USA > Rhode Island > Bristol County > Bristol > Celebration of the two-hundredth anniversary of the settlement of the town of Bristol, Rhode Island : September 24th, A.D. 1880 > Part 4
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must have affected a haughty spirit. The long established relation between Massasoit and the English was now com- pletely reversed. Massasoit had been treated as an equal ; Philip was reduced to the condition of a subject. Massasoit had been regarded with confidence ; Philip, whether justly or unjustly, was viewed with constant distrust. That the sachem, doubtless ignorant of the full force of the submis- sions he had made, and only conscious that a net was being skillfully woven about him, was wholly free from blame, no one would venture to affirm, but that the authorities of_ Ply- mouth were pushing matters with too hard a hand, was the manifest opinion of their Massachusetts brethren. These doubted whether the engagement of Philip imported more than "a friendly and neighborly correspondency."
In the cabinet of the Rhode Island Historical Society there is preserved a curious paper which purports to give the sub- stance of a reply made by Philip to his friend, John Borden, of Portsmouth, who sought to dissuade him from engaging in the war. The statement was not committed to writing till many years after the sachem's death, and cannot claim the authority of an historical document. Yet undoubtedly it preserves the tradition respecting the causes of the war that lingered in Philip's own neighborhood, and among those who knew him best. While the language belongs to a later period, the general representation may be accepted as cor- reet. In this reply the sachem contrasts the reception which his father had extended to the English, with the ungenerous treatment to which he had been himself subjected. Un- founded charges had been brought against him, and he had been compelled to part with his territory to make restitution for injuries that he could not prevent. Thus tract after tract was gone till only a small part remained. "I am deter- mined," said he, "not to live till I have no country."
That the Indians, in the main, were unfairly treated, there is, indeed, no evidence. Where the Pilgrims landed the territory had been depopulated by a pestilence, and they
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interfered with no rights by bringing once more under culti- vation a desolate and deserted tract. The subsequent acqui- sitions of the settlers were made by purchase, to which the natives, for the most part, gave their free consent. And in their transactions the authorities took special care to guard the Indians from imposition. Yet the policy was avowed of crowding them upon narrow peninsulas, and they saw their territory continually wasting away. And it may be ques- tioned how far the chiefs had authority to alienate the lands of their tribe, and how far they understood the full meaning of the transfer they made. Still less could they comprehend the nature of the allegiance which they were compelled to swear to a sovereign who lived three thousand miles away. Added to this was the unconcealed suspicion and contempt with which they were regarded, and which led the whites to insist stren- uously "on the distance which is to be observed betwixt Christians and barbarians."
It is an interesting fact that we find the most favorable representations of Philip's character in the region where he lived, and among those who had the best opportunity for judging him. Thus the earliest historian of Rhode Island, Callender, tells us that Philip entered reluctantly upon the war, and that he shed tears when he heard that the first blood was spilled. To the same effect is the tradition of his grateful treatment of the Leonards. Though his ordinary residence was at Mount Hope, in the summer time he fre- quently found his way to Taunton. Here he became ac- quainted with this family, and received many acts of kind- ness at their hands. When the war broke out, his gratitude saved Taunton from destruction. "You have made him ready to die," said one of his men to the English commander, "for you have killed or taken all his relations." It has been urged against him as a reproach, that, when his prospect darkened elsewhere, he did not join himself to the Eastern Indians ; but is it not a touching trait in his character, that
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when wife and child had been taken from him, he turned back to die in his own home?
It is claimed by some that Philip of Pokanoket is simply a hero of romance ; that fancy has arrayed with fictitious majesty a squalid savage, whose dwelling was a sty. No doubt many of the representations of his character are incorrect. It is folly to speak of him as a great warrior, a penetrating statesman, a mighty prince. Such exaggerated language does him gross injustice, for it applies to him the standards of a wholly different social state. There is no proof that he was at the head of a great conspiracy, or that he possessed the capacity of inflaming his race with a com- mon impulse. But we are equally wide of the mark when we picture him, in the coarse epithets of Church, as "a dole- ful, great, naked, dirty beast." In spite of all detraction, he remains the most picturesque and striking figure in Indian history. His tragic fate lends a sad interest to yonder mount. We are standing on soil that was wrested from him ; we are enjoying privileges which were purchased by his ruin ; but can we pass a harsh judgment on this hero of a lost cause, who fell, in an unequal fight, by a traitor's hand. and whose corpse was insulted by an ungenerous foe ?
By the overthrow of Philip, the Mount Hope lands were, for the first time, thrown open to the occupation of the English, but the question was yet to be determined in whom the title to the newly-conquered territory was vested. The manner in which this question was settled forms the most curious episode in our early history. We can hardly fancy a more striking contrast than between the wilds of Pokano- ket and the sumptuous palace of Whitehall, between the stern, resolute men who were here laying the foundations of a new English empire, and the gay and dissolute throng who formed the court of Charles the Second. Our story carries us to the Privy Council chamber where the dull routine of business was at this time so often lighted up by the wit of Shaftesbury. Among those whose occupation it
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was to amuse the King, was a dramatic poet named John Crowne. He is said to have been first brought to the notice of the Queen through the dislike which Rochester cherished for Dryden, and to have gained the favor of the good-natured monarch by a mask which had been performed before the court. Reckoning on this favor, Crowne came forward with a petition for the Mount Hope lands. His father, who had purchased an estate in Nova Scotia, had been impoverished by the cession of that province to the French, and upon this circumstance the poet based his claim to restitution. The matter was brought before the Privy Council, who directed that, before any action should be taken, inquiries should be made respecting the title to the territory. Plymouth claimed the lands as lying within her patent, and in this view the agents of Massachusetts concurred. The two Rhode Island agents, on the other hand, maintained that the tract, up to the recent war, had belonged to the Sachem Philip, and that no corporation in New England had any title to it. Although the Plymouth authorities had sought to gain the favor of the King by sending to him the greater part of the ornaments and treasures of Philip, the Privy Council adopted the Rhode Island view. But, at the same time, they recom- mended that the lands be granted to Plymouth, reserving only to the Crown, by way of quit rent, seven beaver skins to be paid yearly at Windsor Castle. No other lands in the colony were held upon this tenure.
The title to the newly conquered lands having been thus confirmed to Plymouth, measures were at once taken to dis- pose of them. The most powerful reason which had led the Plymouth authorities to claim the territory was that it " was well-accommodated for the settlement of sea-port towns." The evident advantages which it possessed as a commercial mart could not long remain unnoticed. On the fourteenth of September, 1680, corresponding, if we allow for the dif- ference of style, to the day selected for these services, and in consideration of the sum of three hundred pounds, the 6
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Mount Hope lands were conveyed to four citizens of Boston, John Walley, Nathaniel Byfield, Stephen Burton and Na- thaniel Oliver. By the terms of the sale, a "town for trade" was to be at once established. To promote this end, extra- ordinary privileges were granted, and most liberal provisions were made. The four proprietors reserved to themselves an eighth each, and proceeded to dispose of the remainder. The new settlement was exempted from all colonial taxes for five years, the privilege of sending deputies to the Gen- eral Court was conceded to it, a local court was established, and it was provided that it should be the shire-town of a new county to be established. The tract was laid out on a plan of which up to this time there had been no example. In contrast with the crowded streets of Boston, it presented these broad and regular avenues, but like Boston it had a public common reserved in the centre of the town, while six hundred acres, in addition, were devoted to the general improvement. It is impossible to glance at these provisions without recognizing the fact that the first proprietors of this territory were men of liberal views and large public spirit. While engaged in an enterprise which their own private advantage had no doubt suggested, they scorned to look at it in the light of mere private and selfish interest. The generous conception which they formed of their undertaking received its reward. The best class of settlers was attracted, and in five years, where had been a wilderness, there stood the most flourishing town in the colony.
The great purpose which they had in view was intimated in almost their earliest corporate act. On September 1, 1681, the people assembled together and agreed that "the name of this town shall be Bristol." The only reason that can be assigned for such a proceeding is that at this time Bristol was, next to London, the most important seat of maritime commerce in the mother country, and in founding their new port of trade, the settlers of this town wished to borrow some of the associations of such a famous mart. We may
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derive a natural satisfaction from the reflection that their confidence in the experiment they had undertaken gave us even this trifling connection with a city which, though stripped in part of its commercial eminence, is still one of the most beautiful in England, the city from which Sebastian Cabot sailed on the voyage that resulted in the discovery of the American continent, the city which Edmund Burke represented in Parliament, when he vindicated, in strains of unsurpassed eloquence, the rights of the colonies. In several striking particulars, a resemblance between the towns might be traced. The distinctive character of the new en- terprise, that which marked it so strongly from the earlier settlements upon the bay, is expressed in this proceeding. The founders of Bristol were not, like the settlers of Provi- dence and Newport, exiles for conscience' sake, smarting with sense of wrong, and cherishing a bitter feeling of resentment against the community from which they had been driven ; on the contrary, they were men of wealth and standing, of high consideration in the colony which they voluntarily left, for which they cherished the most affection- ate attachment, and whose institutions they zealously labored to perpetuate. In coming here they were not seeking for any larger religious liberty, for that they already enjoyed in as great a measure as they deemed consistent with their own good ; they were not aiming to emancipate themselves from any restraints of law. They came here under due authority, to establish a town for trade, and they sought, from the outset, to surround themselves with all the sanc- tions of social order.
Every community is stamped with the impress of its founders. Who, we naturally ask, were the men to whom Bristol owes its origin ? The four original proprietors, with one exception, were actual settlers, and became earnestly identified with the interests of the town. Mr. Oliver sold his share to Nathan Hayman, another leading merchant of Boston, who soon after died. The names of the remaining
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three are written in enduring characters on our early annals. Of Stephen Burton less is known than of the others, but he is said to have been bred at Oxford, and as recording officer of the county, he filled a responsible position until his death in 1692. John Walley, whose name stands first on the Grand Deed, was the son of an English clergyman, and held high rank in the Massachusetts Colony. While devoting himself with success to mercantile pursuits, he was called at various times to discharge important public duties. He was a member of the Council, a Judge of the Superior Court, and had command of the land forces in the expedition of Sir William Phipps. These great trusts were executed with an ability and fidelity which gained him universal respect. During his residence in Bristol, he stood always among the foremost in promoting every public interest. His substantial dwelling still remains among us. Near the close of his life he returned to Boston, where he died in 1712. But the most prominent and influential of the original proprietors yet remains to be mentioned. Nathaniel Byfield was also the son of an English clergyman, a member of the famous Westminster Assembly. His mother was sister of the up- right and courageous Bishop Juxon, who attended Charles the I. upon the scaffold. He landed at Boston only six years before the purchase of the Mount Hope lands. Com- ing to this town with the first settlers, he remained here for nearly half a century, choosing for his home the beautiful peninsula on the opposite side of the harbor, the greater part of which belonged -to his estate. Like Walley he re- turned to Boston in his old age, and died there in 1733. His remains rest in the old Granary Burial Ground. When Bristol was incorporated, it was a part of Plymouth Colony, but after the union of Plymouth with Massachusetts in 1690, an ampler field was opened to its citizens. Colonel Byfield was several times elected Speaker of the House of Represen- tatives ; for many years he was a member of the Provincial Council ; for a long period he presided in the County Court ;
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from no less than three English sovereigns he received a commission as Judge in Admiralty. In the notice called forth by his death, he is described as a man of great courage, vigor and activity ; of plain and instructive conversation, and of unquestionable faithfulness and honesty. Nothing is more to his credit than the fact that during the Witchcraft delusion, which remains such a dark spot upon the fame of Massachusetts, he had the courage to oppose and denounce it. He was a man of strong convictions ; he was engaged in bitter controversies ; and he did not escape the aspersions which were as freely lavished in that day as in ours. But when his long and useful life was ended, his character and public services called forth unqualified eulogium. In this community his memory has always been gratefully cherished. To no one has Bristol been so much indebted. To him, more than to any other, we owe these broad and beautiful streets ; to him we are indebted for this common on which we stand ; to his foresight and generosity was due the early provision for schools, which has been such a material aid in the cause of public education. Fitted by his eminent abilities for the highest positions in the colony, he was never unmindful of his obligations to the community in which he lived. And with great appropriateness, when the High School was erected, a few years ago, the town decided that it should bear the name of Byfield. No nobler memorial can be erected to the dead than a memorial like this which is a per- petual blessing to the living, and no more worthy example can be held up to the generations of children who shall receive their training there, than the example of one who in the pur- suit of his private interests never neglected the public good. Well may we be proud to enroll such names as Walley and Byfield among our founders !
I have called attention to the fact that the settlement of Bristol was essentially a commercial enterprise. At first sight, no doubt, this feature in its history seems to detract from the significance of the undertaking. Especially in
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comparison with the neighboring towns, it seems to lack those characteristics which awaken the most enthusiastic in- terest. We cannot claim that on this soil, so dear to all of us, any novel truth was evolved, or any great principles de- fended. The fame which justly belongs to Providence and to Aquidneck, does not belong to us. Our early records do not bear the names of any martyrs for conscience, of any pioneers in the vindication of spiritual truth. We have no Roger Williams upon whose statue we can gaze with rever- ence, we have no Anne Hutchinson, whose clear perception of first principles may extort our admiration, and whose pathetic fate, after so many years have passed, must excite our warmest sympathy. We are forced to confess the ab- sence, in our local annals, of those elements which lend to history its highest and most absorbing charm. But there is another side to all this which we must not overlook. In the complex system under which the human race is working out its destiny, it seems to be the rule that an advantage in one direction is always purchased by the sacrifice of some cor- responding advantage in another. There are two great prin- ciples that control the movements of society, the principle of progress, and the principle of order. If we reckon it a blessing to enjoy an unchecked liberty, if we count it a priv- ilege to dwell in a community where there is no restraint upon the expression of opinion, where every one is free to follow his own course, and to attain the largest measure of individual development and of individual action, we must, on the other hand, admit that there is some advantage in an orderly society, some benefit to be derived from connection with a community where the common interests are not dis- regarded, where mutual obligations receive full recognition, and where the claims of positive truth are not forgotten in the assertion of the rights of private judgment.
It is impossible not to contemplate with admiration the early history of the State of which, for near a century and a half, we have been a loyal part ; not to gaze with reverence
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at the little community which, in an adverse age, had it in its heart " to hold forth a lively experiment that a most flour- ishing civil State may stand and best be maintained with a full liberty of religious concernments ;" and which in an age when toleration was hardly known, boldly affirmed that not toleration merely, but complete religious freedom, was the right of every human being ; but it is impossible to read the history of Rhode Island and not to recognize the fact that those who drank of this great cup of liberty were compelled to pay a heavy price. When they threw their doors wide open to the distressed in conscience of every name, when they held out so boldly the alluring bait of exemption from all external restraints, they drew together elements so in- congruous, so inharmonious, so discordant, that even the invin- cible patience of Roger Williams at length recoiled from " such an infinite liberty of conscience." The extremely democratic basis upon which the body politic was rested, while it reduced the functions of government to the very nar- rowest limits, at the same time left the control of affairs in the hands of the least intelligent portion of the population. While it cannot be said that the first settlers were insensible to the importance of education, still education never received any generous public support. The complete separation effected between church and state, by remitting the support of religious institutions to a community divided, beyond all previous example, in religious sentiment, deprived them of the inestimable benefit of an educated clergy. In the town which Williams founded, and to which he gave a name ex- pressive of his reliance upon divine help, no place of public worship existed until the beginning of the following century. Freedom, of every kind, prevailed in unexampled measure, but an enlarged public spirit, an intelligent appreciation of the higher interests of the social body, a recognition of what was due from the individual to the community of which he formed a part, were not then traits of Rhode Island char- acter.
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The Puritan colonies of Plymouth and Massachusetts, but more especially the latter, stood in striking contrast with all this. Firmly knit in religious faith, making no pretence whatever of toleration, often harsh in their treatment of dis- senters, they were eminent for public spirit, and showed the characteristics of homogeneous and highly organized com- munities. Led by their peculiar theory to invest the State with the largest powers, and ally it with all the supreme concerns of life, they regarded no political duties as more sacred and more imperative than those connected with the promotion of education and the maintenance of pure religion. The public support accorded to religious institutions secured for every town the services of a well educated minister. On the other hand, this close alliance of church and state gave additional import to civil obligations. Public functions were held in high esteem, magistrates were regarded with reverence, and even the ordinary duties of the citizen were discharged in a religious spirit. Equally in civil and relig- ious things the Puritan viewed himself as living unto God.
Coming, as they did, from a Puritan colony, the founders of Bristol did not seek in their new home to throw off the Puritan traditions in which they had been trained. They walked with undeviating steps in the faith to which they had been accustomed. They came to establish a town for trade. but they did not for a moment forget the higher conditions on which the welfare of every community depends, and without which material prosperity can only prove, in the end, a curse. Though engaged in a commercial enterprise, all their proceedings evinced a noble and conscientious recogni- tion of the fact that society is bound by obligations which transcend all private and selfish interests. I have already alluded to the liberal provision, made at the settlement of the town, for the promotion of education. Almost their first care was to secure the services of "an able school- master." And by a subsequent vote, by which a small addi- tional fee was exacted from children who studied Latin, it
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appears that the course of study was not confined to common branches, but embraced the classics. But still more charac- teristic was their concern for the support of religion. When the town was laid out, lands were set apart for the support of the ministry, and in the articles of agreement between the original proprietors and the settlers, it was expressly stipu- lated that each should pay his proportion for erecting a meet- ing-house, and a home for the minister. At the very first town meeting, before their own dwellings had been closed against the winter wind, they voted to carry the latter part of this agreement into effect. For a short time they wor- shipped in a private house, a house whose sturdy frame, solid and unyielding as the creed of its builders, still defies decay. Soon as arrangements could be completed, they proceeded to erect a meeting-house. The massive timbers were cut from the common about us. It stood on the site of yonder Court House, and in it, for a hundred years, our fathers as- sembled to worship God. Around it were the graves of the first settlers, the most hallowed associations gathered about it, and we can but marvel at the stupidity which sacrificed that sacred and commanding site. According to well authenti- cated tradition, the building was square in shape, having two rows of windows, with a roof rising to the centre, and surmounted by a cupola and bell. The interior was sur- rounded by a double row of galleries, and the floor was cov- ered, as time went on, with square pews, through the rounds of whose oaken doors the children sought relief from the tedium of the protracted services. I know it is the habit of some to express contempt for the old-fashioned New England meeting-house. But if the principle laid down by the highest authorities on architecture is right, that all genuine and noble building has its origin in actual needs, and finds the measure of its excellence in its adaptation to the use intended ; if the Grecian temple, the Gothic minster, the feudal castle, derive their charm from their conformity to this fundamental law, then our Puritan fathers built wisely and well. They built
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