers our men were driven back. The enemy held their fire until our troops arrived close up to the wall when they rose up and poured into them a fearful volley, their artillery enfi- lading the column at the same time on both sides. No troops could stand such a fire as they received.
At two P. M., General Hooker was ordered to assault the same position and after trying to dissuade General Burnside from making the attack, he brought up all his available batteries, with a view to break away the barriers by the use of artillery. With these he continued to play with great vigor until sunset upon one point, but with no apparent effect upon the enemy or their works. About this time General Humphrey's division was ordered to form in column of assault. The men took off their knapsacks, overcoats and haversacks, as all troops do upon such occasions, and at the word " For- ward," they moved up to the works with empty muskets and with great impetuosity. The head of the column arrived within fifteen or twenty yards of the wall, when they were hurled back as quickly as they advanced, leaving one thousand seven hundred and sixty of their number out of about four thousand upon the field. The whole of the advance and retiring did not occupy fifteen minutes, and they probably did not kill a man.
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In addition to the musketry fire that the men were exposed to, the crest of the hills surrounding Fredericks- burg form almost a semi-circle, and these were filled
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with artillery, and the focus was the column that moved up to this assault, and it was within good canister range. This was the favorite point of assault of General Burn- side, and he persisted in butting against it all day long.
More or less artillery fighting was kept up all along the line through the day.
After remaining behind the batteries for some time our division was. marched to the ground occupied the night before, where it was held in reserve.
The loss of the army during the day was :
Killed,
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. 1,152
Wounded, .
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. 9,101
Missing,
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Total,
. 13,487
Treated in Hospital,
. 1,630
Killed,
. 1,152
Total,
. 2,782
There is little doubt that the aggregate of cases re- turned as treated in hospital and the returns of killed will very nearly cover the whole amount of disabling casualties occurring at the battle.
The return of killed may be too small, but the amount returned as treated in hospital is nearly sufficiently liberal to compensate for any such deficiency.
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