USA > Rhode Island > The Narragansett Friends' meeting in the xviii century, with a chapter on Quaker beginnings in Rhode Island > Part 6
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The records of quiet and peaceful doings
THE WOMEN'S MEETING 125
among the women are suddenly broken in 1763 by the mention of a woman who was complained of " for offering to Murder her Husband"! Several months afterward she had given no satisfaction, and in 2d mo., 1764, she was denied, as she has of " Late been charged with offering to Murder her Husband, for Which Reproachful Trans- greffion fhe Hath been Treated with Sev- eral Times." Her first name was Patience: perhaps that was all she had! She lived in Stonington, and one can imagine the excitement of Friends over such an oc- currence. In the marriage certificate of this woman she makes her mark only, as her sister does in hers, a rare thing in the case of Friends.
But the great care of the women's meet- ing was to see that the young women of the Society married in " Younety," as the good clerk Anna Perry spells it in 1745, when a Friend presented a paper which condemned " her out Goings in taking a husband contrary to the minds of friends and is Received into' Younety Again." A mother, a few years later, "condemns her forredness in Concenting to her fons mar- rag And going to the Wedding it being
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126 NARRAGANSETT FRIENDS' MEETING
out of the younety of friends." At this day it is difficult to imagine such constant in- terference with family affairs. But at that time, in the neighboring colonies, the min- ister was the autocrat of the town. Here in Narragansett, Friends only advised, and the men's records as well as the women's are filled with cases where it was needed.
It was reported to the meeting that Wil- liam Robinson had given his consent to the marriage of his daughter with a young man not of the Society, "therefore our friends Solomon Hoxfie and Peleg Peck- ham are appointed to infpect into the ftate of that cafe, and to advife and caution as they find occafion and give us an account thereof at our next Monthly Meeting." 1
This marriage proceeded, however, and took place in the house, after which there was " vain mirth," and William Robinson was duly dealt with. He acknowledged his offense, and said he had rather " it had been otherways," which the meeting did not accept as satisfaction, and he presented a more humble paper of acknowledgment, which was received. One of the good friends who dealt with William Robinson
1 Vol. i. p. 202.
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THE WOMEN'S MEETING
on this occasion found a little later that girls are difficult to manage. He did not wait to be complained of, but in 1769 Solo- mon Hoxfie presented a paper to the meet- ing in which he gave an account that he " fuffered one of another Society to keep company with and alfo to marry his Bro- ther John Hoxfie's Daughter whom he brought up, which conduct he freely con- demned and defired Friends to pafs it by which paper he is defired to read at the end of the Firft Day Meeting where he attends and return it to our next Monthly Meet- ing." 1
It makes a curious picture ! - a man universally respected and honored, often charged with the grave concerns of the meeting, standing up at the end of wor- ship, and reading his own condemnation for allowing his niece to marry as she wished. If the girl had any affection for her uncle, it must have troubled her sorely to have brought such humiliation upon him.
When marriages were made " in the good order of Friends," the young man and wo- man appeared in monthly meeting of men and women Friends on a fifth day, and laid
1 Vol. i. p. 212.
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their intentions of marriage before the meet- ing. They were asked to wait till the next monthly meeting for their consent. In the mean time a committee of men Friends was appointed to inquire into the young man's "converfation and clearnefs as to mar- riage," and the women's meeting visited the young woman. If these inquiries were satisfactory, when the young people ap- peared at the next meeting, and " fignified they were of the fame mind," the meeting gave consent and appointed two Friends to attend the wedding, to report how it was carried on. One late autumn day, we find, " The weather being Difficult the Young woman Could not be prefent," and the man appeared alone for his answer. The women's record puts it very simply, as when it states that " Sylvefter Robinfon and Alice Perry appeared for their anfwer and had it."
If the lady belonged to a different meet- ing, the man, "having the Intention of al- tering his Condition by way of Marriage," desired "a few lines from ffriends of his Clearnefs therein in thefe parts." New- port damsels in this way were often brought to Narragansett.
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Consent to marriage was sometimes re- fused, as with the young man College Tom and Peleg Peckham dealt with. They re- port that they find "nothing but that he is clear as to marriage, but fome other Branches of his Converfation not fo pure as they Defire." A committee was ap- pointed to treat further with him, but he gave them "No encouragement of Com- plying with the good order of Truth, there- fore this meeting Do not permit him to marry among Friends." 1
The weddings took place at the meeting- houses at a week-day meeting, when the pair stood, before all their relations and friends, and solemnly plighted each other their troth. " I take this My friend Alice Perry," Sylvester Robinson said, " to be my wife, promifing through divine affiftance to be unto her a faithful and affectionate hus- band until Death fhall feparate us." The damsel Alice repeated words "of the like import," as the old form phrases it, and the religious part of the ceremony was over. Then the great certificate was signed by the bride and groom, their parents and friends and neighbors, after which came
1 Vol. i. p. 85.
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the festivities, of which the overseers some- times complained. "Some of the young people were not fo orderly as could be de- fired," a Friend reports. Some weddings " were pretty orderly carried on," and others " orderly as far as my obfervation," the Friend says. Did the kindly old gentle- man turn away from beholding vanity, and, shutting himself in the dining-room with the roasts and the sweets, pay no attention to the " Concourfe of Young people "? For the young people liked to dance then as now, and, if they could not dance at Friends' weddings, there were others in Narragan- sett where they could. Two Perry brothers are dealt with on this account, and defend themselves in the modern spirit. Our friends Thomas Hazard and Peleg Peck- ham sign the report, which reads : -
Purfuant to our appointment we have treated with Jonathan Perry and Samuel Perry for their being at an Entertain- ment fubfequent to a Marriage at which there was vain Recreation. Now here follows the fubftance of Jonathan's fenti- ment on the affair (viz) that he did no harm nor received any there and that he had rather be in the Meeting. Samuel's
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THE WOMEN'S MEETING
fentiments as we underftood from what he faid amount to this (viz) that he thought there was no harm in keeping the company neither received any at the faid Entertainment and that he was will- ing to send in a paper to the Meeting but neglected to do it although urged thereto.1
Jonathan Perry afterwards presented a paper condemning his misconduct, but a year or so later he is again reported as at- tending a wedding and apparently dancing himself, whereupon he is again called to account. Samuel Perry makes explicit ac- knowledgment : -
Through my too great inattention to the dictates of Truth in my own Mind and attachment to light and vain Com- pany I have been to an Entertainment of late where there was vain Recreation which I too much countenanced and joined with all of which is Contrary to the Good Order of Truth as well as the Difcipline of our Society which I look upon to be neceffary to reftrain Youth from fuch undue Liberties.
Therefore he condemns his conduct.2
1 Vol. i. p. 179. 2 Ibid. p. 184.
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When young Friends actually married out of meeting, they often presented a pa- per of acknowledgment, and were received again. It must have been rather a bitter thing for a man to present "some lines " even "in some Meafure condemning his mifconduct in marrying out of Unity of Friends," and to have it referred for further consideration.1 This last paper was still " referred that Friends may have a Sight and Senfe of his Sincerity in condemning his mifconduct." After all, the man was married, and how could he sincerely con- demn it if he loved his bride?
One man appeared in meeting and “ in- formed Friends that he had unadvifedly and inconfiderately married out of the Rules of the Society," which he "freely and heartily " condemned.2
Another, who had made a marriage con- trary to Friends' rules, declared that if they would "pass it by " he would endeavor to be more steady !
A third man presents the following pa- per, which makes one wonder what kind of woman his wife was : -
I do hereby acknowledge that I have
1 Vol. i. p. 212. 2 Ibid. p. 156.
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wilfully and knowingly transgreffed the good Order and Rules of the Society in proceeding in Marriage with a woman not of the Society nor according to the Method allowed of amongft Friends for which Transgreffion I am heartily forry and do defire Friends to forgive and pafs by and hope that I fhall by the Lord's affiftance be preferved not only from Transgreffions of fo wilful a kind but alfo from all others.1
In 1758 all marriages not among Friends were forbidden by the Society, and Friends adhered to their rules.2
This great care for the proper solemniza- tion of marriage is seen to be necessary when we remember that the day of marry- ing in shifts was not long past. Two cases, among others, are on record in the South Kingstown Records, one in 1719, when the man took the woman in marriage " After fhe had gone Four times a cros the High- way In Only her Shift and hairlace and no other Clothing "!3 The other woman, in 1724, had her " Shift and hair Lace and no
1 Vol. i. p. 112.
2 Ibid. p. 85.
3 S. K. Council Records, No. 1, 1704-1723.
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other clothing on that I fe,"1 the justice who marries them declares. These were both winter weddings, one in February and one in December, so that humanity, as well as decency and honesty, were out- raged. For the object of the curious cere- mony was the evasion of debt. If the wife brought her husband nothing, she could not even bring her debts, and he was free from paying them, which he would other- wise have to do.
When such extreme care was manifested by the meeting in regard to marriage, it may well be imagined how severe the deal- ings of Friends were with immorality. Some young members are on record for " diforderly and fcandalous conduct," and requested to clear themselves of the charges brought against them. Their offenses are described in very plain English, and, no matter what position their fathers had in meeting, they were expelled if the charge was proved true. With Roman fortitude the father in one case signed the document with the other Friends, setting forth his son's misdoing, which was publicly read,
1 Town Meeting Records, Births, Marriages, etc., 1723- 1726, p. 69 (from the back of the volume).
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denouncing him. In one case, after five years of disfellowship, the young man was received into the Society again, and a cer- tificate given him allowing him to marry. Only one woman in a period of thirty years was dealt with on a similar charge.
We may smile at the quaint phraseology of the records, but it was a good service those women did. Patience Greene, with her gifts of exhortation ; Content Davis, visiting the families of Friends; good Anna Perry, with her oddities of spelling, - all did an important work.
In a new country, and in a time of lax morality, the service rendered by the high standard of Friends can hardly be over- estimated.
VII SLAVERY
VII
THE Friends in Narragansett seem to have united, in no common degree, spiritual virtues with temporal prosperity. If they had a David Greene, whose daughter spoke of heavenly things, and left all to preach the gospel, they also had substantial and well-to-do farmers, the Rodmans and Haz- ards, and others, who, like their neighbors, worked their farms with slaves. South Kingstown was richer in slaves than any other part of Rhode Island, and any effort for the abolition of slavery would be sure to arouse opposition.
It is difficult to determine the exact num- ber of slaves in South Kingstown. The probate records for 1743 mention only nineteen bequeathed by will in that year. The will of George Hazard shows that he possessed fifteen of this number. We have the tradition of the negro election day, when, in imitation of their masters, one of their own number was elected governor ; and the laws for the regulation of slaves
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show that the number was very consider- able. As early as 1729 there was a law passed to allow a master to manumit his slave on deposit of {100 security. In 1750 a law was passed forbidding the selling of " strong beer, ale, cider, wine, rum, brandy, or other strong liquor, to any Indian, Mu- latto or Negro servant." To guard against evasion, it was specified that no person was to " presume to sell, give, truck, barter or exchange " this liquor with a slave. Slaves were to be within doors at nine o'clock at night, or to be "publickly whipped by the conftable ten stripes " for each offense. They were not allowed to keep " creaters " in South Kingstown. So it is quite evident that slave-holding formed an integral part of the social order of Friends in Narra- gansett.
To them came John Woolman in 1748 and 1760, stirring the meeting with his preaching, and his private as well as public testimony against slavery. He and his companions held five meetings in the latter year, when he says he went " through deep exercifes that were mortifying to the crea- turely will. In feveral families where we lodged I felt an engagement on my mind
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SLAVERY
to have a conference with them in private concerning their flaves." 1 John Pember- ton also came during this period probably, as his letter indicates .? These were saintly men, well tried, and full of faith. These doubtless did not need the caution given by the Discipline of 1775, "to be careful how and what they offer in prayer, avoid- ing many words and repetitions; and not turning from Supplication into declaration, as though the Lord wanted information." I have elsewhere given the history of the movement against slavery in part,3 but fuller study of the Records has made fresh disclosures. The first recorded testimony against slavery is that of Richard Smith, who presented a paper as " his testimony againft keeping Slaves, and his Intention to free his negro Girl," dated the 28th I I mo
1757. This paper " he hath a mind to lay before the quarterly meeting, all which is re- ferred for further Confideration." Month after month passed and no action was taken upon it, but the paper remains on record " to fhow the reafon and make it manifeft to mankind why that I difcharge
1 Woolman's Journal, p. 161. 2 College Tom, p. 182.
3 College Tom, pp. 169-178. 4 S. K. M. M. R. vol. i. p. 82.
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and fet free my Negro garl named Jane." Then follows an argument against slavery, based upon the Golden Rule, at the con- clusion of which comes this personal state- ment : -
Sometime after I had written this Dis- charge I had it in Confideration which way was proper to make it Manifeft & Secure and it appeared to me very pro- per to lay before Friends at the prepari- tive meeting, as buifinefs to the Monthly Meeting, to fee if the Monthly Meeting would think proper that it might be put on Record or would forward Untill I might Know what might be done by Friends on this acct. for this thing hath had weight on my mind ever Since this Girl was put into my hands to prove me in this part of Self Denial whether I would be faithfull or not. Now my Friends to tell you plainly Some Years before this my Intent was to have bought Some Negrows flaves for to have done my work to have Saved hireing of help. But when I was about buying them I was forbidden by the fame power that now caufes me to fet this Girl at Liberty for the matter was fet before me in a
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SLAVERY
Clear manner more Clear than what Mortal Man could have done, and There- fore I believe it is not write for me to Shrink or hide in a thing of fo great Concernment as to give my Confent to do to others Contrary to what we Our Selves would be willing to be done unto Our Selves if we were in Slavery as many of them are at this Day & under Such Mafters and Miftreffes too as would be willing to be called Chrifts true fol- lowersand make a Profeffion of fome of his Truths but if we truly Confider God will have no part kept back for he calls for Juftice and mercy and his Soul Loaths the Oppreffing of the Inocent and poor & helplefs and Such as have none to help and will affuredly avenge their caufe in Righteousnefs. Thefe things I have found on my mind to lay before Friends as a matter worth due Confideration and fo lay it before this Meeting as Bufinefs. (Signed) RICHARD SMITH.
So the principle involved in slavery was very clearly stated as early as 1757.1
In 1762 the " Quarterly and Yearly Meet-
1 Additional Testimony, Appendix, p. 186.
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ing Confirmed the Judgement of our Moly Meeting given againft Samuel Rodman on account of his buying a negro Slave. And it is the mind of friends that there ought to go out a publick Teftimony and Denial of Samuel Rodman," which was referred to the next monthly meeting. At the next meeting, Stephen Hoxsie was appointed to draw up a "paper of frds Teftimony of Difowning," as it was the "Sence and Judgement " of the meeting. Notwith- standing this, in 1765 came the Rathbun case, which was before the meeting eight years. Having bought a negro girl, Joshua Rathbun "appeared tender" when dealt with for that disorder, and was brought to confess his error, as follows : -
Westerly : 27th : 12th mº 1765. To the monthly Meeting of Friends to be held at Richmond next.
Dear Friends. I hereby Acknowledge that I have Acted diforderly in purchas- ing a Negro Slave, which diforder I was Ignorant of, at the time of the Pur- chafe but having converfed with Several Friends upon the Subject of Slavery have gained a knowledge that heretofore
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SLAVERY
I was ignorant of, both as to the Rules of our Society, as well as the nature & inconfiftancy of making Slaves of our Fellow Creatures am therefore free, & do condemn that inconfiderate Act & defire Friends to pafs it by, hoping that I may be preferrd, from all conduct that may bring Uneafinefs upon Friends for the future, am Willing likewife to take the Advice of Friends both as to the bringing up & difcharging of the aforesd Negro.1
JOSHUA RATHBUN.
This evidently sincere paper was accepted by the meeting, and for some time the mat- ter dropped.
In 1769 occurs this significant entry : -
This Meeting moves the Quarterly Meeting to confider the propriety of the latter part of the moth Query which is fent up thereto in the Account from this Meeting.2
The tenth Query was the query as to slave-holding among members. In this very year the Quarterly Meeting proposed to the Yearly Meeting " fuch an amend- 1 Vol. i. p. 171. 2 Ibid. p. 212.
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ment of the Query of 1760 as fhould not imply that the holding of flaves was al- lowed."1 It seems as if this change may have come directly from the South Kings- town meeting. Thomas Hazard had long before freed his slaves, early in the forties, having refused to hold any. Richard Smith in 1757 had borne his testimony against slavery. Samuel Rodman in 1762, and Joshua Rathbun in 1765, had been dealt with, so that the time was coming when a decisive movement could be made.
Such were the conditions when in 1771 Joshua Rathbun made over his negro girl to his son for the consideration of fifty dol- lars. The money was "made up another way," the record says, the old man evidently trying this to salve his conscience, as he had promised to set the girl at liberty at a suitable age. The son was first dealt with, and denied membership, because he
Encouraged the Deteftible practice of enflaving Mankind by his takeing a bill of sale of a negro girl of his Father and afterward Sold her fo that She was car- ried out of the Country notwithftanding
1 Publications of the R. I. Historical Society, Slavery in R. I. 1755-1776, W. D. Johnston, p. 148.
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his promife to his sd father to Sett her at Liberty at a Suitable age.1
The father was desired to try to recover the girl, and even advised to "Commince and profecute " his son "for the Recovery of Damages upon a promis " made by the son, which he failed to do.
The meeting held at Joshua Rathbun's house was ordered discontinued in 1771, as he " did not ftand Clear in his Teftimony for the Caufe of Truth as he ought to have done " against Slavery. But he replied two years later, during which time he apparently continued the meetings, that "he fhould be glad to take friends' Advice but hath peace in holding faid Meetings apprehend- ing it as he faid as his duty."2 His wife was dealt with by the Women's Meeting, and acknowledged her offense in sitting in a meeting out of unity, though it was in her own house, and finally the old man was denied his membership.
Ten Friends are mentioned in 1771 who were under dealing about their slaves. Old Dr. Rodman, who lived by the dam on the Saugatucket where Peace Dale now is, " appeared in this meeting, and Saith that 1 S. K. M. M. R. vol. i. p. 260. 2 Ibid. p. 276.
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he fhall not comply with the Rules of the Society Refpecting his Slaves to Liberate them." 1 " 1 Some members " appears of a dis- pofition to comply with friends rules in liberating their flaves," but five Friends, among them two women, one of whom was College Tom's mother, Sarah Hazard, widow, " did fhew the Contrary Difpofi- tion." Three were denied membership. Sarah Hazard must have been converted by her son, for only one woman proved obdurate, and was "noticed" to the Wo- men's Meeting.2
In the women's records, the first mention of " the bufinefs concerning flaves " occurs at the 12th month Women's Meeting, 1771. It was continued and reported upon for a year, when the paper of denial was drawn up. The disowning of this woman is dated 23d day of the tenth month, 1772, and is a noble testimony from the Women's Meet- ing. She is denied her membership, as - of late it doth appear that She hath Re- fufed to comply with that part of our Difcipline which is againft the enflaving Mankind a Practice very repugnant to Truth and Equity an invation of the 1 S. K. M. M. R. vol. i. p. 245. 2 Ibid. p. 245.
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SLAVERY
Natural Rights of Mankind fubjecting them to a ftate of Bondage and oppres- fion wolly Inconfiftent with the Spirit of the Gofple now having dealt with her According to the order of the Gofple in much Labour and forbearence that the oppreffed might go Free. But the Conueth to Difobey the Truth and re- luctant to our advice on its behalf We have Denied her Memberfhip in our Society until She return To the Truth
and make Satiffaction for her Tranfgres- fion which is our Sincear Defire This teftimony Given forth in behalf of the Truth and againft Tyranny & Oppreffion from our Monthly Meeting of Women Friends held at Richmond the 23 day of Tenth month 1772.
Signed by ten women.
At the 4th monthly meeting, 1771, a com- mittee was appointed to treat with all who " poffes flaves." They were kept busy for two years, and in 1773 report that "they dont find there is any held As Slaves by Frds." 1
Notwithstanding this encouraging entry in the records, the committee to visit slave- 1 S. K. M. M. R. vol. ii. p. I.
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keepers was still continued, and found a little more to do. A list of emancipated slaves gives the names of five liberated in 1773,1 and eight more who were freed at intervals till 1786, which was two years after the Emancipation Act had been passed by the Rhode Island legislature. But the meeting had clearly declared its principles, and stood boldly for liberty.
It is interesting to follow the course of the men denied. Among them, Joshua Rathbun claims our sympathy most of all; and the following touching letter, written two years after his denial, is in conformity with all we can glean of his character : -
ye 12th Day of the 5 month 1775. Deare friends have had a mind Ever fence my Denial toock Place uppon me to be under the Care of friends yea with great Defire at times : But Sea no way for it as my mind Stood: I deare Do no other way But to be Honeft to what Sence I had : it was a great Crofs to me to be Denied by friends it was all moft two much for me to beare: How Ever I was Boorn up under it all : and have not ' Appendix, p. 190.
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