Our liberty boys of '17, Charleroi, Pennsylvania, Part 6

Author: Presho, Charles Edward, 1870- [from old catalog]
Publication date: 1918
Publisher: Charleroi-Pittsburgh, C. Edward Presho company
Number of Pages: 130


USA > Pennsylvania > Washington County > Charleroi > Our liberty boys of '17, Charleroi, Pennsylvania > Part 6


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6


Peter Molinatto


John Pilvalis


Thomas Mozier


Chas. B. Pollock


William Moore


Frank Protin


Frank Myers Carl McGuire


Emmet McCormick


John McCloskey


Melford McCann


Vincenzo Rocco


Joseph McCann


Peter Russell


David G. McConnell


William Ritchey


William J. Ritchey


William R. Ritchey


John B. G. Roberts Arvi M. Robinson


John Newton Paul Nutt


Andrew Oates Fred Ohliger John N. O'Neil George W. Osborne Michael Orantz Bert Osborne Francis O'Rourke


James Palfrey


Ralph Malcomb John Martinet Frank Mangan August Mariane


John Marek


Thomas Mangan


Gomer Malick


Joseph Meashan


Ettore Melegani


Barney Parkosky


Leslie Petrie


Wesley Peters


Francis Piersol


Mike Mino


John Popson


Alexander Quear


Karol Rakoski


Henry McDermott William McClurg


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David Rock Dr. Harry J. Repman Jesse Ritchey Maurice E. Rulong Glen Ramsey Karol Rakoski Brice Ray Harrold Reitz John Reilly Edward Ritzer Hanes Richtor


Thomas Rosbotton Charles Roberts Peter Russell


Dick Trinder Robert Trinder George Treasure John Tchoryke Elmer Tomlinson Thomas Tomlinson Paul Trvnasky


Joseph Vantz John Vezetti George Vetter


Frank Vicella


John Vexzetti


Frederick Volante Frederick Volante


Alex. Sadousky


Roy Sharpnack


Leopold Schwaed


Wallace Waddell


Earl Wagner


James Welch


Russell Wilkes


Homer Whitehead


Wasil Siolar


Isaac Silence


Harry Stone


Thomas Watkinson


Joseph Stefura


Stanley Wazziewicz


Thomas Sweeney


Anthony Sosauko John Souell


Jeremiah Wakefield Leroy Weaver Aron Weiss


Walter L. Stroud


Harry Welsh


Rudolph Sechez


Ralph Williamson


William Schmidt


Harry Worthington


Elmer Wolfe


George Storez


William Spridik


John Souell


Francis Yates John Yachychak Joseph Young


John Smith George Smith


Henry Smith


Harry Swickey


Samuel Sweeney


Thomas Sweeney


John Syedlock


Bruno Zari David Zeidman *Mike Zipay George Zipay


* Killed in action July 11th, 1918.


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John Schaffer


William Sharnack


John Sharkey William Schmalback


James Wagner Harrison Watts


Clyde Strauser Mitro Stefina


TEXT OF PRESIDENT WILSON'S MT. VERNON ADDRESS


July 4th, 191S.


"Gentlemen of the diplomatic corps and my fellow citizens. I am happy to draw apart with you to this quiet place of old counsel in order to speak a little of the meaning of this day of our nation's independence. The place seems very still. It is as serene and un- touched by the hurry of the world as it was in those great days long ago when General Washington was here and held leisurely conference with the men who were to be associated with him in the organization of a nation. From these gentle slopes they looked out upon the world and saw it whole. saw it with the light of the future upon it, saw it with modern eyes that turned away from a past, which men of liberated spirits could no longer endure. It is for that reason that we cannot feel, even here, in the immediate presence of this sacred tomb, that this is a place of death. It was a place of achievement. A great promise that was meant for all mankind was here given plan and reality. The associations by which we are here surrounded are the inspiriting associations of that noble death which is only a glorious consumption. From this green hillside, we also ought to be able to see with comprehending eyes the world that lies about us and should conceive anew the purposes that must set men free.


PEOPLE, NOT CLASS.


"It is significant, significant of their own character and purpose of the influences they were setting afoot-that Washington and his associates, like the barons at Runnymede, spoke and acted, not for a class, but for a people. It has been left for us to see to it that it shall be understood that they spoke and acted, not for a single people only, but for all mankind. They were thinking not of themselves and of the material interests which centered in the little group of land- holders and merchants and men of affairs with whom they were accus- tomed to act, in Virginia and the colonies to the north and the south of here, but of a people which wished to be done with classes and special interests and the authority of men whom they had not them- selves chosen to rule over them. They entertained no private pur- pose desired no peculiar privilege. They were consciously planning that men of every class should be free and America a place to which men out of every section might resort who wished to share with them the rights and privileges of free men. And we take our cue from them-do we not? We intend what they intended. We here in America believe our participation in this present war to be only the fruitage of what they planted. Our case differs from theirs only in this, that it is our inestimable privilege to concert with men out of every nation what shall make not only the liberties of America secure but the liberties of every other people as well. We are happy in the thought that we are permitted to do what they would have done had they been in our place. There must now be settled once for all what


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was settled for America in the great age upon whose inspiration we draw today. This is surely a fitting place from which calmly to look out upon our task, that we may fortify our spirits for its accomplish- ment. And this is the appropriate place from which to avow, alike to the friends who look on and the friends with whom we have the happiness to be associated in action.


STRUGGLE OF PAST.


"This, then, is our conception of the great struggle in which we are engaged. The plot is written plain upon every scene and every act of the supreme tragedy. On the one hand stand the peoples of the world-not only the peoples actually engaged, but many others also who suffer under mastery, but cannot act; peoples of many races and in every part tof the world-the people of stricken Russia still among the rest, though they are for the moment unorganized and helpless. Opposed to them, masters of many armies, stand an isolated, friendless group of governments who speak no common purpose, but only selfish ambitions of their own by which none can profit but them- selves, and whose peoples are fuel in their hands; governments which for their people and yet are for the time their sovereign lords, making very choice for them and disposing of their lives and fortunes as they will, as well as the lives and fortunes of every people who fall under their power-governments clothed with the strange trappings and the primitive authority of an age that is altogether alien and hostile to our own. The past and present are in deadly grapple and the peoples of the world are being done to death betwen them.


THE CONDITIONS.


"There can be but one issue. The settlement must be final. There can be no compromise. No half way decision would be tolerable. No half way decision is conceivable. These are the ends for which the associated peoples of the world are fighting, and which must be conceded them before there can be peace:


"1. The destruction of every arbitrary power anywhere than can separately, secretly and of its single choice disturb the peace of the world; or, if it cannot be presently destroyed at the least its reduc- tion to virtual impotence.


"2. The settlement of every question, whether of territory, of sovereignity, of economic arrangements or of political relationship upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the people immediately concerned and not upon the basis of the material interest or advantage of any other nation or people which may desire a dif- ferent settlement for the sake of its own exterior influence or mastery.


"3. The consent of all nations to be governed in their conduct towards each other by the same principles of purpose and of respect for the common law of civilized society that govern the individual citizens of all modern states in their relations with one another; to


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the end that all promises and covenants may be sacredly observed, no private plots or conspiracies hatched, no selfish injuries wrought with impunity and a mutual trust established upon the handsome founda- tion of a mutual respect for right.


"4. The establishment of an organization of peace which shall make it certain that the combined power of free nations will check every invasion of right and serve to make peace and justice the more secure by affording a definite tribunal of opinion to which all must submit and by which every international readjustment that cannot be amicably agreed upon by the peoples directly concerned shall be sanctioned.


"These great objects can be put into a single sentence. What we seek is the reign of law based upon the consent of the governed and sustained by the organized opinion of mankind.


"These great ends cannot be achieved by debating and seeking to reconcile and accommodate what statesmen may wish with their pro- jects for balances of power and of national opportunity. They can be realized only by the determination of what the thinking peoples of the world desire, with their longing hope for justice and for social freedom and opportunity.


"I can fancy that the air of this place carries the accents of such principles with a peculiar kindness. Here we started forces which the great nation against which they were primarily directed at first re- garded as a revolt against its rightful authority, but which it has long since seen to have been a step in the liberation of its own people as well as of the people of the United States; and I stand here now to speak-speak proudly and with confident hope-of the spread of this revolt, this liberation, to the great stage of the world itself. The blinded rulers of Prussia have aroused forces they knew little of- forces which, once roused, can never be crushed to earth again, for they have at their heart an inspiration and a purpose which are death- less and of the very stuff of triumph."


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CHARLEROI "OVER THE TOP"


Charleroi's quota for the Third Liberty Loan was $453,480. Due to the thorough organization and excellent work of every member of this committee, Charleroi, as usual, went "Over the Top" in this drive receiving the Liberty Loan Flag.


CHARLEROI'S WAR CHEST.


Following the example set by a few other cities, Charleroi has adopted the plan of the War Chest. According to this plan prac- tically the same organization that handled the Liberty Loan so suc- cessfully, has elected a board of directors to handle the War Chest Fund. Regular monthly subscriptions are made to this fund by every- one in the community, unless there is a just cause for exemption. The money from this fund is to be distributed equitably among the organ- izations that are doing such great and good work for the boys in camp and "Over There." The principal ones of these are the Red Cross, Y. M. C. A., K. of C., Y. M. H. A., and the Salvation Army.


Of the work of the Salvation Army in ministering to the boys in camp and trench, a very glowing tribute was recently paid by ex-Gov. John K. Tener in an address at the time of the organization of the War Chest.


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