USA > Rhode Island > Providence County > Providence > History of the state of Rhode Island and Providence plantations, Vol. I > Part 17
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March 7.
10.
some such ground as that taken by the " cannie Scot," in the anecdote quoted by Judge Staples, in a note to Simplicities Defence, p. 136, as having occurred several years since in the island of Jamaica. " A Scotch officer, with sev- eral others of his corps, engaged in a billiard match with some Jews. The children of Israel, it seems, were much too expert at that game for the Cale- donian and his companions. The latter, after having lost some money, mus- tered their whole joint stock, and staked it against the sons of circumcision ; the game was played ; the Scot lost ; but he swept the stakes into his hat, drew his sword, and protected by his friends, retired, calling out, 'D-n yere sauls, ye scoundrels, yere a' enemies to the Lord Jesus Christ.'"
1 See M. C. R. ii. 51-4 for official proof of the foregoing facts.
2 M. C. R., ii. 57. ...
189
THE GORTONIST'S RETURN TO AQUEDNECK.
few others were awaiting the arrival of their comrades at CHAP. VI. 1644. March 26. April 1.
Boston, a warrant from the Governor was served on them, ordering them to leave the town within two hours. They departed for Aquedneck, lodging one night in their own houses at Shawomet, whence they wrote a letter to Gov. Winthrop to inquire if their own purchased territory was included in the sentence of banishment. To this the Governor replied that it was, and ordered them to leave on peril of their lives. They did so, and once more sought refuge at Aquedneck. Thus ended these atrocious pro- ceedings, which form one of the darkest pages in the his- tory of Massachusetts. 1
The controversy was about to be transferred to England. The settlement of Warwick was for a time suspended. Its persecuted owners were kindly received at Aquedneck, whence they had been driven in disgrace a few years be- fore. The cause for which they had since suffered, and the measure of cruelty, they had lately received, were enough to ensure them an earnest welcome. Here they hired houses and lands, and remained till after the recep- tion of the charter had deprived their enemies of the last semblance of claim to intermeddle with the affairs of Rhode Island.
It produced a curious effect on the minds of the In- dians, that, after such harsh treatment, and so many threats from their opponents, the Gortonists had returned
1 The details of this memorable trial reminds us of the application of a nursery rhyme as made by the late Archbishop of Dublin :-
" Old Father Long-legs wouldn't say his prayers : Take him by the right leg- Take him by the left leg- Take him fast by both legs- And throw him down stairs! "
" There," said his Grace, " in that nursery verse you may see an epitome of the history of all religious persecution. Father Long-legs refusing to say the prayers that were dictated and ordered by his little tyrants, is regarded as a heretic, and suffers martyrdom." Who shall say hereafter that there is no moral conveyed in Mother Goose's Melodies ?
190
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF RHODE ISLAND.
CHAP. VI. 1644. April 1.
alive. They imagined that two distinct races inhabited Old England, one the English, whom they called Watta- conoges,1 and the rival race they now termed Gortonoges. The civil war, of which they had heard, confirmed this idea, and the release of the Gortonists they naturally enough attributed to the preponderance of the Gortonoges at home, which alarmed the English lest they should come over to America, and revenge the injuries that their feebler compatriots here had sustained.
Soon after the return of Gorton the Narragansets sent messengers, asking him and his friends to come over and speak with Canonicus. The venerable savage, with Pes- sicus, the brother and successor of Miantinomi, received them with a courtesy to which they had long been stran- gers. A council of the tribe was assembled. Their own situation, impoverished by the heavy ransom paid in vain for the life of their murdered prince, and the condition of their guests, robbed by the same remorseless power, formed the subject of their conference. The result was most im- portant. This powerful tribe, upon whose fidelity, in former years, had hung the destiny of New England, vol- untarily submitted, in a body, " unto the government and protection of that honorable State of Old England." In a written instrument they declared their allegiance to King Charles, " upon condition of His Majesty's royal protection ; " and the signers, as having been successively from time immemorial, sovereign princes of the country, say that they cannot yield "unto any that are subjects themselves in any case." They appointed Gorton, Wicks, Holden and Warner their agents to carry their submis- sion to England ; soon after which Gorton and Holden embarked at New York with the instrument.2 The
19.
1 Signifying coatmen, or those who wear clothes. R. W'ms Key R. I. H. C., i. 60.
2 The exact time of Gorton's departure is unknown. Staples and Mackie say it was "in 1644, probably in the summer; " but by Gov. Winslow's ac- count in his answer to Gorton's Simplicities Defence, it appears that in No-
191
MASSACHUSETTS ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE WARWICK.
other two remained at home. John Greene, of Warwick, CHAP. VI.
also accompanied Gorton. Besides their Indian agency, their business was to enter a complaint with the Com- 1644. missioners of Foreign Plantations against Massachusetts, in behalf of the people of Shawomet, to obtain for them Sept. 17. the restoration of their property. Notwithstanding the arrival of Mr. Williams with the free charter of Provi- dence, Massachusetts strove, though vainly, to continue her usurpation over the lands of Shawomet. A notice was issued warning any persons from settling there with- out leave from the General Court. The following year a yet bolder step was taken by the General Court. A pe- 1645. Oct. 1. tition, signed by thirty-two persons, of whom twenty were freemen, asking for the lands of Pumham, was granted. Ten thousand acres were given them. They had power to admit or keep out others as they pleased. Benedict Arnold was appointed to negotiate with the sachem for his right in any improved ground. The houses of the Gortonists were placed at the disposal of the petitioners, provided only that they should pay to the owners what the Court should appoint, " if they see cause so to do," and that ten families should take possession within one year.1 No settlement upon this grant was made. Mr. John Brown, a magistrate of Plymouth, and then one of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, prohibited the settlement, claiming the lands as within Plymouth juris- diction, and saying it should be restored to the rightful owners, Gorton and his associates. This bold stand, so creditable to Brown, although partially disowned by his government, deterred the settlers,? and before the dispute
vember of that year he was still at Aquedneck, and was a magistrate there when Mr. John Brown was sent to assert the Plymouth claim to the island. Winslow was Governor of Plymouth that year, and signed Brown's commis- sion Nov. 8, 1644. On 14th Jannary, 1645-6, Gorton dates his book at Lon- don. I infer that he left during the winter of 1614-5. Perhaps Brown's visit at Aquedneck hastened his departure.
1 M. C. R., ii. 128. 2 Winthrop, ii. 252.
192
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF RHODE ISLAND.
CHAP. VI. that arose on the question between Massachusetts and Plymouth was decided by the Commissioners in favor of 1645. the former, the Parliament had already ordered its resto- Oct. 16. ration to the lawful purchasers. Similar annoyances con- tinued for many years, summons being often issued to re- quire the attendance of parties at the Massachusetts Courts, upon the suit of her subjects resident in Rhode Island.
The efforts of Massachusetts to extend her jurisdic- tion in this direction seemed to receive a fresh impetus by the arrival of that charter which was designed as a shield to the feeble colonists of Rhode Island against her all-grasp- ing ambition. The coveted shores of the Narraganset assumed a new importance in her eyes when the action of Parliament placed them beyond her reach. Every ef- fort was made to attach to herself any residents of Rhode Island who were dissatisfied with the existing order of things, and thus to sow the seeds of discontent more widely in the heretical plantations. The insane idea was cherished by her rulers and inculcated upon the other colonies, that in this way the people of Rhode Island might be led to question the validity of their charter, and be discouraged from organizing their distracted settle- ments into one corporate body under its provisions. Ply- mouth, we have already seen, was led to claim the east- ern shore and the island, and Connecticut was ere long to assert her right to the Narraganset country, while Provi- dence and Warwick were apportioned to the fomenters of this tripartite division. As we examine the progress of this deep-laid scheme, and observe the steadiness with which it was pursued through a long series of years, we cannot but admire the firmness of our ancestors in foiling it at every turn, nor can we fail to recognize the hand of a Superior Power in preserving a colony whose peculiar principles at first made it an object of aversion, and finally were adopted as the cardinal doctrines of a whole nation.
193
RESULT OF GORTON'S MISSION.
The result of Gorton's mission, so far as falls within the limits of our present chapter, was briefly this. The Commissioners issued an order requiring Massachusetts to reinstate the proscribed parties, and forbidding any at- tempt to exercise jurisdiction over them. It was brought over by Holden in a ship to Boston. With some difficulty he was allowed to land. Many wished to commit him to jail, but better counsel prevailed, and he was permitted to pass quietly through to Rhode Island, by virtue of the protection given him by Parliament. Upon receipt of this order the General Court seriously debated how far they owed allegiance to England, but wisely concluded, on advice of the elders, that they were not yet independ- ent.1 They decided to send Mr. Edward Winslow to England as their agent. An answer to Gorton's memo- rial, a copy of which had been enclosed in the aforemen- tioned order, was prepared, which Winslow, being duly commissioned, carried, together with two sets of instruc- tions, one public, in accordance with his commission, the other secret, concerning the course he was to adopt and the answers he was to make to the objections against the conduct and government of Massachusetts, contained in the Commissioners' order .? The controversy in regard to the lands of Warwick, so named by Gorton in compliment to the Earl through whose influence his mission was suc- cessful, was prolonged for thirty-five years. It soon be- came involved in the greater dispute relating to the adja- cent territory of Narraganset, which will be considered in future chapters. The first decision, above given, was final
CHAP. VI. 1646. May 15. Sept. 13.
Nov. 4.
Dec. 4.
1 This rather remarkable discussion is given at length by Winthrop, ii. 278-284. It shows the temper of the times, and demonstrates more clearly than any other proceedings since those of 1635, when a general governor was expected from England, (Wintl. Jour, i. 154, and ante chap. i. pp. 32-3,) the feeling with which the Puritans viewed any act of the home government that threatened to abridge their virtual independence.
2 Copies of all these papers are given in Winthrop, ii. 295-301, and of the most important ones in R. I. Col. Ree's. i. 367-373.
VOL. I .- 13
194
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF RHODE ISLAND.
CHAP. VI. May 25. July 22.
in its effect, although, after hearing Mr. Winslow, the committee wrote to Massachusetts that if the Shawomet 1647. lands were in their patent, or in that of Plymouth, the case would be altered ; but they soon afterwards wrote to all the colonies that the Warwick men should be as- sisted and not molested during the examination of the question at issue.1 The purchasers of Shawomet returned to their homes, and successfully withstood the pertinacious efforts of Massachusetts to retain her unlawful dominion over them.
May.
The Warwick men were strict constructionists of the most rigid school. They neither recognized the existing governments of Providence and Aquedneck, as we have seen, nor did they establish any of their own ; not, as their enemies represented, because they were opposed to all magistracy, but because, as English subjects, they could not lawfully create or submit to any government that was not authorized by patent from the Crown or Parliament of England. Hence we have no record of their proceedings until after the organization of the colo- nial government. They were few in number, so that the mode of settling difficulties, by arbitration, adopted by them before their expulsion, was probably continued till their scruples were removed by the adoption of the char- ter. After this took place their rigid adherence to all the forms of law, as well as to its spirit, was no less remarka- ble than had been their previous neglect. The charter supplied their theoretical wants, and devotion to its letter and spirit marked all their subsequent conduct .?
" Both these letters are in Staples' Gorton. R. I. H. C. ii. 203-6.
2 One or two examples of this may here be mentioned. For many years their numbers were few, and some of the requirements of the common law bore heavily upon them, especially that requiring twelve men to constitute a jury. Accordingly we find them altering that provision to conform, in the language of the charter, "to the nature and constitution of the place," in these words : "Whereas the townsmen of Warwick having taken into con- sideration that it cannot stand with the constitution of the place to continue
195
SETTLEMENT OF NORTH KINGSTON.
The act of submission arrayed the Narragansets in hostility to the pretensions of Massachusetts, and virtu- ally annexed their country to the State of Rhode Island, of which, thereafter, it formed an important part. Three years prior to this Richard Smith had purchased land and erected a trading house, in what is now North Kingston, 1 in the midst of the Indian country, which was the only settlement south of Warwick until after the charter went into operation, when Roger Williams set up a similar es- tablishment for a few years and sold out to Smith, upon his second appointment as agent to England .?
Both English and Indians were now the acknowledged 1644. subjects of Great Britain, and the haughty spirit of the
twelve men for the tryal of causes, It is therefore ordered that there be estab- lished six jurors for the trial of causes, and to have six pence a man for each cause, and for counsellor's fees three shillings and four pence, and this to be of force notwithstanding any law formerly to the contrary." Warwick Rec- ords of Feb. 5, 1656,7. This change might appear as a violation of law in- stead of a real conformity to its spirit, if the preamble were not recited and their circumstances were not considered.
But still later we have a more striking instance of their attachment to " law and order." At a town meeting, Oct. 12, 1663, we find it " Ordered in regard that there is a writing directed to the warden or deputy wardeu of the town of Warwick, bearing date the 23 September, 1663, and subscribed James (I. R.) Rodgers, and not the title of any office annexed thereto ; the Town do therefore protest against it as being contrary to law and order, and that report be made hereof to the next Court of Commissioners. It is fur- ther ordered that the town being sensible of matters that do depend, which concern our agent, Mr. John Clarke, do therefore conclude to choose com- missioners to attend the Court notwithstanding illegality of the sayd writing, and that justice may proceed notwithstanding the sayd neglect do likewise order to choose jurymen to attend the Court of Trials." See Warwick Reo- ords of that date. Rogers was General Sergeant of the colony, and should have affixed the title of his office to his name in an official communication.
1 On the site of the present (1835) Updike house, which is said to be built, partly, of the materials of Smith's. Potter's Early Hist. of Narragan- set, R. I. H. C. iii. 32.
2 M. H. C. i. 211. The precedence of Smith was denied by Howlden and Greene in their sketch of Narraganset, in 1680. They say Warwick was set- tled first, and that Williams preceded Smith, but the evidence is all the other way, and their error perhaps arose from there being two Richard Smiths, father and son, in the concern. Br. S. P. O. New England Papers, vol. iii. p. 81.
CHAP.
VI.
1644.
1641.
196
HISTORY OF THE STATE OF RHODE ISLAND.
CHAP. native chiefs refused to account for their conduct to VI. any but their common Master. A summons was received 1644. from Massachusetts for them to attend at the next Court. May 24. May 29. They declined to do so, and informed the government of their submission to King Charles, and of their intention to make war on Uncas. This letter, with one of like pur- port from Gorton, gave great anxiety to the General Court. Two messengers were sent to the Narragansets to counteract the influence of Gorton, and to dissuade them from their purpose. They were coldly received and failed in their mission. Pumham and Soconoco, dreading the anger of the Narragansets, applied to Massachusetts for a guard. An officer was sent with ten soldiers to build a fort, and to remain for their protection till the July 15. Sept. Feb. danger was passed. Although the Commissioners of the United Colonies prevented immediate war between the hostile tribes, they could only avert it for a while. In a 1644-5. few months the Narragansets sent messengers to Boston, declaring that unless Uncas should pay a hundred and sixty fathoms of wampum, or come to a new hearing of the case within six weeks, they would make war upon him.1
1645.
June 18.
In the spring the long restrained wrath of the Narra- gansets vented itself upon the Mohegans. One thousand men, some of whom were armed with guns, attacked Un- cas and defeated him with considerable slaughter. Con- necticut and New Haven sent troops to protect Uncas. The General Court despatched a letter to the Narragan- sets requiring them to desist from war, and soon after sent Benedict Arnold as a messenger to them. The Indians afterward stated that he had misrepresented their answer, and sent for Roger Williams to assist them in their trou- bles. A special meeting of the New England Commis- sioners was held in this emergency, and messengers 2 were
July 28.
1 Hubbard's New England, ch. li.
2 Sergeant John Davis, Benedict Arnold and Francis Smyth.
197
FORCED TREATY WITH THE NARRAGANSETS.
sent a second time to require both the hostile tribes to send CHAP. VI. deputies to Boston, who should explain the cause of the war, receive satisfaction, and make peace. This attempt failed. 1645. The embassy was haughtily treated by the Narragansets, who were resolved to have the head of Uncas. On their return they brought a letter from Mr. Williams, stating that terms of neutrality had been made by the Indians with the colonies of Rhode Island, and that war was in- evitable.1 The United Colonies at once declared war Aug. 19. against the Narragansets, and a force of three hundred men, under command of Major Edward Gibbons, was raised.2 Forty mounted men were impressed by Massa- chusetts within three days, and sent on in advance under Lieut. Atherton. Messengers 3 were also sent to carry back a present that the Indians had lately sent as a peace offering to the English. The Narragansets, alarmed at these active demonstrations, sued for peace. Through the mediation of Williams, to whose influence, now for the second time within eight years, New England owed her peace and safety, Pessicus, with two other principal sa- chems, and a large train of attendants, came to Boston. A treaty was concluded which bore heavily upon the Nar- ragansets. They were to pay two thousand fathoms of 27. wampum in four equal instalments, the last at the end of two years. Captives and canoes were to be mutually re- stored by them and the Mohegans, and the disputes be- tween them were to be settled by the Commissioners. They were to give up all right to the Pequot country,
1 Hubbard's New England, ch. li. and Trumbull's Connecticut, i. 150-4.
" The declaration of war contains a summary of previous occurrences with the Indians, signed by John Winthrop, President, and is given at length by Hubbard, ch. li. and in 2 M. H. C. vi. 454-62.
3 Capt. Harding, Mr. Wilbore and Benedict Arnold-the latter as inter- preter, but he could not be found in Providence, and dared no longer to ven- ture among the Indians, who charged him with misrepresenting their reply two months previons. Roger Williams, whose influence was paramount with the Indians, acted as interpreter on this occasion at the solicitation of the messengers. (Knowles, 204.)
.
198
HISTORY OF THE. STATE OF RHODE ISLAND.
CHAP. VI. which they had aided the English in conquering. Other hard terms were enforced, and hostages were required of 1645. them. Sadly they signed this compulsory and oppressive treaty, and sullenly they retired to their native fastnesses to brood over the wrongs thus newly inflicted. The se- vere exaction almost ruined them. The following spring they failed to send the tribute, and when a small part only was sent the Commissioners refused to receive it un- less they could have the whole that was due.
1646. June
1647.
The remainder of this painful story, although it car- ries us beyond the limit assigned to this chapter, is better told here. The next year an extra meeting of the New England Commissioners was called on account of the fail- ure of the Narragansets to fulfil the treaty, and of their alleged attempts to allure the Mohawks to unite in a war against the English. A threatening letter was sent to Pessicus requiring his appearance at Boston. He excused his attendance on the plea of sickness, declared that he had been forced by fear to accept the treaty, and prom- ised to send Ninigret, sachem of the subordinate tribe of Nianticks, to Boston, and to abide by any agreement he should make. When Ninigret came before the Commis- sioners he denied all knowledge of the treaty, or of any reason why the Narragansets should pay tribute to the English, to whom they owed nothing. The case being explained to him, he desired ten days to send home for the wampum, while he remained as a hostage. His mes- senger brought back but two hundred fathoms, which Ninigret attributed to his absence. It was finally agreed that he should pay a thousand fathoms within twenty days, and the rest by the next spring, upon which condi- tion he was dismissed.
Aug. 3.
The wampum was not paid. Why should it be ? When we consider the foul death of their almost idolized chieftain, to avenge which-not upon the English, its real authors, but upon Uncas, their ruthless tool-they had
199
EXPEDITION OF ATHERTON.
begun a war after due notice given, as agreed, to the CHAP. English, who at first gave their consent ; and that then the VI. English had marched an army against them, and by ter- 1647. ror had forced them to a treaty of which the avowed ob- ject was to disable them, we cannot blame Pessicus for disavowing, or Ninigret for ignoring it, or either for neg- lecting to comply with its provisions. Again messengers were sent to the Narragansets without effect. Rumors of an Indian alliance continued to alarm the colonists, who 1648. persisted in identifying the cause of Uncas with their own, and in considering any attempt of the Narragansets 1649. to avenge their wrongs upon the Mohegans as a conspiracy against themselves. An abortive attempt was made to assassinate Uncas. Another special meeting of the United July 23. Colonies was called upon this occasion, and Ninigret again appeared to excuse his breach of faith, and to defend the recent attack upon the mortal foe of his tribe. The pa- tience of the English was exhausted in this last fruitless effort to obtain the tribute. The next year the Commis- sioners sent Capt. Atherton with twenty men to collect it. Pessicus tried in vain to avoid an interview while he assembled his warriors. Seeing this, Atherton forced his Sept. 5. way, pistol in hand, into the wigwam, and seizing the sa- chem by the hair, dragged him from the midst of his at- tendants, threatening instant death if any resistance was offered. This summary conduct, which reflects more credit on the courage of the Captain, than on the justice ยท or the policy of his government, produced the desired re- sult. The debt was paid. The troopers departed, leav- ing behind them, in Indian memory, one more act of wrong and insult to rankle till the day of retribution. From the murder of Miantinomi, down to the savage ex- pedition of Atherton, the whole seven years is filled with acts of aggression and of unjust interference on one side, and with the haughty protests of an injured, a high-spir- ited, and a feebler race of Indians on the other.
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