USA > Pennsylvania > Philadelphia County > Philadelphia > Warwick's Keystone commonwealth; a review of the history of the great state of Pennsylvania, and a brief record of the growth of its chief city, Philadelphia > Part 31
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The United States Hotel, on the north side of Chestnut street, above Fourth, Congress Hall at Third and Chestnut streets, the Merchants Hotel on Fourth below Arch street, and Jones' Hotel on the south side of Chestnut street between Sixth and Seventh streets, may be numbered among the suc- cessful hostelries of those days, and continued their managements until they
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were overshadowed by the opening of the Girard House and the Continental Hote !.
In the past, many of the guests were waited upon by their own liveried servants whom they brought along. Especially was this the case with the visi- tors from the South who were accompanied by their slaves. Those guests who did not have their body servants had their wants attended to, their clothes brushed and their boots blacked by the servants of the hotel. The breakfast hour was eight o'clock, dinner was served at three, tea at seven, and supper from nine to twelve.
The city had been so disorderly and riotous for years in the past that an increase and a reorganization of the police force was deemed a necessity, and in the Spring of 1845 an Act was passed in the Legislature requiring the city of Philadelphia, and the districts of Spring Garden, Northern Liberties, Ken- sington, Southwark and the township of Moyamensing to establish and main- tain a police force consisting of not less than one able-bodied man "for every one hundred and fifty taxable inhabitants." There were superintendents ap- pointed for each district, but a Marshal of Police was elected by the people for a term of three years and he had charge and control of the force of the entire city, including its districts. Under this arrangement, the police force was in- creased and numbered one hundred and sixty-seven men. John S. Keyser was selected as Marshal, and a change in the conduct of the unruly classes was seen at once, for he was a man of great courage and resolution, and his name became a terror to the riotous and criminal classes. Gangs of rowdies were broken up and arrested, fires were less frequent and incendiaries were run down and captured.
At this time the policemen were without uniforms. They patrolled their beats in civilian dress and so far as their attire was concerned, it bore no dis- tinguishing mark, save a star which was worn on the breast of the coat, and frequently this insignia of office was concealed from the public view by being worn on the vest. There was a growing demand, that the force, while on duty, should wear a uniform, for it was contended that it would carry with it respect and give to the officer an authority with which the plain garb of a citi- zen did not clothe him. Strange to say, however, this innovation met with the greatest opposition, not only on the part of the policemen themselves, but also from many citizens and it required some years of agitation before even the semblance of a uniform was worn by the guardians of the law. Many of the citizens opposed the uniform on the ground that it was simply mocking an English custom and was not in keeping with our Republican institutions, and further, that the law-breaker would be given an opportunity to escape, being able to distinguish the officer by his garb. Even after the authorities gave orders for the wearing of uniforms, they were not obeyed, some of the officers going so far as to threaten that they would leave the force if compelled to wear a distinguishing dress. They also contended that they would be subjected to the ridicule of boys upon the public streets, and to violence at the hands of the firemen and rowdies.
The fire companies had originally been composed of public-spirited citi- zens, who united themselves with the different organizations in order that they
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might perform a useful civic service, but as years ran on the fire house be- came the rendezvous for the unruly and riotous and a spirit of rowdyism grad- ually sprang up and pervaded the whole system. There was seldom a night passed without an alarm of fire, and the engines and hose carriages, the latter with their clanging bells, made the night hideous as they rattled over the cob- ble stones drawn by a crowd of men as wild as howling and dancing dervishes, while in advance of the carriage, a fellow tooting a brass or tin horn that an- swered the purposes of a megaphone, encouraged the men on the rope to put more effort and speed into their work. Many a time a false alarm was sounded for no other purpose than to give rival companies an opportunity to enjoy a race, which, as a rule, ended in a fight. If the alarm was not a false one, the companies, on reaching the fire, would indulge in a struggle over the posses- sion of a plug. Pistols, knives, iron spanners and sling shot were freely used and it was remarkable how few lives were lost when the character of the in- struments employed is taken into consideration. A false alarm was worse, sometimes, than a true one, for, there being no fire to extinguish, the men had ample opportunity to indulge in free fights. While the excitement was on, one company after another would dash down the streets, every vehicle having to turn aside and give them the right of way, and the whole town would be in tumult, dread and apprehension until the fire was extinguished, or the companies returned to their houses. Every visitor to the city. commented upon this feature of our life. George Combe, in 1839, speaks of the engines "rushing, roaring" past his windows. Charles Lyell, the English geologist, says that he and his party were four days in this city "and every night there was an alarm of fire, usually a false one, but the noise of the firemen was tre- mendous. At the head of the procession came a runner, blowing a horn, with a deep, unearthly sound. Next a long line of men (for no horses are em- ployed) drawing a strong rope to which the ponderous engine was attached, with a large bell at the top ringing all the while."
The firemen became a common nuisance. It would have been better for the city to have suffered the loss resulting from a few fires rather than submit to the prevailing rowdyisin. The "Jakey" fireman, a coarse, brutal, profane, blustering bully was a type of the town life. In many instances, his usual attire was a red flannel shirt with a flowing collar and a black neckerchief tied in a sailor's knot, both ends flowing to the wind. With his hat cocked on one side, and a cigar in the corner of his mouth he had the appearance of a pirate and was proud of his distinction. He was the admiration of the little hoodlums who in time hoped to play the same part. Ready at an instant for a fight or a frolic, nothing was so pleasing to his ear as an alarm of fire. As soon as he heard the sound of the bell, he would dash with head-long speed to his engine house, and if there in time would throw open the doors, seize the horn and lead his fellows to action. The securing of the horn made him for the time being, the captain of his company and as he ran ahead in advance of the engine it was his duty to ascertain from bystanders the location of the fire.
The companies were all volunteer and had to depend for their support on contributions from private sources. If the hose needed repairing, or the
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engine was out of service, a ball was given and the citizens would be black- mailed by having forced upon them tickets for an entertainment to which they never intended to go. Members, in couples or groups, would travel through the business sections of the city, asking for subscriptions from the merchants and shop-keepers, and those who refused to pay or hesitated to contribute would be apt to receive an intimation that it would be to their interest to show a broader spirit of liberality.
The firemen, too, exerted an influence in the politics of the city, for the leaders of the companies could, on election day, muster a goodly array of vot- ers, some of the companies having a register that contained over a thousand names, .and consequently the pot-house politician became contemptibly sub- servient to their influence and loyal in the support of their interests. One of the hardest fought battles ever waged in this city was over the question of the introduction of a paid fire department. Members of the Councils who favored a change from a volunteer to a paid department, were threatened, cajoled and insulted by bands of ruffians who attended the public meetings. The firemen, too, had their supporters, even among the best classes of the people, for at times, in the face of danger, they performed thrilling deeds of heroism, saving not only property but the lives of the people at great personal risk. These brave and courageous deeds made them heroes in the opinion of the peo- ple, and many excuses were made for their wild and riotous conduct, compla- cent citizens excusing them by saying, "Oh! well, the boys must have their fun."
The firemen's parade was a feature of our city life. One of the first and most impressive celebrations of this character was held to commemorate the one hundredth anniversary of Washington's birth. 'So imposing an appear- ance did they make that they were encouraged to hold their own exclusive procession the following year. In 1852 the parade was one of unusual splen- dor. Over five thousand men were in line and six hundred musicians. The hose carriages were burnished as bright as gold, and were covered with flow- ers. Marshals carried great silver horns filled with bouquets, while every man in line was dressed in a regularly prescribed uniform, which consisted of an overcoat, buff or black in color and strapped around the waist with a broad belt, into which was stuck a spanner. The headgear was a stiff-brimmed leather hat painted with figures and bearing the name of the fire company in prominent letters. Over the shoulders was worn a cape decorated to corre- spond with the hat. White cotton gloves and black trousers completed the out- fit. The members of some of the hose and hook and ladder companies wore red shirts, with black neckties and hats that resembled in form those worn by sailors, called "nor'casters." The companies tried to outvie each other in appearance as well as in numbers. Visiting delegations came from surround- ing towns, and it required two hours for the procession to pass a given point. There was another notable parade in 1857, but the Civil War soon inter- vened, and it was not until 1865 that the next one took place.
Another annoying feature in connection with the fire companies was the organization of gangs of young hoodlums. They were not members of the fire companies but were simply called followers, and assumed such names as "Fairies," "Hivers," "Killers," "Buffers," "Bouncers," "Springers," "Hunk-
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ers," "Spigots," "Schuylkill Rangers," "Bloodtubs" and "Guinea Hens." They fought each other whenever they met, like savages, and their stone fights not only broke the windows in the houses but cracked many a skull and in several instances injured several innocent and inoffensive pedestrians who happened to be passing by. A volley of stones thrown by these young ruffians was almost like a fusillade of musketry, and quite as dangerous. They were apprentices, as it were, and learning their trades in order to play their parts when old enough to join the fire organizations.
The city was visited by a number of fires, but the most disastrous one was that which occurred in July, 1850. It broke out in a warehouse located in Water below Vine street. It started in a quantity of pressed hay stored in one of the buildings and spread rapidly until it reached a warehouse filled with explosives, and in an instant the air resounded with a rumbling noise like that of artillery. Smoke rose in such volumes that it was impossible for the fire- men to get close enough to the buildings to pour water on the flames and they devoted their efforts to saving the surrounding property. The arca covered by the fire extended from the river front to Second street and from Callowhill to Vine street. It soon got beyond the control of the firemen and appeals were made to New York and Baltimore for assistance. The firemen at last got the flames under control, but not before twenty-eight persons were killed "and fifty-eight injured, and three hundred and sixty-seven stores and dwelling houses entirely destroyed. This was a real danger and the firemen, be it said to their credit, met it with great courage and rendered efficient service, some of them even laying down their lives in the performance of duty.
For many years efforts had been made to effect a consolidation of the city with the outlying districts, but there was a vast difference of opinion upon the question and meetings for and against the project were held, where all the ad- vantages and disadvantages were carefully weighed and considered. Local politicians in the districts feared that their influence would be lessened if the consolidation was effected. It was also argued that the benefit would accrue to the city rather than to the districts, and that the tax rates in the districts would be raised without an adequate return, but gradually, after much conten- tion, the project won its way and on November 16, 1849, a public meeting was held and many of those who had been prominent in objecting to the scheme came forward now and advocated it. John Swift, William Rawle, Francis Wharton, John Cadwalader, Dawid Paul Brown, Henry D. Gilpin, Clement C. Biddle, William Elder, George HI. Earle, William L. Hurst, Joel B. Sutherland, Benjamin Harris Brewster, Theodore Cuyler, Passmore Wil- liamson, George W. Biddle, Chapman Biddle, Henry Horn, Henry M. Watts, Edward R. Cope, Eli K. Price, and some others had charge of the movement, and as a result of the meeting, an executive committee was appointed, consist- ing of Eli K. Price, John M. Read, John Cadwalader, Gideon G. Westcott, Charles L. Ingram and a number of men of like prominence.
Still, however, nothing was accomplished until the Legislature met in 1853-54, when a bill was passed providing for consolidation and the city was made to include the entire county, which was divided into twenty-four wards. The term of the Mayor was extended from one year to two years. The Se-
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lect Council consisted of a member from each ward, whose term was for a period of two years, and the Common Council consisted of three members from each ward-with the exception of the seventeenth and the twenty-third- which were allotted four members for each. The term of Common Council- men was for one year. The passage of the bill was celebrated by the giving of a dinner to the Governor and other distinguished guests in the Sansom Street Hall, at which Morton MeMichael was the presiding officer. The election for the first Mayor under the Act was held on the first Tuesday in June. The Whigs nominated as their candi- date Robert T. Conrad against Rich- ard Vaux who was the Democratic nominee. The election resulted in fa- vor of Judge Conrad, and he began his administration on the first Mon- day in July. Mayor Conrad was a prominent citizen who had made for himself a reputation as a playwright and a journalist, and was a man who always took an active part in public affairs. After effecting a reorganiza- tion of the city government, he began to enforce with vigor the temperance and the Sunday laws, which policy met with considerable opposition in some quarters, and in 1856, Richard Vaux was again nominated by the Democrats and the Whigs supported Henry D. Moore. The election re- sulted in the election of Vaux by a substantial majority. He was re- HON, RICHARD VAUX. nominated in 1858, but was de- feated by Alexander Henry, and in 1860 Mr. Henry was reelected by a small majority over the Democratic candidate, John Robbins, Jr. Under the consolidation, the Mayors were given increased authority over their predecessors, and in order to meet the prevail- ing rowdyism, the police force was increased and its morale greatly improved. Especially did Vaux deal with a strong hand in his treatment of the rowdy desperadoes. The "Schuylkill Rangers" who dominated the locality at the end of Market street bridge, were a ruthless band of ruffians who were a law unto themselves. They established virtually a reign of terror. They looted boats and destroyed private property at their will, held up pedestrians upon the public streets, and defied the police. Vaux was determined to break this gang up, and for this purpose placed the locality where these desperate acts were committed under the surveillance of the bravest and most courageous men on the force. "Dick" Vaux, as he was familiarly called, was in the habit
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of patrolling the streets after nightfall to see that the patrolmen did their duty. One night several of the "Rangers" were suddenly surprised by the appearance of Mr. Vaux and a squad of his police and although the night was stormy and bitter cold, the roughs threw themselves into the icy river and swam to a vessel moored out in the middle of the stream. Here they thought they were safe but Vaux seized a boat, pursued them, arrested and brought them to shore, bound them over and saw that they were ultimately convicted and sent to jail.
The main battle ground was in the district known as Moyamensing, al- though fights frequently occurred in almost every section of the city. Rowdy- ism was rampant and even in decent residential localities it was often impos- sible to pass without suffering insult, the corners where groups of toughs and loungers had gathered. A resident in those days in commenting on this mat- ter said that he lived on New Market street and that stone fights between the followers of the "Good Intent" and the "Northern Liberties" fire companies were of frequent occurrence, and were so bitterly waged that they endangered the lives of pedestrians. When the ammunition of stones gave out, the com- batants deliberately dug up the cobbles and used them as missiles. Time and again the neighbors had to close their shutters to save the windows from being broken and they remained closed and bolted until the rowdies ceased their fracas which was ended by one party putting the other to rout or by the arrival of a squad of policemen.
Upon one occasion when a large fire took place in Camden, the authori- ties of that town hastily requested assistance from Philadelphia. It so hap- pened that the Moyamensing and the Shiffler Hose Companies boarded the same boat in crossing the ferry. One taunt brought on another, until at last there was a pitched battle which resulted in one of the hose companies throw- ing the hose carriage of the other company into the river.
The act of consolidation met from its original opponents as time ran on a general commendation. The union made the city more cosmopolitan and of greater importance and influence and gave to the executive more dignity and increased power, although it may be said that up to this time the Mayor was but a chief of police and had but little to say in the management of any of the departments and it was not until the passage of the Bullitt Bill that he was vested with that power that made him an executive officer in the full sense of the term.
CHAPTER XXV.
WAR WITH MEXICO. AGITATION OF SLAVERY QUESTION. JAMES BUCHANAN ELECTED TO THE PRESIDENCY. DRED SCOTT CASE. PANIC OF 1857. DISCOV- ERY OF OIL IN PENNSYLVANIA. STREET PASSENGER RAILWAYS INTRODUCED. JENNY LIND VISITS THE CITY. DR. KANE RETURNS FROM ARCTIC EXPLORA- TIONS. VISIT OF THE JAPANESE EMBASSY. VISIT OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.
D URING the period which we have been considering the Union was ex- tending her territory in the West and Southwest and was assuming the proportions of a vast empire.
In 1845 Texas was admitted as a State but her western boundary was a matter of dispute. It was claimed by the Texans that it was the Rio Grande River, but the Mexicans denied this and fixed the Nueces River, about one hundred miles east of the Rio Grande as the western boundary line of Texas. President Polk commanded General Taylor to seize the strip of land between the two rivers and to protect it against all invasions. Mexico re- sented this outrage, organized an army and immediately invaded the territory in controversy. A conflict took place in which the Mexicans were defeated. This was followed by the battle of Palo Alto, won by the Americans, under the command of General Taylor, familiarly called "Old Rough and Ready." Bat- tle after battle succeeded in turn and every one resulted in success for the American cause. It is said to be the only war recorded in history in which all the victories were scored on one side, for in every conflict the American troops were victorious and in every instance the battles were won against a superior force.
The admission of Texas greatly increased the influence of the South in Congress. It was, of course, strenuously opposed by the anti-slavery men of the North, and the leading Abolitionists of Pennsylvania took a prominent part in this opposition and this State became the storm centre of the conflict.
By the Missouri Compromise of 1820, as we have already stated in a pre- vious chapter, slavery could not be extended west of the Mississippi, or, in other words, north of the parallel of 36ยบ 30" on the map, but this compromise was repealed in 1850 at the time of the admission of California, and the dis- pute grew hotter and more threatening as time ran on. It was the irrepressible conflict, for, in the language of Seward, the Republic could not exist half slave and half free. The clouds were scudding before the storm and the political horizon was black with foreboding disaster.
Whenever a movement was made to do away with slavery, or to prevent its entrance into the territories, the South threatened to withdraw from the Union, claiming that she had the right to do this whenever, in her opinion, the National Government transcended its constitutional limits. This threat always frightened the North, although there were many opponents of slavery that would rather have had the system exist than see the Union broken in twain
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and all sorts of compromises were offered, which, however, only temporized with the all-important question.
By the treaty of peace signed in 1848, we had obtained from Mexico, not only the undisputed possession of Texas, but also the territory of California and New Mexico. This was so vast a domain that numerons States were carved out of it and to prevent the introduction of slavery in the new States, Congressman Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, a Democrat, offered a bill provid- ing for the prohibition of slavery in any part of the territory acquired from Mexico, but his proviso failed to become a law. A number of Democrats, how- ever, supported this measure and afterwards organized themselves into what was called the "Free Soil Party" which was ultimately swallowed up by the Republicans.
In 1852 Webster and Clay both passed away and their great influence, which had done much to preserve the Union intact, was at an end excepting so far as the remembrance of their teachings were concerned, and a new cra with new leaders was inaugurated.
During all this time the fight had been made by the North to prevent the extension of slavery rather than its extinction. It was only the rampant Abolitionists that were willing to sacrifice even the integrity of the Union, in their efforts to destroy the institution.
In 1854 began the struggle for the possession of Kansas, and upon this bloody ground was settled for the time being, at least, the question of the ad- mission of slavery into the territories.
In 1856 James Buchanan, a resident of Pennsylvania, was nominated as the Democratic candidate for the Presidency. He was a man of distinction in national politics and he had held many offices of high station. He had been elected to Congress in 1820; later he was sent to the United States Senate ; was appointed Minister to Russia, then Secretary of State under Polk, and in 1853 was accredited as Minister to England. He was Scotch-Irish by descent, and no doubt had those qualities that would have gnade an excellent official had it not been for the terrific struggle waged through his administration on the all- absorbing question of slavery.
The campaign of 1856 was one of the most exciting that had ever taken place in this country. Every orator was called into requisition, mass-meetings were held in all of the cross roads and in Philadelphia the campaign was one of unusual interest ; marching clubs were formed, called "Wide-Awakes." The men bore torches and were dressed in leather caps and capes. This was the organization that led to the formation of the "Invincibles." The whole country indeed was wrought up to excessive enthusiasin and "the wooly horse of Fre- mont" was used as the mascot for the Republicans. Buchanan was elected to the presidency and entered upon the discharge of his duties, although a Northerner and a native and resident of Pennsylvania, he was a Southern sym- pathizer and was willing to make any sacrifice to establish more firmly than ever the institution of slavery. Not long after he took the oath of office, Judge Taney, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, handed down what is known as the Dred Scott Decision. Scott was a negro slave, born in the South of slave parents. His master had taken him from the slave State of Mis-
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