USA > Rhode Island > The Dorr war; or, The constitutional struggle in Rhode Island > Part 14
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Governor Dorr and his faithful friend, Pearce, were no more certain of the future than their leaderless followers in Providence. On their arrival in New York, May 12, no plans for future action had been matured.(4) Dorr himself did not hesitate to state to friends whom he met in that city that he could do no more; that
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he must now trust to the promise of the President that he would procure an act of amnesty for all past offences. (5) But the Gov- ernor met with a welcome from these New York friends which cheered his drooping spirits and urged him on to further action. He had yielded to what seemed the inevitable because he knew that he and his followers could not overthrow the charter authori- ties, who had retained possession of the government, if, as he felt certain, they should be upheld by the national power. Now it was suggested to him that he might depend upon the assistance of friends from other States, if the President should send forces to Rhode Island. As will be seen, the forty-eight hours spent in New York had great influence upon the history of Rhode Island during the next two months.
Dorr's New York friends were leaders of Tammany Hall, an organization which had already twice shown its interest in the popular movement in Rhode Island. Before the middle of April, a memorial was prepared and circulated for signatures in New York city, requesting the National House of Representatives to impeach the President for his "armed interference, or threatened coercive measures, against the people of Rhode Island, in their struggle to cast off the authority claimed over them under King Charles Second's charter."(G) Nothing further is heard of this me- morial, but April 27 a meeting was held at Tammany Hall to awaken interest in the movement in Rhode Island." Aaron Van- derpool presided, and the assembled braves were addressed by A. W. Parmenter, of Rhode Island, one of the subordinate leaders of the people's party. (a)
(a) A mistake was made by the suffrage leaders when they brought into prominence a man like Parmenter, who had spent eighteen years in the Massachusetts State Prison. See Potter, Consid- erations, 7.
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The arrival of Governor Dorr was the signal for immediate action. First came social amenities : the Tammany organ semi- officially announced that " His Excellency, Governor T. W. Dorr, of Rhode Island, has consented to attend the performance at the Bowery Theatre this evening, accompanied by the Rhode Island Delegation and several other distinguished personages." (8) The " delegation " consisted of Dorr and Pearce, and the escort was led by E. F. Purdy, late President of the Board of Aldermen. (9)
During the day (Friday, May 13) the Governor met many of the chief personages of Tammany at his headquarters, Howard's Hotel, (10) and the next morning was accorded a reception at Tam- many Hall. Many citizens called upon him, and the Governor made an address which was received with applause. Pearce had already left for home, but Speaker Sayles, who came to Dorr's assistance, earnestly seconded the Governor's remarks. (11) A crowd collected in the park near the Hall, and when it became necessary for Dorr to leave in order to catch the Stonington steamboat, an impressive escort was formed, under the lead of William H. Cornell as grand marshal, consisting of a brass band, a number of firemen drawing a "brass 12-pounder," and perhaps five hundred citizens. The barouche, following the escort, was decorated with the Ameri- can flag and contained Governor Dorr and Speaker Sayles, together with Alderman Purdy and Levi D. Slamm, editor of the New York New Era.(b)
(b) New York New Era, quoted by the New York Evening Post, May 16, 1842 ; New York American, May IS, 1842. According to the New Era, the escort was a "vast civic procession which numbered thousands of our most worthy, industrious and respectable citizens." The American says of it : "We never, in our lives, saw a worse looking set than the Governor's escort - the Five Points could not have beaten it at an election. The Governor sat bareheaded, looking as grave as an owl. He is a man of nerve and no mistake- Any, but such a person, would have broken down in a fit of laughter, at the absurdity of the thing."
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Up to this point the movement in New York City may be said to have been that of a few men, who were desirous of starting an agitation. The next step was the calling of a mass meeting to be held at " The Park," on Tuesday evening (May 17) to "adopt such action as may be needful in view of the threatened interference of the United States Government to put down the free people of Rhode Island." (12) Among the thirty-six names appended to this call were: Vanderpool, Purdy, and Slamm, already mentioned, and William C. Bryant, Samuel J. Tilden, Walter Bowne, Alexander Stewart, Ely Moore, Stephen Allen, and John I. Morgan.(e) The meeting was called to order by Vanderpool ; C. C. Cambreleng was chosen pres- ident ; and twenty-six vice-presidents, nominated by Purdy, were appointed.() The meeting was addressed by Vanderpool, Cambre- leng, Moore, and others ; (13) and adopted resolutions criticising Pres- ident Tyler for forcible interference in the affairs of Rhode Island. A "corresponding committee " of twelve was appointed, containing such names as Vanderpool, Purdy, Slamm, and Tilden. (e) The news-
(e) New York American, June 9, 1842. The call was signed by A. Vanderpool, Campbell T'. White, William C. Bryant, C. C. Cambreleng, Ely Moore, J. W. Edmonds, Daniel Stanton, Walter Bowne, David Bryson, Hezekiah W. Bonnel, Thomas W. Tucker, Daniel Ward, John Pettigrew, Samuel J. Tilden, Nelson J. Waterbury, William McMurray, Theodore Sedgwick, J. Sherman Brown- ell, Elijah F. Purdy, Abraham Ilatfield, S. Cambreleng, John V. Greenfield, Henry J. Anderson. Alexander Stewart, Stephen Allen, Nicholas Schureman, John I. Morgan, Gideon Ostrander, Frederick R. Lee, I.evi D. Slamm, Josiah Hopkins, Auguste Davezac, J. L. O'Sullivan, John H. Bowie, I . Bonnefaux, and Clement Guion.
(d) New York Observer, May 21, 1842 ; New York American, June 9, 18442. The vice-presidents were : Henry Yates, Campbell P. White, David Bryson, John M. Bradhurst, Josiah Rich, Levi D. Slamm, George l'aulding, A. V, Williams, Hezekiah W. Bonnel, Andrew Surre, John I. Morgan, Daniel Winship, Daniel Jackson, Walter Bowne, Henry J. Anderson, James R. Manley, Wm. O. Shicks. Freeman Campbell, A. G. Crasto. George S. Mann, Rufus I'rime, Alex. Stewart, Stephen Allen, Alex. F. Vache, Alex. Hamilton, and Frederick R. Lee.
(€) New York American, June 9, 1842. The "corresponding committee " consisted of : Aaron Vanderpool, Elijah F. Purdy, Samuel J. Tilden, Joseph Hopkins, Auguste Devezac, Chas. A. Secor. Ely Moore, Levi D. Slamm, Alex. F. Vache, Nelson J. Waterbury, John H. Bowie, and James R Greenman.
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papers of the day placed the attendance at from 4,000 to 12.000- the estimate varying in accordance with the political principles of the papers. (14)
Such were the public steps taken in New York City, between May 12 and May 17, to show sympathy for Governor Dorr and the people's party in Rhode Island. All this was legitimate enough : but beliind and partly concealed were plans of the Tammany leaders and advice and encouragement to the semi-fugitive executive which can only be inferred from hints and from later developments. The Governor is reported to have stated in his Tammany Hall address that all the aid which his government desired from other States was assistance to prevent the government of the United States from forcibly keeping the charter authorities in possession of the State. (15) Editor Slamm was the most energetic of these quasi friends of Dorr; at " The Park " meeting he made the significant announce- ment(16) that he had already chartered a steamboat to carry 1,000 fighting men to Rhode Island whenever the General Government should dare to attempt to interfere in that State. An editorial in the New York Evening Post still further shows the position of Tammany Hall : " Is the Chief Magistrate aware of the danger of attempting to wield the military force of the federal government in a local controversy, which may be settled without it? ... We fear that Mr. Tyler had not pondered maturely, when he assented to the advice - Mr. Webster's, probably -which led him to promise the assistance of the federal troops to the landholders. . . . We would point out the danger -- not the danger merely, but the cer- tainty of shameful failure and defeat, bloody perhaps, but total and inevitable -- if the Executive persists in the design to uphold the obsolete charter and abrogated government of Rhode Island, by force of arms." (17)
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The position of Governor Dorr and the Tammany men is even more plainly set forth in letters to Governor Cleaveland, of Con- necticut, and Governor Fairfield, of Maine, May 13 and May 17.(18) The latter letter contained the following assurances : " The People of Rhode Island are now threatened with a military intervention, unless they abandon their Constitution, and surrender all the rights which are so justly estimated by those who are worthy to be the descendants of venerated ancestors, or to be the citizens of a dem- ocratic Republic. In behalf of the People, whom I have the honor to represent, I respectfully request you to bring the proceedings at Washington and the question of our rights to the attention of the Legislature of the State of Maine, now, or soon to be, in session. Being unable to contend singly against the forces of the United States, we invoke the aid of your State in this contest, which in- volves the great principles of American Freedom, and the dearest privileges of a Sovereign People."
While in New York, Dorr received a communication, (19) which must be quoted in full :
" NEW YORK, May 13, 1842.
" To Thomas W. Dorr, Governor of the State of Rhode Island :
"SIR :- Several military companies of this city and vicinity hav- ing tendered their services to form a military escort to accompany you to Providence, we have the honor to apprise your Excellency of the fact. This distinction which they so much admire, we hope will meet with your cheerful acceptance.
" With sentiments of the highest respect, " We are, very respectfully yours, " ALEXANDER WING, JR., Colonel 13 Reg't, N. Y. A.
" ABRAHAM J. CRASTO, Lt. Colonel, 236 Reg't, N. Y. S. I."
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The next day, the Governor returned the following reply :
" NEW YORK, May 14, 1842. " To Colonels Wing and Crasto :
" GENTLEMEN :- I return to you my most sincere thanks for the offer, contained in your letter of yesterday, of an escort of several military companies to accompany me to the city of Providence. It is impossible to mistake the spirit in which this offer is made. It is an indication of the fraternal interest with which you regard the present struggle for their just rights of the people of Rhode Island, whom I have the honor to represent. While I should not feel justified at the present moment in withdrawing you from your homes and business, on the expedition contemplated, allow me to say that the time may not be far distant, when I may be obliged to call upon you for your services in that cause to which you would so promptly render the most efficient aid-the cause of American citizens contending for their sovereign right to make and maintain a republican Constitution and opposed by the hired soldiers of the General Government. In this unequal contest, I invoke your aid and that of your associates in arms. We appeal from the Government to the people, and rely upon them in the last resort to defend our rights from every arbitrary aggression. Be pleased to make my cordial acknowledgments to the officers and privates, who have so kindly united with you in the honor . which has been proffered me; and accept the regards of your friend and fellow-citizen,
" THOMAS W. DORR."
A proclamation which Governor Dorr issued soon after his re- turn to Rhode Island merely repeated his position as given above ; (20) after stating some facts concerning his trip to Washington, the Governor declared that the President had intimated "an intention of resorting to the forces of the United States to check the move-
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ments of the people of this State in support of their republican constitution recently adopted. From a decision which conflicts with the right of sovereignty inherent in the people of this State, and with the principles which lie at the foundation of a democratic republic, an appeal has been taken to the people of our country. They understand our cause; they sympathize in the injuries which have been inflicted upon us ; they disapprove the course which the national Executive has adopted towards this State; and they as- sure us of their disposition and intention to interpose a barrier between the supporters of the people's constitution and the hired soldiery of the United States. : .. As your representative, I have been everywhere received with the utmost kindness and cordiality. To the people of the City of New York, who have extended to us the hand of a generous fraternity, it is impossible to overrate our obligation at this most important crisis. It has become my duty to say, that, as soon as a soldier of the United States shall be set in motion, by whatever direction, to act against the people of this State, in aid of the charter government, I shall call for that aid to oppose all such force, which, I am fully authorized to say, will be immediately and most cheerfully tendered to the services of the people of Rhode Island from the City of New York and from other places. The contest will then become national, and our State the battle ground of American freedom. As a Rhode Island man, I regret that the constitutional question in this State cannot be ad- justed among our own citizens. . . They. who have been the first to ask assistance from abroad, can have no reason to complain of any consequences which may ensue."
Governor Dorr returned to the State with much less secrecy than he left it. In the interim he had learned that amnesty would,
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in all probability, be granted him and his friends, if they proceeded no further with their movement; but that, in case of necessity, the national forces would be arrayed against him. He had, however, been brought to believe that, in this emergency, the citizens of other States, especially those of New York, would come to his rescue. His mind was made up, therefore, to proceed with the attempt to obtain control of the State. He realized that, at first, he would be opposed only by the charter authorities; he believed that the " majority " of the people of the State would support him ; and he hoped to defeat the de facto government before it could receive outside assistance. If, after that, the United States forces should be sent into the State, he relied upon the promises of as- sistance which had been so freely offered him in New York, being assured that the "people" of the entire country were with him. How self-deceived he was, both as to the feeling in Rhode Island and the assistance " from abroad," will soon be seen.
Dorr arrived in Stonington, Connecticut, Sunday morning, May 15, where he found a small delegation from Providence, which had come down Friday evening to meet him. The news of his arrival reached the city, and at 2 o'clock, Sunday afternoon, a special train was sent to Stonington, carrying perhaps 200 men, a portion of whom were armed.(21) On Monday morning, May 16, at about 10 o'clock, the Stonington train arrived back in Providence, and the People's Governor was welcomed by a crowd of perhaps 3,000 per- sons. (22) A procession was formed of about 1,200 men; 300 of these were armed, about 100 of whom belonged to the militia; and some 75 were mounted. (23) Perhaps, under these circumstances, it is not surprising that no attempt was made by the charter sheriff to serve the warrant in his possession.
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The procession moved quietly through the principal streets of the city, escorting the Governor to the residence of Burrington Anthony, on Atwell's avenue, which was to be, for the time, his headquarters. Before dismissing his escort, Dorr seized the oppor- tunity to appeal to his followers to support him in his future move- ments. Rising in his carriage he made an address, at once "well timed and eloquent "(24) and "furious and inflammatory."(25) He spoke especially in reference to his reception in New York, which had been highly gratifying to him. He referred to the rumor that he had procured the aid of 500 men from abroad, which he denied. He announced, however, that he had been promised the aid of 5,000 men, and that he could have them at any time. (26) He de- clared that he was sure of aid enough from New York to cope . with any force which the United States might use against his party.(27) The speech was of three-quarters of an hour's length, and in the midst of it the orator drew his sword, which he said "had been presented to him in New York by the brother of an officer who had been slain in Florida," and made some remark about using it again. Though his exact words might be useful in forming an estimate of the speaker's character, yet they are hard to ascertain, for the various reports illustrate how differently the same statement may be heard by different people. One of the witnesses for the prosecution, in the trial of Dorr for treason, swore that the prisoner stated that the sword had been " dipped in blood once, and rather than yield the rights of the people of Rhode Island, it should be buried in gore to its hilt."(28) A second witness modified the statement into "the sword had been dyed in blood," and that "he should use it again in the same way in de- fence of the rights of the people of this State."(20) A third heard merely that the sword had been " dyed in blood." (30) On the other
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hand, a witness for the defence declared that he was in the barouche with Governor Dorr ; that he sat within three feet of him when he spoke; and that his remark about the sword was that "it had never been dishonored, and never should be while in his hands."(31) Another witness stood very near the carriage, and swore that Mr. Dorr added "that it had never been dishonored in battle, and he hoped it never would be;" that "he was willing to die with that sword in his hand, if need be, to sustain the Constitution of the State." (32) The reporter for the charter organ saw him "draw his sword, brandish and flourish it around, and declare his readiness to die in the cause in which he had sacrificed everything but his life."(33) The suffrage organ, however, heard the more violent dec- laration that "its ensanguined blade should be again embued with blood, should the people's cause require it." (31) It seems fair to
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Bowe's Lich Boston
Dorr flourishing the Sword which he received in New York makes great professions of what he would do
(COLLECTION BROWN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY.)
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conclude that the remark - however worded - was of a kind to inflame the passions of many of the assembled crowd. (f)
The military remained to guard the house, and preparations were begun to reestablish the people's government. The suffrage organ had published that morning the proclamation of Governor Dorr, already quoted. The day following - May 17-was full of suspense and dread. For several days the people of Providence had been disturbed in their business; many stores were closed ; shops were without operatives; the streets were filled with groups of people feverishly discussing the latest news. Some crisis was surely approaching, but no one knew what form it would take. Governor King might succeed in obtaining the arrest of his rival on the warrant which had been prepared but not served; Governor . Dorr might be able to obtain possession of the government by some bold stroke. No one could tell what companies of the State . militia would support the charter and what the people's govern- ment. A few only had declared themselves on either side. Gov- ernor Dorr, in his proclamation, had called upon the militia to elect officers, and upon volunteers to organize.
The charter government was not at all decided concerning the steps which it ought to take. Some members were anxious for the immediate summons of a convention ; others did not wish to do anything under threats. All granted that concessions must be made, but different opinions were held as to the proper time. Until the actual return of Governor Dorr, hopes had been enter-
(1) As an indication of the general plan pursued by the charter people to deride Governor Dorr and the people's party, the following is significant : " Mr. Dorr made a great flourish, last Monday, about his sword, which he drew and brandished in a most fearful manner, and told a great story about its having belonged to an officer who fell fighting for his country. This sword belonged to a Lieutenant named Reill, who died of dysentery on the passage from St. Marks to Providence, and all the blood that was ever upon it would not wet the point." Providence Journal, May 18, IS.12.
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tained that he might permit his own arrest; then a general amnesty and a new convention would easily follow.(35) But the resolutions of May 12, followed by the report of the proceedings in New York City and by the Governor's proclamation, showed that this could not be easily accomplished. President Tyler earnestly desired a peaceful settlement of the trouble, but saw clearly the difficulties. After receiving a copy of the proclamation, he wrote: "Mr. Dorr's recent proceedings have been of so extravagant a character as almost to extinguish the last hope of a peaceable result; and yet I cannot but believe that much is meant for effect and for purposes of intim- idation merely. I certainly hope that such may be the case, though the recent proceedings in New York may have excited new feelings and new desires." (36) The charter government, divided in opinion, accomplished nothing. They made no attempt to arrest Governor Dorr, either on the 16th or the 17th. Apparently they did not expect any immediate movement on his part, and were accordingly caught napping when he made his next strike.
AUTHORITIES. - 1 Providence Express, May 13, 1842. 2 Providence Journal, May 13. 1842. 3 Providence Express. May 25, 1842 : Providence Journal, May 26. 1842; Republican Herald, May 2S, 1842. 4 Burke's Report, 876; Trial of Dorr : Testimony of Pearce. 5 New York Courier and Enquirer ; copied by National Intelligencer, May 24, 1842. Journal of Commerce ; copied by New York Observer, June 4, 1842. 6 New York Evening Post, April 16, 1842. 7 New York Evening Post, April 28, IS42 ; New York American, May 4, 1842. $ New York Evening
Post, May 13, 1842. 9 New York American, May 16. 1842. 10 New York Courier and En- quirer, May 13, 1842. 11 New York Evening Post, May 16, 1842. 12 New York American, May 16, 1842 ; quoted by the National Intelligencer, May 17. 1842. 13 New York Observer, May 21. 1842. 14 The New York American, May 18. 1842, states the number as 4.000 or 5,000. The New York Evening Post, May 18, 1842, states that a Whig paper placed it at 5.000 or 6.000, and a Democratic paper at 12,000. 15 National Intelligencer, May 17. 1842. 16 New York Courier and Enquirer, May 18, 1842. 17 New York Evening Post, May 14, 1842. 18 New York Ob- server, June 4, 1842. 19 Providence Journal, May 19, 18442. 20 Providence Express, May 16, 1842; Burke's Report, 679-680. 21 Providence Journal, May 16, 1842. 22 Providence Express, May 17, 1842. 23 Providence Journal, May 17, IS42; Providence Express, May 17, 1342. 24 Providence Express, May 17, 1842. 25 Providence Journal, May 17, 1842. 26 Pitman, Trial of Dorr, 26-27: Testimony of Wm. P. Blodget. 27 Turner, Trial of Dorr, 35: Testimony of Sam. II. Wales. 2S Pitman, Trial of Dorr, 26-27 : Testimony of Wm. P. Blodget. 29 Burke's
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Report : Trial of Dorr, S7S : Testimony of Edward HI. Hazard. 30 Burke's Report : Trial of Dorr, 879 : Testimony of Orson Moffit. 31 Pitman, Trial of Dorr, 72 : Testimony of Benj. M. Darling. 32 Turner, Trial of Dorr, 35 : Testimony of Sam. HI Wales. 38 Providence Journal, May 17, 1842. 34 Providence Express, May 17, 18.42. 35 Burke's Report, 677: Letter of E. R. Potter to the President, May 15, 1842. 86 Burke's Report, 678: Letter of President Tyler to Mr: Potter, May 20, 1842,
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