USA > Rhode Island > A short history of Rhode Island > Part 5
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shells, and these they wrought with much in- genuity into beads; the periwinkle furnishing the material for the lower values, six of its white shells being held at an English penny, while the dark eye of the quahog or round clam, smoothed by grinding, and polished and drilled, was rated at twice the value of the white shell. Both were known as wampum or peage. As money belts of wampum were counted by the fathom, three hundred and sixty of the white passing for five shillings sterling, and a fathom of the black being worth twice as much as a fathom of the white. Like the metallic medium of other coun- tries they served also for personal decoration, supplying the Indian belles and beaux with their necklaces and bracelets, and princes with the most valued ornaments of their regalia. When used for this purpose they were wrought into girdles, or worn as a scarf about the shoulders, great pains being taken and not a little skill displayed in arranging the colors in various fig- ures. The mints in which this primitive money was coined were on the sea-shore, where shells were found in great abundance, and so well was this simple article adapted to the wants and the tastes of the aborigines that it passed current six hun- dred miles from the coast, and was used by the colonists in all their bargains with the natives. But shells like metals and paper are subject to the same inexorable laws of trade. When beaver skins became plenty in the colonial market and wampum was made in larger quantities, it fell
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from ten shillings a fathom to five, and the Indian hunter thought it hard that an equal number of furs should bring him but half as much wampum as before. Like all money, also, wampum was liable to be counterfeited, and even in that rude commerce there were men who preferred the ill- gotten gain of the counterfeiter to the fruit of honest industry. Fortunately for the native he was quick in detecting the fraud, and never failed to exact full compensation. But wampum, like the race for whom it was made, was una- ble to hold its ground against the advancing civ- ilization. We have seen it reduced to half its original value by overissues and the increasing supply of furs in the colonial market. Gradually it began to disappear. Rhode Island continued to use it long after it had ceased to be current in colonies where the intercourse with Europe was more direct. Massachusetts had begun to coin silver in 1652, but Rhode Island continued to accept wampum as a legal tender for ten years longer, when it reached its lowest point, and, like the Continental money of a century later, was abolished by statute. Thenceforth all taxes and costs of court were exacted in "current pay " in sterling that is, or in New England coin of thirty shillings New England to twenty-two shil- lings sixpence sterling.
Nothing has been said thus far of the measures taken by the young Colony for the establishment of schools. Newport, though only in the second year of her settlement, took the lead in 1640, by
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"calling Mr. Robert Lenthall to keep a school for the learning of youth, and for his encour- agement there was granted to him and his heirs one hundred acres of land, and four more for a house lot." In the same meeting it was voted : "That one hundred acres should be laid forth and appropriated for a school, for the encouragement of the poorer sort, to train up their youth in learning, and Mr. Robert Lenthall, while he continues to keep school, is to have the benefit thereof." The wise example was followed by Providence in 1663, and at May town meeting a hundred acres of upland and six acres of meadow were reserved for the support of a school.
But in nothing perhaps does the character of the Colony appear to more advantage than in the law of oaths. "Forasmuch," reads the statute, "as the consciences of sundry men, truly con- scionable, may scruple the giving or the tak- ing of an oath, and it would be no wise suitable to the nature and constitution of our place, who profess ourselves to be men of different con- sciences, and not one willing to force another, to debar such as cannot do so, either from bearing office among us, or from giving in testimony in a case depending ; be it enacted by the authority of this present Assembly, that a solemn profes- sion or testimony in a court of record, or before a judge of record, shall be accounted through- out the whole colony, of as full force as an oath." So strong was the hold which the principle of soul liberty had taken of the public mind.
CHAPTER IX.
TERRITORY OF RHODE ISLAND IS INCREASED BY THE ADDI- TION OF BLOCK ISLAND .- DISPUTES BETWEEN BLOCK ISLAND AND THE OTHER COLONIES SETTLED BY ROYAL COMMAND .- STATE OF AFFAIRS IN THE COLONY IN 1667.
THE charter came at a fortunate moment, for petition and remonstrance had reached their utmost, and it is difficult to see how the little Col- ony could have preserved the integrity of its ter- ritory much longer against two such powerful neighbors but for the intervention of an authority that was recognized by all. The services of John Clarke must be estimated by the imminence of the danger, and his skill by the difficulty of the negotiation. Meanwhile the territories of Rhode Island were enlarged in another direction.
Block Island has already been mentioned in connection with the Pequot war. In 1658 it was granted by Massachusetts, in whose hands the war had left it, to Governor John Endicott and three others, as a reward for their public services. Endicott and his associates sold it to Simon Ray and eight associates, who, in 1661, entered upon their work of colonization by liquidating the Indian title with a reservation in favor of the natives, and setting apart one-sixteenth of the
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lands for the support of a minister forever. The new settlement had not yet reached its third year when it passed under the jurisdiction of Rhode Island, and, in the May session of the General Assembly for 1663, was summoned to appear at the bar of the house and be regularly received into the Colony. At the appointed time three messengers presented themselves, bringing the submission of the inhabitants to "his Majesty's will," and a petition of householders for the free- dom of the island. Three select men were chosen to govern it with power to "call town meetings," hear causes under forty shillings, and where a greater amount was involved, grant appeals to the General Court of Trials, and "issue warrants in criminal cases." Their representation in the As- sembly was fixed at two, and their attention was called to the clause in the charter declaring free- dom of conscience. The question of a harbor for the encouragement of the fisheries soon attracted the attention of the Assembly, and, as early as 1665, we find John Clarke with the Governor and Deputy-Governor examining this important sub- ject on the spot. But it was no work for a feeble Colony, and it was not till two hundred years later and under a rich and powerful national govern- ment that it was begun. Meanwhile the popula- tion grew and throve under colonial protection. Nine years after its first civil organization Block Island was incorporated under the name of New Shoreham, "as sign," say the petitioners, "of
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our unity and likeness to many parts of our na- tive country."
The conflict of patents did not end with the promulgation of the second charter. Massachu- setts and Connecticut still persisted in their claims, and Rhode Island in her resistance. For- tunately for her the final decision lay with the Crown, and, although both of the intruding colo- nies made repeated attempts to set up govern- ments of their own within the limits of the dis- puted territory, they were restrained from per- sistent violence by the knowledge that Rhode Island claimed and was prepared to exercise the right of appeal. An opportunity soon offered of making an important step towards decision. Four Commissioners-Colonel Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, George Cartwright and Samuel Maverick-were ordered to proceed to America, reduce the Dutch provinces, and decide all ques- tions of appeal, jurisdiction and boundary be- tween the colonies. On their arrival in New York harbor, where they made the British fleet their headquarters, Rhode Island sent a deputa- tion of three, with John Clarke at their head, to welcome the Royal Commissioners in the name of the Colony.
They set themselves promptly to their work. The first question that came up for decision was the boundary line between Rhode Island and Plymouth. This they were unable to settle, and reserved it for reference to the King. Next came
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the vexed question of Narragansett. The sub- mission of the sachems was confirmed, an annual tribute of two wolf-skins imposed, and the right to make war and sell land reserved to the author- ities set over them by the Crown. A new division of the territory followed, all of the land west of the Bay, the southern half of the present Kent County, being set apart as King's Province, under the administration of the Governor and Council of Rhode Island, as magistrates of King's Prov- ince. Last came the bitter Warwick question, which had almost led to bloodshed. This was decided in favor of Rhode Island, upon the ground that no colony had a right to exercise jurisdiction beyond its chartered limits. It would have been well for the three colonies if the dis- pute had ended here. But neither Massachusetts nor Connecticut was satisfied. It was hard to give up the beautiful Narragansett Bay, "the largest," say the Commissioners, "and safest port in New England, nearest the sea and fittest for trade."
The Indian was fast disappearing, and some- times under circumstances which awaken a nat- ural regret that where adverse civilizations met so little could be done for the individual. The old Sachem Pumham still clung to his home in the woodlands of Warwick Neck, encouraged, it was believed, by the hope of support from Massa- chusetts. John Eliot, the translator of the Bible interceded for him. Roger Williams asked for a
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little delay till the harvest was in. But twenty years experience had shown that his residence there was incompatible with the peace of the Colony. Sir Robert Carr, the Royal Commis- sioner, met Eliot's intercession by sending him copies of all the papers relating to the question, and so far satisfied the scruples of Williams as
to secure his hearty cooperation in the removal of this thorn from the side of the struggling Colony. Thirty pounds were paid into the hands of the old chief, a large sum for those days of general poverty, and he removed forever beyond the limits of King's Province.
The Royal Commissioners on their arrival in Rhode Island had laid before the Assembly five propositions as "the will and pleasure of the King :"
"1st. That all householders inhabiting the Colony take the oath of allegiance, and that the administration of justice be in his Majesty's name."
This brought up the delicate question of oaths, which, recurring from time to time, was gradually shaped by successive modifications so as to meet the demands of government without infringing upon the principle of soul-liberty.
"2d. That all men of competent estates and of civil conversation, who acknowledge and are obedient to the civil magistrate, though of differ- ent judgments, may be admitted to be freemen
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and have liberty to chose and to be chosen, offi- cers, both military and civil."
This was accepted and the mode of admitting freemen prescribed.
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"3d. That all men and women of orthodox opinion, competent knowledge and civil lives, who acknowledge and are obedient to the civil magistrate and are not scandalous, may be ad- mitted to the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, and their children to Baptism, if they desire it, either by admitting them into the congregations already gathered, or permitting them to gather themselves into such congregations where they may enjoy the benefit of the Sacraments, and that difference of opinion may not break the bonds of peace and charity."
If we interpret the word orthodox according to the Rhode Island standard of theological interpre- tation, this was already Rhode Island doctrine and required no deliberation.
"4th. That all laws and expressions in laws derogatory to his Majesty, if any such have been made in these late and troublesome times, may be repealed, altered and taken off the files."
This, also, was accepted, and a revision of the laws ordered for that purpose.
"5th. That the Colony be put in such a pos- ture of defence that if there should be any inva- sion upon this island, or elsewhere in this Colony (which God forbid) you might in some measure
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be in readiness to defend yourselves, or if need be to relieve your neighbors, according to the power given you by the King in your charter and to us in the King's commission and instructions."
This, also, struck a familiar cord. Provisions for self-defence had already been made as circum- stances called for them. A new militia law was now passed, requiring six trainings a year under heavy penalties, and allowing nine shillings a year for each enlisted soldier. Every man was to keep on hand two pounds of powder and four of lead, and each town was required to maintain a public magazine. To defray the expenses of these magazines Newport was taxed fifty pounds, and the other three towns twenty pounds each.
The Royal Commissioners were well satisfied with the conduct of Rhode Island, and Rhode Island, surrounded by powerful enemies, had every reason to be well satisfied with the Com- missioners. Still the encroachments and aggres- sions of Massachusetts and Connecticut con- tinued. As a prospective means of defence against them John Clarke was again asked to carry the complaints of the suffering Colony to England, and John Greene was chosen to accom- pany him. In 1672 a new claimant appeared in the lists.
The Council of Plymouth had been lavish of its gifts of land, and in its ignorance of Ameri- can geography had formed a perplexing map of conflicting claims. In one of its grants it had given the greater part of Maine, together with
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Nantucket, Martha's Vineyard, Long Island and the adjacent islands, to the Earl of Stirling. The Earl of Stirling sold his grant to the Duke of York, already proprietor by royal gift of the recently conquered province of New Netherlands. The term adjacent islands would have included Acquidneck and the other islands of Narragan- sett Bay. Prudence, one of the pleasantest and most valuable of them, had been bought of the Indian proprietors by Roger Williams and John
Winthrop. In the course of time it passed by regular sale to John Paine, a Boston merchant, who had won the favor of the Duke of York by contributing liberally to the rebuilding of Fort James, in New York harbor. Governor Lovelace, the Duke's attorney, felt that such liberality was deserving of a signal reward. Paine was already the owner of Prudence. Lovelace re- solved to make it a free-manor by the name of Toply manor, and confer the governership for life on Paine. By a second grant the original quit-rent of two barrels of cider and six pairs of capons was remitted, and this territory of seven miles in length became an untaxed and independ- ent government.
But Rhode Island was an uncongenial soil for feudal tenures. Paine was arrested, indicted and convicted under the law of 1658 against the in- troduction of a foreign jurisdiction, and Pru- dence without any formal act of adjustment re- turned to its original position as a part of Ports- mouth.
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Thus the Rhode Island Colony grew apace. From time to time questions of practical govern- ment arose, to be worked out and solved by ex- perience. It was not easy to make citizens feel their duty to the State. More than once the Assembly failed in attendance, to the serious detriment of the public. Fines were imposed, and that some inducement to greater regularity might be held out, a small pay of three shillings a day, which was soon reduced to two, was attached to the function of delegate. To facili- tate the expression of opinion voting by proxy was permitted, and to secure the election of the most acceptable candidate it was enacted, "that whereas there may happen a division in the vote soe that the greater half may not pitch decidedly on one certaine person, yett the person which hath the most votes shall be deemed lawfully chosen." The laws of the Colony had been the growth of circumstances, expressing new wants and repre- senting a progressive society. Committees were appointed on several occasions to revise and har- monize them. On the committee of October, 1664, we find Roger Williams and John Clarke.
The progress of society has established a funda- mental distinction between legislative, executive and judicial powers, which was not known to ancient publicists. The Court of Trials was com- posed of members of the Assembly, and thus the whole body of law-makers was gradually led to exercise judicial authority.
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The Colony was poor, and the persecutions of Massachusetts and Connecticut compelled it to incur expenses greatly beyond its means. When Roger Williams went on his second mission to England he sold part of his estates in order to raise the money for his expenses. When John Clarke was sent to negotiate the second charter he was obliged to burthen his estate with a mort- gage. The whole sum due him by the Colony was but three hundred and forty-three pounds, and yet so hard was it to collect the tax by which this sum was to be paid that it was not until twenty years after his death that the mortgage was lifted.
Internal dissensions and the alarm of foreign war troubled the Colony in 1667. Two names long prominent in Rhode Island, Harris and Fenner, appear at the head of two hostile fac- tions in Providence and continue for a while to disturb the public peace. England, whose wars now found a reëcho in the colonies, was again at war with France and Holland. Efficient meas- ures were taken to put the Colony in a state of defence, and thus new burthens were imposed. A council of war was organized in each town. Ammunition was collected. Officers were com- missioned. Cannon were mounted at Newport. Cavalry corps were formed in the towns. The Governor and Council met in frequent delibera - tions. The Indians were disarmed and sent off the Island. A line of beacons was established
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from Wonumytomoni Hill, near Newport, to Mooshausick Hill, in Providence. Abundant proof was given of the energy and good states- manship of the Colony. But the day of real trial was not yet come.
The question of taxation was an early cause of difficulty. The poorer towns felt themselves aggrieved, and often put insuperable obstacles in the way of the collector. Even the tax for the payment of John Clarke was disputed, and Roger Williams drew upon himself a severe condemna- tion from Warwick by a letter wherein he urged its payment. At last, in 1672, the Assembly took the matter seriously in hand and passed a bill declaring, "that whoever opposed by word or deed, in town meeting or elsewhere, any rate laid, or any other of the acts or orders of the General Assembly should be bound over to the Court of Trials, or imprisoned till it meet, at the discre- tion of the justice, for high contempt and sedition ; and if found guilty, should be fined, imprisoned or whipped, as the court might adjudge."
It was not altogether without reason that this stringent act was passed, for the aggressions of Connecticut and the alarm of an Indian war made it necessary to strengthen as far as possi- ble the hands of government. But there was a danger in this legislative omnipotence which the people quickly perceived, and the new Assembly of May undid by a comprehensive repeal the work of its predecessor of April.
5
CHAPTER X.
KING PHILIP'S WAR.
I HAVE now reached the story of the longest and bloodiest war which the colonists had yet waged with the Indian. It is known in colonial history as King Philip's war, and belongs more to the histories of Massachusetts and Connecticut than to that of Rhode Island, although two of its bloodiest battles were fought on Rhode Island soil. Like all wars with barbarians it is filled with strange mixtures of barbarism and heroism, the savage warrior often rising in the pursuit of his ideal to a moral grandeur which his civilized an- tagonist failed to attain. And although like the war with the Pequots it was fatal to those who began it, it has left one of great names of Indian history, and brought into play some of the great- est traits of Indian character.
First and most faithful of the allies of the English was Massasoit, Sachem of the Wampo- noags. A pestilence too malignant to be controlled by the medical science of the natives had deci- mated his tribe and exposed him to the ambition of the Narragansetts, his immediate neighbors, a little before the arrival of the Pilgrims. Perceiv- ing only the present danger, he looked upon the
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advent of the white man as a means of preserving his independence, and eagerly made a covenant with him which he faithfully kept to the end of his life, (1661). At his death his eldest son, Wamsutta, or Alexander as he was called by the English, succeeded to his authority, but not to the confidence of his allies. Suspicion arose ; he was accused of plotting against the colonists, and though an independent chief, summoned to appear at the General Court at Plymouth. Dis- obeying the summons, he was threatened with per- sonal violence, and reluctantly yielding set forth with his warriors and women, some eighty in all, under the escort of a small body of troops com- manded by Major Winslow. The indignity was too great for the unfortunate chief. Winslow saw that he was sinking under fatigue-for the weather was very hot-and wounded pride, for wrong was hard to bear. "Take my horse," he said, touched with compassion. "No!" replied the chief with a last touch of pride, "there are no horses for my wife and the other women." When they reached Winslow's house, which was on the way he sickened, and though allowed to turn back, quickly died. Deep was the indigna- tion of the Indians at this treatment of their sachem, and even some of the colonists felt that they had gone too far.
But there was one among them into whose breast the wrong sank deepest, for it called him to avenge not only a chief but a brother. That
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brother was known in colonial history as Philip of Pocanoket. The story of Philip has been variously told, some looking upon him as a crafty savage loving the wiles and cruelty of Indian warfare and fighting with no other object than immediate success ; others as an Indian patriot contending for the independence of his country. In either case, if we judge him by the standard of his own people, he was a great ruler in peace and a valiant leader in war.
We are told that it was a sore grief to the young sachem to see the white man daily taking a firmer hold of the soil, and the red man melting before him. But how could the march of the in- vader be stayed ? The arrow was a feeble weapon with which to oppose the firelock, the tomahawk even in the strongest hand was no match for the sabre. The foresight, judgment, method and power of combination of the white man enabled him to provide for the future while making wise provision for the present. While he was well supplied with food, the Indian was starving. While he was warmly clad, the Indian was ex- posed almost naked to the rudest blasts of winter. Philip saw the danger and resolved to face it.
His first" step was to secure allies by winning over the neighboring tribes. It was a broad field for diplomacy, wherein Indian not Christian ethics prevailed, and was well suited to his bold and wily nature. Yet with all his wiles he could not so completely cover his track as not to excite
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the suspicions of the English. He was sum- moned to Plymouth and closely questioned. But the hour for action was not yet come and he suc- ceeded in allaying suspicions by giving up his arms.
But treason beset his path. A "praying Indian," as the converts of Eliot were called, who had lived some years with Philip as secre- tary and counselor, betrayed the secret of the sachem's preparations. The betrayal cost him his life but saved the Colony by compelling Philip to begin his outbreak before his prepara- tions were completed. It is said that when he " saw the necessity he cast himself upon the ground and wept bitterly.
But there was no escaping it, and collecting his forces he fell upon the settlements with fire and sword, and what was still more dreaded, the scalping knife and tomahawk. The first to feel his fury was the border town of Swanzey, where houses and barns were burnt and nine of the inhabitants put to death and seven wounded. Succor came promptly from Plymouth and Bos- ton. The Indians fell back upon Mount Hope, Philip's favorite seat. Mutilated corpses and burning dwellings marked the track of the pur- sued. The pursuer looked round him in vain for an enemy. A few dogs prowled round the de- serted wigwams, but not an Indian was to be seen.
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