USA > South Carolina > Spartanburg County > A history of Spartanburg county > Part 15
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In July 1871, the eyes of the whole nation were-probably for the first time in history-turned on Spartanburg. A sub-committee of the Congressional Joint Select Committee to Inquire into the Con- dition of Affairs in the Late Insurrectionary States arrived here July
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9, and conducted hearings until July 17. The three members of the committee were : Senator John Scott, Republican, of Ohio, chairman ; Hon. Philadelph Van Trump, Democrat, of Ohio; Hon. Job E. Stevenson, Republican, of Ohio. They were accompanied by re- porters, and the accounts sent to the New York World and the New York Herald were especially vivid and full.
Zero wrote the New York World, in July, pooh-poohing sensa- tionalism, and commenting, "It is said the committee are getting tired of their work, they are disgusted at the idea of being sent hundreds of miles to hear 'Old Wives Tales,' and to listen with gravity to long recitations of family feuds and neighborhood difficulties." The Negroes appeared to Zero "well-satisfied with the situation," find- ing it a great honor to testify. "They come out," he said, "with smil- ing faces ; and one showing a roll of greenbacks in his greasy fingers, said, 'Fore God, Masser, I let the Klues whip me agin for all dis money.' "
A letter to the New York Herald dated November 1, 1871, gives a picture of Spartanburg at that time, as the village appeared to a New York reporter :
Spartanburg was once a busy, lively town, and when the pres- ent troubles began, was prospering. In the vicinity are numerous springs of nasty mineral waters, which restore life to the dead and perform various other miracles upon mortal men, women, and children. As a consequence the place was a great summer resort in ante-bellum times. Large hotels were constructed, which still exist in a battered and unsightly condition, and large numbers congregated within their walls to flirt, make love, dance, and play poker.
This glory of Spartanburg has departed. But few persons are at the hotels, and those have nearly all been brought here by the Ku Klux Klan troubles. At the "Shebang" where I "hold forth" are some officers' wives, who put on an enormous quantity of airs and talk a trifle too much about "we Republicans having to come down here and make rebels behave themselves." All this sort of stuff don't help matters much.
Under the caption, "Progress of the War," this same correspond- ent grew facetious, describing Spartanburg and Union as headquar- ters for United States soldiers, whose only military operations were "severe skirmishes with their rations every day." After recounting some absurd tales he continued :
Indeed, if it were not that this raid upon the Ku Klux was
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A HISTORY OF SPARTANBURG COUNTY
playing the very deuce with the industrial interests of upper South Carolina, the entire movement would be a huge farce. Here we have rebellion without rebels; and insurrection without insurrec- tionists. Federal officials, it is true, shake their heads and assure me that I ought to have seen what it was last March. . . . Any person of ordinary education who would believe the charges should be sent to an insane asylum. . It is grossly libellous to charge upon entire communities the filthy brutalities of a handful of illiterate, degraded scoundrels.
Suspension of
Spartanburg was one of nine counties in which, Oc- Habeas Corpus tober 17, 1871, the writ of habeas corpus was sus- pended under an Act of Congress passed April 20, 1871 ; and was one of three-York and Union being the others-in which formal organi- zations of the Ku Klux Klan were known to exist. Yet, so secret and flexible was the organization and so binding its solemn oaths, that no accurate story of it can be told. The Klan was most active in that part of the county later incorporated in Cherokee County. It came into being in 1868 and flared into a fevered activity in 1870 after Scott armed the Negro militia. Reliable traditions establish un- deniably that many earnest and patriotic men belonged to the organi- zation; and it is hardly, in Spartanburg, a mooted question whether the good accomplished did not outweigh the evils. The Klan was accepted by many high-minded citizens as a necessary fighting of fire with fire. No better statement concerning the Ku Klux Klan in Spar- tanburg County can be made than the tabulation of his conclusions with which the correspondent of the New York Herald closed his story of the Investigation here :
1. That for four months past no Ku Klux outrages have been committed in Spartanburg County-which the Federal officials admit.
2. That the Ku Klux organization was originally formed for the self-protection of its members, and not for any political pur- pose.
3. That men of infamous character entered the Ku Klux or- ganization and perpetrated a series of gross outrages upon indi- viduals.
4. That in many instances white and black Republicans bor- rowed the disguises of the Ku Klux and outraged their neighbors, knowing that the blame would not be laid on them.
5. That if the state government had not been, as it still is, in the hands of corrupt and infamous political adventurers, and had the laws of the State been fairly and impartially administered,
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public sentiment would have crushed the Ku Klux organization in its incipiency.
6. That there was not any necessity for the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, because there was not at any time any disposition on the part of the citizens to resist warrants of ar- rest. Every man in Spartanburg County could have been ar- rested by a deputy marshal's posse.
7. That the Ku Klux, while formidable in numbers, perhaps, never entertained the idea of resisting the United States Govern- ment. If its designs were treasonable, it could, in a single night, have overpowered and annihilated the entire military force in this county.
Aftermath of the Senator Scott's committee was in Spartanburg from Congressional July 9 to July 17 and examined seventy-two wit-
Investigation nesses, thirty-six white and the same number col- ored. Only toward the end were prominent citizens called, and the committee finally found themselves unable to make a definite list of Klansmen. It was generally believed by Spartans that the actual purpose of the investigation was to find excuses for increasing the number of Federal troops and to gather material for Republican cam- paign literature.
Most of the Spartans who had been imprisoned were dismissed on bail, but some served prison sentences in Columbia for weeks. A few more were sent to Albany, N. Y. Eventually most of these prisoners received pardons from President Grant. The Ku Klux Klan dwin- dled to nothingness as silently and mysteriously as it had come into being. To this day the names and numbers of its members cannot be determined. At the November 1872 term of court the grand jury stated :
We take great pleasure in reporting to your Honor that so far as comes within our knowledge personally and from information received from reliable and trustworthy sources, the County of Spartanburg is now entirely free from any unlawful bands of raiders or clans or disguised men, and that we know of no recent instances of any citizen being molested or maltreated by such bands or clans of men, and that throughout the county we know of no unlawful combination of men who refuse to obey or who resist the laws of the county.
CHAPTER FIFTEEN
The Banner District of Democracy-1868-1876
Spartanburg in the Democratic Ranks
The handsome 1,300 Democratic majority in the elections of June 2 and 3, 1868, prompted the Spartan to call Spartanburg the "Banner District" -an epithet taken up approvingly by other newspapers. When the first legislature under the new Constitution met in special session July 6, 1868, Spartanburg was one of the six districts whose delegations were Democratic, and developments soon made clear their helpless- ness under the "steam roller" tactics of the Radical power. The Assembly had twenty-one white and ten colored senators; and forty-six white and seventy-eight Negro members of the lower house.
A large public meeting at the courthouse, August Salesday, pre- sided over by Dr. B. F. Kilgore, with F. M. Trimmier as secretary, endorsed the action of the recent National Democratic Conventions, which met in New York, July 4. Colonel T. Stobo Farrow. who had attended it as a delegate, made a report of its proceedings. Dr. John Winsmith spoke; and also Gabriel Cannon, who advocated representation in the State Convention which was scheduled to meet in Columbia August 6, in opposition to those who still urged the stand-off policy. At this State Convention, Cannon was elected one of the four vice presidents. A resolution was adopted to rely solely on peaceful agencies in fighting the Radical ring.
August 10, 1868, the Spartanburg District Central Democratic Club, comprising twenty-three member clubs, was organized, with John Epton as temporary chairman, and W. T. Miller, secretary. Officers were unanimously elected as follows: President, W. K. Blake; vice presidents, Dr. J. Winsmith, Colonel J. H. Evins, Dr. B. F. Kilgore; secretary-treasurer, Captain F. M. Trimmier ; execu- tive committee, John Epton, Henry Wofford, S. C. Means, T. Stobo Farrow, John Stroble, H. Dodd, D. R. Duncan, G. Cannon. One week later, August 17, the first Negro Democratic Club in Spar- tanburg District was organized, with thirty-five or forty members. B. Wofford was president, and D. P. Moorman, secretary.
Outstanding as an example of the use made politically of old- fashioned barbecues was one presided over by General J. W. Miller at Poplar Springs, August 13, 1868. The Spartan said: "It was 158
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indeed a barbecue after the old style, and reminded us of a resurrec- tion of the time, when on every fourth of July we heard the Declara- tion of Independence and patriotic speeches and had barbecued din- ners, and indulged in enthusiasm and reverence for the Independence Day. But the meeting at Poplar Springs had for its object the in- duction of a day more desirable and more important to us than the 4th now is, or in fact has ever been-the day of the installation of Democracy in power."
More than six hundred men attended the Poplar Springs barbe- cue, about one-third of them colored. Addresses were made by D. R. Duncan, W. K. Blake, and Simpson Bobo. Marshals then led the crowd in orderly processions-the Negroes having their own tables-to dinner. Bread, beef, mutton, pork, fowls, "in super- abundance and barbecued in an excellent manner," were set before them. After dinner the stand was turned over to the Negroes; and two members of their race from Columbia, named Minor and Lee, spoke to them in favor of the Democratic Party.
A Rally and Fireworks The Democrats made elaborate preparations for a rally in Spartanburg, September 10, 1868, on which occasion the platform would be formally ratified and candidates endorsed. Wade Hampton and B. F. Perry were invited to make addresses. Marshals were appointed, and also "committees on Ta- bles, Fireworks, Barbecue, and Reception." All inhabitants were urged to decorate and illuminate their houses. The crowd in at- tendance was estimated at 6,000 or more. A procession of clubs a half mile long, formed at ten in the morning on the Public Square. The Spartanburg Colored Club which brought up the rear was a striking feature of it. The Democrats were fighting fire with fire again. In the evening there was a torchlight procession followed by extravagant fireworks depicting a sea fight between two frigates, the Horatio (for Horatio Seymour) and the Ulysses (for U. S. Grant). The fireworks presented a false prophecy, for the Horatio sank the Ulysses. Former Governor Perry and Wade Hampton were not able to accept the invitation to attend this rally, but the list of speakers and guests was a notable one, including: Hon. A. A. Aldrich, Hon. A. Burt, Governor Milledge Bonham, Colonel F. W. McMaster, Colonel J. Baxter, General A. C. Garlington, J. Cothran, Esq., Hon. W. D. Simpson, Colonel E. C. McClure.
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Elections Spartanburg's vote was Democratic in the ensuing and Results
November election; which, nevertheless, resulted in Republican victory in the State. Spartanburg's legislative delegation was as follows: Senator, Joel Foster ; Representatives, Samuel Lit- tlejohn, Robert M. Smith, Javan Briant, C. C. Turner. A. S. Wal- lace, a Radical candidate, contested the election of W. D. Simpson for Congress, and representatives of a Congressional Investigating Committee spent three days in Spartanburg, March 29-31, 1869, taking testimony concerning the election, in the presence of William Choice, Intendant. Thirty-one witnesses were examined and their testimony covered seventy-five pages of legal cap paper. Following the committee's report, Simpson was not seated, and Wallace was. This A. S. Wallace was, in 1874, accused by reputable citizens of having advised the Negroes to resort to cartridge boxes if denied access to the ballot boxes.
Spartanburg remained, after the elections of 1868 demonstrated the necessity of organized united effort, a safely Democratic county, without strong Radical leadership. The presence of Federal sol- diers was accepted and made the best of. Few Spartans joined the Republican party. An honest Republican could say truthfully- as Dr. John Winsmith did before the Congressional Committee in 1871-"I have as many friends who are Democrats as Republicans."
Taxpayers' Unions
The corruption of the Scott administration and the growing demoralization during the ensuing years had important consequences. One was the Ku Klux Klan and the evils that grew out of it. Another, which owed its origin to the insecurity of property, was the organization of The Taxpayers' Convention, an organization distinct from political parties. It was instituted by the Charleston Chamber of Commerce, and the first Taxpayers' Con- vention met in Columbia, May 9, 1871, Gabriel Cannon and A. B. Woodruff representing Spartanburg. A second meeting of the Taxpayers' Convention was held in Columbia, February 17, 1874, at which Spartanburg was represented by W. M. Foster and A. B. Woodruff. This convention drew up a scathing indictment of the Moses administration and created a committee of fifteen to present an "Address" to President Grant and request him to lay the South Carolina situation before Congress. This committee was insultingly received both by Grant and Congress.
"The Columbia Ring" had gobbled up the Spartanburg-Union
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THE BANNER DISTRICT OF DEMOCRACY-1868-1876
Railroad, and the precariousness of all investments created much alarm. The Taxpayers' Convention sponsored the organization of active Tax Unions in every township of every county. Leaders in Spartanburg were: W. M. Foster, A. B. Woodruff, Simpson Bobo, Joel Ballenger, S. C. Means. Simpson Bobo, president of the County Tax Union, also had a place on the State Executive Committee, and at a meeting called in Columbia, October 8, 1874, Spartanburg was represented by him. The main objective of this meeting was, since the appeal to Grant and Congress had failed, to devise some other method of ousting the corrupt Radical ring from control of the State. The plan adopted was to refrain from placing in nomi- nation a Democratic ticket, and to throw all the power of the "Con- servatives," as they called themselves, with the "Independent" wing of the Republican Party.
Support of Independent Re- publican Ticket This state-wide plan failed of complete success, but brought about great benefits. It got out the largest vote since 1868, and cut down the lead of the ring in power to such an extent as to alarm its leaders. Their nomination of Daniel H. Chamberlain had been already a great con- cession to decency, since he represented the better type of "carpetbag- ger." Chamberlain spoke in Spartanburg, September 28, 1874, at what the Spartan described as "the Great Republican Pow-wow."
Conforming to the plan of the Taxpayers' Convention, former Governor Perry actively supported the candidates on the "Inde- pendent" ticket-Green for governor, and Delaney, who was a colored man of character and education, for lieutenant governor --- because they were honest. He said: "The time has come when color cannot be considered." He believed they could and would, if elected, clean up the government, and he frankly questioned the ability of Chamberlain to do so. The Spartan took the same posi- tion. When elections came, Spartanburg was still "the banner county" of democracy, with a large majority for the "Independent" ticket. The Chamberlain ticket, however, carried the State. Spar- tanburg again sent to the legislature a Democratic delegation : John E. Bomar, Gabriel Cannon, A. B. Woodruff, Robert M. Smith. D. R. Duncan was reelected as Senator.
Democratic The Chamberlain administration proved better than
Clubs that of Moses, but yet fell short of stability or decency. All over the State the Democrats became increasingly confident that
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A HISTORY OF SPARTANBURG COUNTY
they could unite and overthrow the Radicals. The State Executive Democratic Committee met in Columbia, January 6, 1876, and for- mulated plans for organizing Democratic Clubs in all the counties. It had been a sacrifice of principle to expediency when Democrats, accepting the advice of the Taxpayers' Convention, agreed to sup- port the "Independent" Republican ticket in 1874; and a large ele- ment of the party refused to enter into this movement to undermine the power of the Radical ring.
Divided Opinions As the 1876 campaign opened, the division in sentiment was forced into the open. Should the Democrats now support Chamberlain? The News and Courier voiced the opinion of the "Fusionists," that influential element of the party which replied to this question, Yes. The overwhelming preponderance of Negro population explained the position of the Fusionists.
An opposing faction contended that compromise had been tried without successful results and that the time had come for the Dem- ocrats to nominate a Straight Out Democratic ticket, "from Gov- ernor to Coroner." Within their own ranks the "Straight-Outs" differed as to the best methods of dealing with the perplexing Negro vote. One element wished to rule the Negro entirely out of the Democratic Party and face the race issue squarely. General Martin W. Gary, "the Bald Eagle" of Edgefield, said that to appeal to the Negro to help check Radical corruption was as absurd as "singing Psalms to a dead mule." He urged a straight-out white man's ticket, saying: "The failure to redeem the State and break up the Radical rule has been due to the fact that we have not appealed to the white man as a white man."
The opinion of Wade Hampton was that the Democrats must make a bid for the support and cooperation of the Negroes-that to allow the Radicals the undisputed control of the Negro vote would be to invite defeat. He realized that the only hope of peace was for native Southern white men to replace the scheming, office- seeking Republican interlopers as advisers and leaders of the Negroes.
Wade Hampton When the Democratic Convention met, the and John H. Evins Fusionists were defeated, though by a narrow margin. The Straight-outs unanimously nominated Wade Hampton for governor, and James Conner of Charleston, a strong Fusionist, for attorney general. John H. Evins of Spartanburg, the nominee to Congress from the Fourth District, was appointed by the Execu-
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THE BANNER DISTRICT OF DEMOCRACY-1868-1876
tive Committee to organize Spartanburg County. The Spartan re- printed, August 30, 1876, with additional encomiums, a comment on Evins from the News and Courier.
The Democratic candidate is Col. John H. Evins of Spar- tanburg. There is not in South Carolina a finer specimen of the liberal and accomplished gentleman. He belongs to one of the oldest and best families in the State, is a lawyer by profession, and about 43 years of age. Before the war he was a member of the State Legislature, and during the war served as Captain in Jenkins' crack regiment, the Palmetto Sharpshooters, at Frazier's Farm. In the seven days' battle he was wounded and disabled. Since the war he has been an active promoter of in- ternal improvements, and did much to secure the running of the Airline Railroad through Spartanburg. For some years he was director of the Spartanburg Airline Railroad. Colonel Evins is an able lawyer, and conspicuously able and upright. An elder of the Presbyterian Church, he is beloved and honored for his purity, liberality, and sincerity in every walk of life. The term of office of Colonel Evins will begin on the fourth of March.
The Spartanburg Central Democratic Club was organized at the courthouse, August 5, 1876. John H. Evins was made president ; J. W. Wofford, secretary and treasurer; W. P. Compton, Charles Barry, and E. S. Allen were elected vice-presidents. Steps were taken at once for the thorough organization of the county. Two Negroes were added to the list of officers as vice presidents. Plans were made to hold six grand mass meetings-October 21, at Gaff- ney City ; October 24, at Wellford; October 25, at Pacolet ; October 26, at New Prospect; October 28, at Rogers' Bridge; November 2, at Spartanburg. The committee insisted that "every man in Spar- tanburg County will mount and attend this last meeting."
Evins' Campaign Not only were these clubs organized, but the Working Clubs Spartan Rifles and other rifle clubs were re- organized, nominally as social clubs. Politics had been subordinated to domestic activities most of the time before 1876, but during that year all other interests were sacrificed to the promotion of the cam- paign to elect Hampton. White Republicans came out for the Hamp- ton ticket; for example, in a speech made Salesday of October, B. F. Bates announced that, while he was still a Republican and expected to vote for Rutherford B. Hayes, he intended to vote the Straight-out Hampton ticket in the State election. The "Evins' Campaign Working Clubs" were tireless in their activities. T. Stobo
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Farrow, editor of the Spartanburg Herald, was a member of the State Democratic Executive Committee, and his assistance in se- curing speakers and making plans was invaluable.
Red Shirts in Spartanburg
The campaign reached its peak of excitement when Wade Hampton in person visited Spartanburg. He arrived by the Spartanburg-Union Railroad at four o'clock on the afternoon of September 8, and was received with pomp and ceremony. Early the next morning the streets and all the roads were thronged with galloping horsemen arrayed in red shirts. The purpose of all these demonstrations was to overawe the Radicals and impress on the Negroes a renewed respect for the white man's courage and power.
At ten o'clock on the morning of September 9, 1876, the most spectacular procession ever formed in Spartanburg County moved from the Square. Immediately behind the Marshals was a deco- rated wagon drawn by six horses, in which rode the Union Band. Next, distinguished by their blue sashes, were the Evins' Cam- paign Working Clubs. Behind them rode the Red Shirts Clubs from all parts of the county, including the Negro Democratic Club. The Spartanburg Band rode next in a four-horse wagon. Then came a handsome phaeton, drawn by four beautiful gray horses, in which rode General Wade Hampton, General J. D. Gordon, Colonel W. D. Simpson, and Colonel James H. Rion. Twelve ex-Confederate soldiers, clad in red shirts and blue sashes, and mounted on white horses, served as a special escort. In another handsome carriage rode Colonel John H. Evins, Colonel B. W. Ball, Colonel Samuel McGowan, Colonel T. Stobo Farrow, and E. H. Bobo. The rear guard was made up of Wade Hampton's old cav- alrymen, led by Captain Niles Nesbitt.
One mile and a half in length, this procession moved from the Square, north along Rutherford (now Magnolia) Street, turned east into College, south into Church, and west at Henry Street to Twitty's Grove, a lovely picnic ground in the old days and the spot formerly used as a camp by the Yankee garrison. There a speaker's stand had been erected and a barbecue prepared. The speakers were greeted with wild enthusiasm, and no disturbances marred the day. In the evening a torchlight procession a half-mile long, with twenty- five hundred participants carrying clever and spectacular "trans-
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THE BANNER DISTRICT OF DEMOCRACY-1868-1876
parencies," was followed by a display of fireworks; and the day closed with an artillery salute.
Democratic The complete absorption of the people in winning
Victory the election is proven by the fact that every business house in town stopped work at 4 p. m., November 6, and did not resume business until the polls closed the next day. The results of the election showed that Hampton received in Spartanburg County, 4,677 votes, and Chamberlain, 1,467; Evins received 4,671, and A. S. Wallace, 1,464; Gabriel Cannon, for state senator, received 4,478 votes, and C. C. Turner, 1,539. Returns from the Fourth Congressional District as given out by the State Board of Canvassers showed a Democratic majority of 5,804 for Evins.
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