USA > Rhode Island > The "Old Stone Bank" history of Rhode Island, Vol. IV > Part 3
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The first intimations of the storm that was to follow came in his attacks upon an association of the clergy of the Massa- chusetts Colony that met once a week for a discussion and conference. He declared that this association might become a sort of hierarchy that would gradually assume control of all the churches in the various settlements around Boston. This opinion on the part of Roger Williams brought him into immediate disfavor, but it was nothing to be compared with the assault he made as early as December 1633 upon the charter of the Colony. Then he made a public statement that the source of all the land titles in New England originated with the Indians and not with the king. Even though it has since been proved that Williams was fundamentally right in this contention, it can be readily conceived why his daring declaration rocked the Colony to its very foundations.
It must be understood, however, that in attacking the royal patent and later the royal prerogative to alienate the land at will, Roger Williams was not denying the king's general title to the land under the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts Colony. He admitted that the king had a general title to this land when as and if the former owners had been paid for the transfer of title. In simpler form, his idea
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was that the Indians were the rightful owners of the lands occupied by the Col- onists, and payment of some sort was due the Indians before the white men could claim ownership. The magistrates imme- diately met to take action against Wil- liams for they had begun to fear his out- spokenness might reach the ears of King Charles, and possibly involve them all in charges of treason. Since Mr. Endicott was absent at the time, John Winthrop assumed charge of the matter. Roger Williams apologized for the trouble he had caused, and this probably marked the only instance in his life that he gave way before opposition of any kind.
He remained silent for a while but it was not long before he was again causing trouble by questioning the royal patent by which the colonists claimed their titles to the soil. The Rev. Mr. Skelton had died and Roger Williams became his suc- cessor in the Salem church. The renewal of his campaign for recognition of the rights of the Indians was considered as a breach of promise by the magistrates, and he was summoned to appear before them in April, 1635. Before Williams had fin- ished with his arguments and contro- versies with these authorities and with the General Court in the following July, the Salem church, which supported their leader in the whole affair, became deeply involved. It was an exciting time with Roger Williams and his adherents on one side, and the magistrates and orthodox clergymen on the other. It is recorded that sparks flew aplenty before the inves- tigation was brought to an end. As a
result, the Salem church was silenced by the pressure of the General Court and its jurisdiction was returned to the Court, much to the disappointment and disillu- sionment of Williams. At once he began to hold services in his own home, admit- ting only such persons as were faithful to him. He renounced all communion with the Salem church after it had "gone over to the enemy," and refused to allow Mrs. Williams to attend his private serv- ices at the house, because she persisted in attending the regular church services. Was that an intimation of intolerance on his part or was he simply refusing to grant his own wife a privilege that was denied to others?
Finally, the General Court took advan- tage of the clause in the Colony's charter which provided the power to banish any person who caused a disturbance in the Colony. Roger Williams was told that he must leave the Colony within six weeks. It was impossible to obey this order at once because it was winter and he was slightly ill at the time. In December 1635, he was still holding the religious meetings in his home so the magistrates determined to deport him to England on a ship that was about ready to sail. He was sum- moned to come to Boston, but declined because of his health. A Captain John Underhill was sent to apprehend him, transport him to Boston, and put him aboard the English ship. When the mes- senger arrived in Salem, Roger Williams had been gone for three days, and no one seemed to have the slightest knowledge of his whereabouts.
BANISHMENT
PPARENTLY, Roger Williams antici- A pated his eventual exile from the Massachusetts Bay Colony and so had made verbal treaties with his friends, the Indians, for lands beyond the limits of Massachusetts territory. These treaties of understandings were made with the sachems of the Narragansetts and with Massasoit, the ruler of the Wampanoags, the latter tribe controlling lands in the
vicinity of present Warren and Bristol. The Narragansett domain centered around the headwaters of present Narra- gansett Bay and extended westward for many miles. If Williams had not been forced to depart quickly, late in the year 1635, it is quite probable that he would have gone among the two tribes in the Spring of 1636 and founded a mission.
Captain Underhill, who had been dis-
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patched to Salem to arrest Roger Williams, return him to Boston, and there place him upon a ship that was about ready to sail to England, was exactly three days late, for Williams had been informed of the plan and had lost no time in making his escape. In freezing weather and with a typical New England blizzard lashing his cozy little Salem home, Williams plunged into the forest and resolutely set out on foot in the direction of Narragansett Bay. Little is known of his exact route or how long it took him to travel from point to point, but it is recorded that he found kindly hospitality in the humble wigwams of his Indian friends. And here again we find convincing evidence for the Indian's case. It was generally known in these parts in those days that Roger Williams was a militant champion of Indian rights, but it is doubtful if all of the natives living in scattered, isolated villages knew this man either by sight or by reputation. To many of them he must have been a cold and hungry white wan- derer who sought warmth and sustenance. He received both, and not once in his writings did he hint that he felt himself in danger although he journeyed alone and among strangers. Some, not all, historians believe that he was accom- panied by a youth, Thomas Angell, de- scribed as a body-servant, and artists have depicted Williams in the wilderness with Angell at his side, but Williams' own refer- ence to the flight includes no mention of a companion during that stage of his jour- neys. He once wrote: "I was unmercifully driven from my chamber to a winter's flight, exposed to the mercies, poverties, necessities, wants, debts, hardships of sea and land in a banished condition. . .. It lies upon Massachusetts and me to exam- ine with fear and trembling before the eyes of flaming fire the true cause of all my sorrow and suffering. ... Between those, my friends of the Bay and Plym- outh, I was sorely tossed for one four- teen weeks in a bitter winter season, not knowing what bread and bed did mean. . . . I desire that it be seriously reviewed by all men that one ... be denied the common air to breathe in and a civil cohabitation ... yea, and also without mercy and human compassion be exposed
to a winter's miseries in a howling wilder- ness of frost and snow."
What a journey his must have been. Time and again he may have turned back to avoid some impenetrable thicket or stretches of tangled underbrush. Treach- erous swamps had to be traversed and running streams crossed, and he must have taken some equipment. If he carried a gun it was a heavy flint-lock or match- lock and firearms in those days were heavy, long and cumbersome. If the snow covered the ground, trails were difficult to follow, and when he finally did find shelter in a damp, smoky wigwam there were few comforts or facilities for sleeping.
The story goes that he at last came to Sowams, the home of Massasoit, now Warren, Rhode Island, and that there he found not only a friendly welcome but also an opportunity to be of service to his hosts. Massasoit, chief sachem of the Wampanoags, still maintained his friendly alliances with the Colonists at Plymouth and this alliance dated back to the first coming of the Pilgrims in 1620. On the other hand, Massasoit was subject to the political power of the co-sachems of the Narragansetts, Canonicus and Mian- tonomo, because some sort of plague or pestilence had reduced the power of the Wampanoags and forced the latter to come under the rule of the powerful Narra- gansett chieftains who lived farther up the Bay. At the time of Williams' arrival in Sowams, Massasoit was planning a revolt against this distasteful Narra- gansett domination and an Indian war was threatening. Roger Williams set about to prevent such a war. The early months of the year 1636 found him hurry- ing back and forth between Sowams and the Narragansett headquarters in the role of a peace-maker, and his efforts were successful. It had been said that "no one in New England exerted a greater influ- ence over the Indians or was so completely in their affections and confidence. Know- ing their passions and the restraints they could endure, he was betrayed into no wild or dishonorable projects respecting them. On this occasion he was able to pacify the chief sachems and "to satisfy all their and their dependents' spirits of (his) honest intentions to live peaceably
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by them." In return for settling the dif- ferences and for preventing an outbreak of war, Roger . Williams received food, shelter, clothing and a warm invitation to remain and to live in peace. Furthermore, he was given a piece of land along the east bank of the Seekonk River for a settle- ment and there we find him in the Spring of 1636, somewhere on the eastern shore of what is now Omega Pond planting and building, assisted by a group that had joined fortunes with him. This group included Thomas Angell, William Smith, a miller, who had been banished from Dorchester, Francis Wickes, a young man and a friend of Smith's, another described as "a lad of Richard Waterman's," Joshua Verin, a roper of Salem, and William Harris, a young man who had come over from England on the same ship with Roger Williams.
This settlement did not last long for reasons best explained in Williams' own words: "I first pitched and began to build and plant at Seekonk . . . but I received a letter from my ancient friend, Mr. Wins- low, then governor of Plymouth, profess- ing his own and others love and respect to me, yet lovingly advising me since I was fallen into the edge of their bounds and they were loathe to displease the Bay (Massachusetts Bay authorities) to re- move but to the other side of the water and, he said, I had the country free before me and might be as free as themselves and we should be loving neighbors together. These were the joint understandings of these two eminently wise and Christian governors and others, in their day together with their counsel and advice as to the freedom and vacancy of the place."
And now comes a point of Rhode Island history that may or may not be freely in- terpreted and it really makes very little difference. The story has been told count- less times of how Roger Williams in com- pany with one or more of his companions paddled across the Seekonk in search of a likely spot for a settlement on the shores referred to as open-territory. Whether it was one reconnoitering trip or several that led to the friendly conversation with Indians perched upon a slate rock and later to the selection of a permanent site for a settlement, does not matter. It is
the historical significance of the event that merits universal recognition.
Liberally interpreted from all known sources the following scenes appear before us. With scarcely a ripple disturbing the surface of the wide Seekonk, the crude heavily-laden canoe with the Williams party was slowly guided out of Omega Pond across to the opposite shore of the river. Closely the men scanned the long wooded slopes extending westward and northward while nothing broke the silence except the swish of paddles and the shrill call of a sea gull far down the river where the waters seemed more ruffled than near at hand. As the party approached a great, dark-colored rock that overhung the waters above a narrow sandy beach, there suddenly appeared several Indians who called out and beckoned the strangers to come closer. Undoubtedly one or more of these explorers urged flight and a quick return across the river but Roger Wil- liams knew that he was in Narragansett territory and that he would there find friends. He gave orders to proceed and to approach the rock. Then, according to tradition, one of the Indians was heard to call out that historic and friendly greeting "What Cheer, Netop?" ("netop" meaning friend, and "what cheer," the common English salutation of the times). No doubt Williams then conversed with the group regarding prospects of a likely site for a settlement, and it was decided to move on to a landing point much nearer to the settlement place recommended by the Indians.
Either on that same day or at some time later Williams and his party extended the water trip down the Seekonk around what is now Fox Point up the Great Salt River as it appeared to them at the time, and the paddles were finally rested at a point near where a fresh water stream emptied into the salt water. That partic- ular place can be identified since the spring that existed at that time has been preserved and is today protected and properly marked.
Roger Williams and his party landed at the spring probably in June of 1636 and joined with the Indians in a meal of boiled bass and succotash. Near the spring a camp was pitched and "from the freedom
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=====
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BETSY WILLIAMS COTTAGE, HOME OF DIRECT DESCENDANT OF ROGER WILLIAMS, IN PARK NAMED FOR THE FOUNDER OF PROVIDENCE. THE COTTAGE WAS BUILT BY NATHANAEL WILLIAMS IN 1773.
and vacancy of the place and many other providences of the most holy and only
wise" Roger Williams named the place Providence.
THOMAS ANGELL
F EW incidents of importance in the present will be described in centuries to come with so little actual fact as there is to work with in connection with Roger Williams' flight into the wilderness, but enough is known to enable one to compose a fairly accurate narrative of the expe- rience, one of the most significant in all history. We know that Williams, chiefly because of his radical utterances, would have been arrested and deported had he not slipped away, out of the hands of authorities, late in December of 1635; and we know, for sure, that he turned up in the following Spring on the east bank of the Seekonk River where a few friends, also refugees, joined him in establishing a temporary settlement. There is also evi-
dence aplenty concerning the reasons why this first settlement on the Seekonk was abandoned, and the historian or poet needs to rely but little upon imagination in following Williams, in June of 1636, across the river to the high slate rock, down the river, around what is now Fox Point, into the Great Salt River, and thence to the sandy beach near the spring where the place called Providence was founded, and, where, for the first time in the annals of mankind, freedom, in its one pure form, was offered to all men, be- lievers and disbelievers alike, no matter what pigment, or lack thereof, God had chosen to impart to their skins.
Roger Williams, in his writings, has left us several references to these eventful
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months of his life, and such are invaluable in piecing out the record, but, for some reason which we are now about to attempt to determine, he failed to make mention of an important fact - he did not, or if he did no one is yet aware, make it clear whether he left Salem absolutely alone, or whether he was accompanied by an- other, Thomas Angell, whom many authorities firmly believe was on the trip. It really makes no difference, now that the results from the flight have had such an influence for good upon the destiny of human kind, but it would be interesting to know that young Angell shared expe- riences with Williams "unmercifully driven from (his) chamber to a winter's flight, exposed to the miseries, poverties, necessities, wants, debts, hardships of sea and land, in a banished condition ... fourteen weeks, in a bitter winter season ... sorely tossed (knowing not) what bread or bed did mean."
So, who was Thomas Angell, definitely one of the first associates of Roger Wil- liams in the "lively experiment," if not his traveling companion on the famous flight into the wilderness? According to tradition, Thomas Angell was the son of Henry Angell of Liverpool, and was born in 1618. It is related that he left home at the age of twelve to seek his fortune in London. How he came to be on board the ship Lyon that sailed from Bristol on December 1, 1630, is not known, but, whether he made the sixty-four-day stormy passage across the Atlantic as an apprentice seaman, as a cabin boy, or as a passenger's employee, nevertheless, he did come on the ship that brought Roger Williams and the latter's young bride Mary. If he came to America as a servant of Mr. and Mrs. Williams, the founder of Providence made no mention of the fact, and this is not unusual, for people of posi- tion in those days rarely, if ever, referred to individuals attached to them in servile capacities.
Someone has observed that "a class of men of distinction sometimes escaped to America from England as servants to those permitted to come, who would have been prevented, if they had attempted to come in their own names. Such was the strictness of the laws and the vigilance of
officers that many found it necessary by this means to accomplish their object." It requires too much of an imagination stretch to conclude that a twelve-year-old adventurer held a burning desire to leave England for America, and that he had the wit to accomplish a high-minded purpose by disguising his intentions through the subterfuge of accepting menial employ- ment. Thomas Angell came to America because someone brought him along for a purpose, or because he happened to find a berth before the mast, as did many a youngster of his age, in his time.
It may very well be that Roger Williams brought Thomas Angell to this country as a servant, because the latter remained with Mr. and Mrs. Williams during their sojourn in Boston for about two months, and Angell was still attached to Roger Williams from 1631 to 1636 during which time the family resided principally in Salem. That would make Angell eighteen years old at the time of the flight, and it is generally agreed that Williams was in the neighborhood of thirty-five when he embarked upon his great adventure in human relationship. As far as their ages were concerned, the two had little in common, but we have seen other examples of great accomplishment through the ideal combination of youth and enthu- siasm with mature judgment and wise counsel.
Leaving for the moment the question of exactly when Thomas Angell put in his appearance at the headwaters of Narra- gansett Bay, let us examine the facts of his life as a first founder or settler. Two years after the founding of Providence, Roger Williams gave a plot of land or plantation to each of the settlers who were here at the time and we find that Thomas Angell was assigned for his por- tion, the plot fronting on North Main Street and on which now stands the First Baptist Meeting House. This explains the quaint reference to the church prop- erty as "Thomas Angell's Apple Orchard," and also the origin of the names of two familiar Providence street names, Thomas Street, apparently bounding the original Thomas Angell plot on the north, and Angell Street extending up and over the hill east from the very site of the first
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settler's home and place of business, for he kept a store, undoubtedly Rhode Island's very first country store, as they were known. According to the records, Angell sold anything and everything as the set- tlement began to take on some semblance of commercial development, and his account book reveals dealings in a wide range of staples, from shingles to thread. He even outdid many of our modern de- partment apothecaries in pleasing the trade, for in one instance he made a charge for pasturing a horse, and in another, on the credit side, he made an entry for boarding a visitor to the Colony. He loaned money occasionally, probably without a service charge in addition to interest, and at least one lady managed to secure a loan of ten shillings from Angell with no more collateral than a silver spoon left for security.
He was elected in 1652, and reelected the following year, a Commissioner to make laws for the Colony, and not long after, he is mentioned as farmer and con- stable, and he held the office of constable, or town sergeant, for many years. While holding his law-enforcement appoint- ment, an out-of-state official arrived in these parts to arrest a man at Pawtuxet with intent to carry the accused away, but being detained in Providence for some reason, both prisoner and the officer were arrested by Angell and taken before a court in Providence for examination.
This incident brings out a significant point. By this act of Angell, the arm of the law, it was established that officers of the Massachusetts Bay Colony had no authority in Providence and were forced to respect its government. Although, no doubt he was sustained by others in higher office, Angell deserves the credit of being the first to take action in support of the sovereignty of "These Plantations."
His name appears often in connection with an important local issue, during the first years, the signing of the so-called Providence oath. Although he admitted allegiance to the mother country as a
source of authority for government, he refused to give up his rights in matters of religion. The important point to remem- ber, as far as it concerned Angell, was that he stuck to his guns, granting government authority over individuals only in civil things.
He died in 1695, and his will has been preserved. From this historically valuable instrument, it can be observed that he accumulated a sizable fortune during his long, active and fruitful life. But, he left more than money and worldly goods - he was the acorn that has grown into a towering, wide-spreading family tree. His descendants are many, scattered here and there, with not a few still residing not far distant from the site of the store, the house, the apple orchard and farm of their distinguished ancestor.
Now, what about the time of his ar- rival? Let us assume, on the basis of good authority, that Angell slipped out of the house at Salem in the dead of winter, and plodded boldly through the snow at the side of his friend, and possibly his em- ployer. Since Williams was in poor health at the time, it seems reasonable to suppose that he would not have dared to risk exposure, or the perils of the frozen wilderness without his faithful servant, shall we call him, at his right hand. If this be as we believe, tall, broad-shouldered Angell, then a youth of eighteen, had much to do with the shaping of American history, for had not Williams survived the ordeal of his banishment from late December until late in February, and had he not come at last to the place where he found what long he had sought, this way of life which we cherish might not have been what it is. If Williams had the assistance, the encouragement and the devotion of another, during the many weeks of hand-to-hand battle with the elements, then to that companion must go the everlasting gratitude of all who have since been the beneficiaries of a way of life first proclaimed and first practised at the end of the flight into the wilderness.
"THE OLD STONE BANK"
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"THE OLD STONE BANK," MAIN OFFICE OF THE PROVIDENCE INSTITUTION FOR SAVINGS, 86 SOUTH MAIN STREET, PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND. EARLIER BUILDING ENLARGED AND REMODELED TO THIS FORM IN 1896.
EARLY DAYS
A LTHOUGH the great moment in history when the founder of Providence established his settlement in the name of liberty for all men, regardless of race, color or creed, has been allowed little or no importance by most historians in the past, writers and interpreters of the pres- ent generation are at last beginning to see the profound significance of what hap- pened at the headwaters of Narragansett Bay in the Spring of 1636, and it is now certain that this remarkable man will be rendered the distinction that has long been due him. However, the social and political development of early Providence, when considered and analyzed in the light of present-day knowledge of what actually transpired during the first years of the settlement in these parts, will bring out clearly the historical importance of the heretofore mentioned "great moment."
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