USA > South Carolina > A sketch of the history of South Carolina to the close of the proprietary government by the revolution of 1719. With an appendix containing many valuable records hitherto unpublished > Part 16
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sitting in Assembly."* But the house proceeded to repeal the objectionable acts, and all others relating to the church from 1697 ; and in a spirit of modera- tion prepared in lieu thereof the church act, which continued afterward in force as long as the colony was dependent on Great Britain.+ Parishes were formed, means provided for building and repairing churches, and for supporting ministers and encourag- ing their settlement in the province. Intolerance and civil disabilities against other denominations for- ever cased, except against Catholics; for any law in their favor would have been repugnant to the laws of England, and beyond the power of the Colonial Assembly to enact. Although some dissenters aban- doned the colony through disaffection, and the dispute survived with others in their political views, yet the majority felt obliged to acquiesce in the establish- ment. Their self-dependence, however, prepared them for vigor and success ; and they have continued to this day the most numerous body of Christians in South Carolina.
On the other hand, the essential benefits to the colony arising from the church act, cause us to regret the violent and illegal measures by which it origi- nated. Pious and learned men could now be induced to come to Carolina whenever their services were needed. The number of inhabitants was increasing, but their resources were inadequate for the mainte- nance of schools and religious instructors. Education and Protestant Christianity are so blended, that a country must be destitute of both if it be long in
* MS. Journals, Nov., 1706.
t 2 Stat., 282.
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want of either. By the efforts of Rev. Thomas Bray, the Bishop of London's commissary in Mary- land, and from the bounty of the lords proprietors and contributions of the Carolinians, the first public library was formed in Charles Town, and placed by act of Assembly # under the care of the Episcopal minister. [November, 1700.] The Society for Pro- pagating the Gospel sent out missionaries not only to preach, but to "encourage the setting up of schools for the teaching of children."+ Their schoolmasters were required to take especial care of the manners of their pupils in and out of school ; warning them against lying and falsehood, and evil speaking; to love truth and honesty; to be modest, just and affa- ble; to receive in their tender years " that sense of religion, which may render it the constant principle of their lives and actions." The want of schools, however, was not immediately remedied; and so urgent appeals were made to the society, that in 1711 they established a school in Charles Town under Rev. Wm. Guy. In the previous year, several persons having bequeathed legacies for founding a free school, an act was passed [1712] for this purpose, and soon afterward for extending similar benefits to all the parishes.
The general condition of the colony about this period is shown in the following extracts from a let- ter dated 17th September, 1708, and signed by Sir Nathaniel Johnson, Thomas Broughton, Robt. Gibbes, Geo. Smith, and Richard Beresford. " We, the gover- nor and council," said they, "in obedience to her sacred
* Journals, 1698.
t See Instructions in Dalcho, 47, 50.
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majesty's command and your lordships' instructions, have carefully inquired into the present circum- stances of this province," &c.
"The number of inhabitants in this province of all sorts, are computed to be 9,580 souls; of which there are 1,360 freemen, 900 free women, 60 white ser- vant men, 60 white servant women, 1,700 white free children, 1800 negro men slaves, 1,100 women negro slaves, 500 Indian men slaves, 600 Indian women slaves, 1,200 negro children slaves, and 300 Indian children slaves.
"The freemen of this province, by reason of the late sickness brought hither from other parts, though now very healthy, and small supply from other parts, are within these five years last past decreased about 100, free women about 40; white servants, from the aforesaid reasons, and having completed their servitude, are decreased 50; white servant women, for the same reasons, are decreased 30; white children are increased 500; negro men slaves by importation, 300 ; negro women slaves, 200. In- dian men slaves, by reason of our late conquest over the French and Spaniards, and the success of our forces against the Appalaskys and other Indian engagements, are within these five years increased to the number of 400, and the Indian women slaves to 450 ; negro children to 600, and Indian children to 200.
" The whole number of the militia of this province, 950 white men, fit to bear arms, viz : 2 regiments of foot, both making up 16 companies, 50 men, one with ano- ther, in a company; to which might be added a like nun-
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ber of negro men slaves, the captain of each company being obliged by an act of Assembly, to enlist, train up, and bring into the field for each white, one able slave armed with a gun or lance, for each man in his company ; and the governor's troop of guards, con- sisting of about forty men; the colonel, lieutenant- colonel, captain, cornet, and two exempts, together with nine patrols, ten men in each patrol, to take care of the women and children, in case of an alarm and invasion; French Protestants, and an indepen- dent company of Santee, consisting of forty-five men, and a patrol of ten men.
" The commodities exported from this province to England, are rice, pitch, tar, buck and doeskins in the hair and Indian dressed; also, some few furs, as beaver, otter, wildcat, raccoon, a little silk, white- oak pipe staves, and sometimes some other sorts.
"We are sufficiently provided with timber fit for masts and yards of several sizes, both pine and cy- press, which may be exported very reasonable, and supplied at all times of the year, there being no frost or snow considerable enough to hinder bringing them down the rivers.
"Other commodities, not the produce of this place, but brought here from the American islands and ex- ported to England, are logwood, braziletto, fustick, cortex, isleathera, tortoiseshell, ambergrese, and cocoa.
"From this province are exported to several of the American islands, as Jamaica, Barbadoes, Antigua, Nevis, St. Christopher's, the Virgin's, Montserrat, and the Bahama Islands-staves, hoops and shingles, beef, 20*
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pork, rice, pitch, tar, green wax, candles made of myrtle berries, tallow and tallow candles, butter, English and Indian peas, and sometimes a small quantity of tanned leather.
" Goods imported from the foregoing islands are, rum, sugar, molasses, cotton, fustic, braziletto, islea- thera, ambergrese, tortoiseshell, salt, and pimento; logwood is generally brought from the Bay of Cam- peachy.
" We are also often furnished with negroes from the American islands, chiefly from Barbadoes and Ja- maica; from whence also comes a considerable quan- tity of English manufactures, and some prize goods, viz : claret, brandy, &c., taken from the French and Spaniards.
" We have also commerce with Boston, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, New York, and Virginia; to which place we export Indian slaves, light deerskins dressed, some tanned leather, pitch, tar, and a small quantity of rice. From thence we receive beer, cider, flour, dry codfish and mackerel; and from Virginia some European commodities.
"Further, we have a trade to the Madeiras, (from whence we receive most of our wines) ; also to St. Thomas and Curagoa, to which places we send the same commodities as to the other islands, excepting pitch, tar, and rice, lately prohibited, which prohibi- tion is very disadvantageous to the trade in these parts.
" The trade of this province is certainly increased of late years, there being a greater consumption yearly of most commodities imported. And the in-
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habitants, by a yearly addition of slaves, are made the more capable of improving the produce of the colony. Notwithstanding its our opinion, that the value of our import is greater (if we include our ne- groes), than our export, by which means it comes to pass that we are very near drained of all our silver and gold coin ; nor is there any remedy to prevent this, but by a number of honest laborious persons to come among us, that would consume but little, by which means the produce of the country being in- creased might in time make our exportation equalize if not exceed our importation.
" That which has been a considerable though una- voidable hindrance to the greater increase of our . trade, is the great duty on goods, both imported and exported, occasioned by the debts the country is in- volved in by the late expedition, in the time of Gov- ernor Moore, against St. Augustine, and the charge in fortifying Charles Town this time of war and danger; to which may very justly be added the late prohibi- tion of pitch, tar, and rice.
"There are not above ten or twelve sail of ships belonging to this province, about half of which num- ber only were built here, besides a ship and a sloop now on the stocks; neither are there above twenty seafaring men who may be properly accounted set- tlers or livers in the province.
" There are not as yet any manufacturers settled in the province, saving some particular planters who, for their own use only, make a few stuffs of silk and cotton, and a sort of cloth of cotton and wool of their own growth to clothe their slaves.
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" All possible precautions are taken by this govern- ment to prevent illegal trade, the acts of trade and navigation being strictly enforced on all occasions.
" And now having answered the several queries stated to us by your lordships, in the best manner we are at present capable of, we humbly crave leave to superadd an account of the Indians our allies, our trade and commerce with one another, and their con- sumption of our goods, together with the present circumstances of Charles Town, and our new trian- gular fort and platform at Windmill Point, with an account of what provisions we want to make them complete fortifications.
" The Indians under the protection of his majesty's government are numerous, and may be of great use in time of invasion. The nations we have trade with are as follows. The Yamassees, situated about SO to 100 miles south from Charles Town ; they consist of about 500 men able to bear arms ; they are become great warriors, and are continually annoying the Spaniards and the Indians their allies.
"To the southward of the Yamassees are a small nation called Paleachuckles, in number about 80 men. They are settled in a town about 20 miles up the Savannah River, and are very serviceable in fur- nishing with provisions the Englishmen who go up that river in periangers with a supply of goods for the Indians and bring skins for them.
" About 150 miles southwest from Charles Town, is settled, on the aforesaid river, a nation of Indians called the Savannahs. They are seated in three towns, and consist of about 150 men. A few miles
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distant on the said river, is a considerable town of Indians that deserted the Spaniards, and came with our forces from them about five years past. They are known by the name of Apalachys, and are about 250 men, and behave themselves very submissive to this government. These people are situated very advantageous for trade. Indians seated upward of 700 miles off are supplied with goods by our white men, who transport them from this river upon In- dians' backs.
" About 150 miles westward are settled on Ocha- see River eleven towns of Indians, consisting of 600 men, among whom are several families of the afore- said Apalachys. These people are great warriors and hunters, and consume great quantities of English goods.
" About 150 miles west from these people, on the Chocta-kuchy River, there is a town of Indians settled for carrying on trade, who are very serviceable on that account. These people are seated about mid- way between Ochasee River and the settlements of the Tallabousies and the Attalbanees. They have many towns, and consist of at least 1300 men, are great warriors, and trade with this government for great quantities of goods.
" About 200 miles from the Tallabousies and the Attalbanees westward, lie the nations of Indians called the Chickysaws, who are at least in number 600 men. These Indians are stout and warlike. They are divided part in the English interest, and part in the French. There is a factory settled by
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those French about four days' journey down that river whereon the Tallabousies and Attalbanees live.
" We have but few skins or furs from the Chicky- saws, they living so distant it will hardly answer the carriage. Slaves is what we have in exchange for our goods, which these people take from several na- tions of Indians that live beyond them.
" The Cherokee Indians live about 250 miles north- west from our settlements, on a ridge of mountains ; they are a numerous people, but very lazy ; they are settled in 60 towns, and are at least 500 men. The trade we have with them is inconsiderable, they being but ordinary hunters and less warriors.
" There are several other nations of Indians that inhabit to the northward of us; our trade as yet with them is not much, but we are in hopes to improve it very shortly.
" From the aforesaid several nations of Indians are brought and shipped for England, one year with an- other, at least 50,000 skins; to purchase which re- quires at least ££2500 or £3000-first cost of goods in England. The goods proper for a trade with the Indians are English cottons, broadcloth of several colors, duffels blue and red, beads of several sorts and sizes, axes, hoes, falchions, small fusee guns, powder, bullets, and small shot.
"St. Augustine, a Spanish garrison, being planted to the southward of us about 100 leagues, makes Carolina a frontier to all the English settlements on the Main.
* The remaining portion of this interesting Report, about the condi- tion of the fortifications of Charles Town, was given in part on p. 207.
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Two years subsequent to this report, [1710], the whites in the colony were computed to be .12 of the whole inhabitants, Indian subjects .66, and the negro slaves .22; of the whites again the planters were .70, merchants about .13, and artisans .17; with respect to religion the Episcopal party were .42, the Presby- terians, including the French who retained their own discipline, 45, the Anabaptists .10 ; and the Quakers about .03 .*
The prices of daily labor in currency of the colony, (at that time nearly equal to sterling,) were for a tailor 5s., a bricklayer 6s., a cooper 4s., a weaver 3s., a shoemaker 2s. 6d., a smith 7s. 6d., carpenters and join- ers from 3s. to 5s., a laborer from 1s. 3d. to 2s., with food and lodgings. Overseers of plantations got from £15 to £40 per annum; and persons en- gaged to trade with the Indians, from £20 to £100 per annum.
The taxes were raised for extraordinary purposes from real and personal estate, and generally from imports of wines, liquors, sugar, molasses, flour, bis- cuit, negro slaves, &c .; dry goods imported paid three per cent., and deerskins exported 3d per skin. The duties amounted to about &4,500 per annum, which was then £1,000 more than the annual ex- penses of the government.
These expenses consisted of £1,000 for ten Epis- copal ministers; the same for finishing and repairing fortifications; £600 for officers and soldiers in gar- rison; £300 for military stores, E250 for the gover-
* Sec Glenn's Description ; 2 Carr. Coll. 248, et. seq.
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nor, and £400 for incidental charges. The overplus was intended for sinking the bills of credit.
These bills* were first struck for six thousand pounds after the unsuccessful expedition against St. Augustine, [1703], and bore twelve per cent. interest. To offer them in payment was a legal tender, and if refused the creditor lost his claim for the debt. But such refusal never occurred, for the paper was hoarded for the sake of the interest. An addition of several thousand pounds were stamped, and the " old currency" exchanged for the new, which was without interest, for the purpose of throwing the bills more in circulation, and to save the treasury from accumulating demands. Nothwithstanding this change the bills remained at par, until the subsequent issue of very large amounts caused their depreciation.+ There was little English coin in circulation ; and va- rious values in colonial paper currency were attached to German, Peruvian, Mexican, French, and Spanish pieces of gold and silver. To prevent the confusion
* 2 Stat. 210.
t These bills were indented to prevent counterfeits, and were at first of denominations from 50s. to £20, paid out of the treasury to creditors and claimants against the government, receivable for taxes, &c. They were issued by the Assembly, [1703] " following the examples of many great and rich countries, who have helpt themselves in their exigencies with funds of credit, which have fully answered the ends of money." They were to be called in and cancelled, in a short time, by money raised by assessment on real and personal property. The money so ob- tained was absorbed in preparations to defend the province against the French and Spaniards, and the bills of credit continued till 1707, and then augmented and continued, the Assembly still " helping themselves in their exigencies." llow great those exigencies were will be here- after seen. Consult 2 Stat., Notes, pp. 708-713.
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arising from the different rates at which these pieces passed in the different colonies, a uniform value was attached to them by a proclamation from the mother country in the sixth year of Queen Anne's reign. [1707.] Hence the denomination of " proclamation money," the standard of which was £133 68. 6d. paper currency for £100 sterling.
The commerce between South Carolina and Eng- land employed on an average twenty-two vessels. [1710]. The manufactures and slaves imported were only in part paid for by returns of colonial pro- duce. The balance was required by the merchants in specie, and exchange sold in Charles Town at fifty per cent. premium, and year after year still higher. But the Carolinians held a monopoly of rice, and it was soon raised to four times its former price, and other produce in proportion as the currency de- preciated. The merchants of London began now to become a new and important power near the throne, ever watchful of the embarrassments of Carolina, and prompt to complain of the maladministration of the lords proprietors.
The planters sowed rice in furrows eighteen inches apart, about a peck to an acre, with a yield of thirty to sixty bushels. It was cleaned by mills turned by horses or oxen. The lands, after a few years culture, lay fallow, and were esteemed excellent pastures. The usual produce of corn to an acre was from eigh- teen to thirty bushels, with six bushels of Indian peas sown among it. Some planters had a thousand head of cattle. Two hundred was a common herd. Swine were raised in great numbers. Orchards of peaches
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and apples and various fruits, forests of acorns, and mild winters, rendered Carolina more abundant in stock than any other English colony.
The experience of forty years among an energetic people had drawn from forest, field, and stream, the same means of subsistence which we now enjoy. All the arts of peace were introduced, and education and religion had become matters of public concern. But wars and pestilence, tempests and inundations, had not spared them; and the noise of political strife, which disturbed the slumbers of their childhood, had now attuned itself to sounds not unpleasant to their ears.
The faction that had been formed for specific pur- poses, after the death of Gov. Blake, and transmuted, says Archdale, by Johnson's " chemical wit, zeal, and art,"# into a religious and high church party, (thereby obstructing that enlargement of liberty originally intended in the "scheme laid by the Earl of Shaftes- bury," &c.,) now fell asunder, when the period natu- rally arrived for reflection and reaction. They had accomplished in some measure their object; their power had been fluctuating, and no new policy was held in view for a continuance of their organization and energy. The elements of opposition were as little concentrated ; but nascent forces were already operating, which finally resulted in a combination of both parties, and a total change in the form of gov- ernment.
During the distraction at the capital of the pro-
* Description, &c., pp. 110-112.
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vince, and the confusion spread everywhere by the war against France and Spain, the traders among the Indians had lorded it with a high hand, and their abuses now occasioned fresh trouble and alarm. - The Assembly determined to remodel the whole plan of conducting the trade. Commissioners were created with full powers, executive and judicial, to settle without delay all difficulties. The customary pre- sents from the Indians, for which they expected spe- cial favors, went to the public treasury, and an equi- valent was proposed for the governor in lieu of these perquisites. Johnson demurred; it was his only " considerable source of income;" were not his ser- vices in the recent invasion " sufficient to excite their gratitude and liberality ?" The Assembly then sent a bill for his approval, designed in good faith and for the public welfare to prevent tumults at elections ; which he also rejected as contrary to instructions, and instantly proclaimed the dissolution of the As- sembly.
But his influence was passing away; and notwith- standing a renewal of devices, and the circulation of letters and reports against the "Presbyterians," that if elected they would bring the "French" most cer- tainly "under Pharaoh's bondage,"# still an inde- pendent house was returned, and Trott and Rhett failed to secure for the party clique a single member of their choice. These gentlemen had become ex- tremely unpopular. Connected by marriage, united in policy, talented, ambitious of leading the people,
* MS. Journals.
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correspondents with the proprietors or their secretary, holding under them high offices of profit and trust, and withal haughty and overbearing, they would per- sist in taking the reins like Phæton, even at the risk of setting the heavens on fire. For seven years they had in a great measure ruled the province ; and when the people deserted them the proprietors did not, and they retained always a degree of power despite the popular complaints against them. To their efficient aid also the church establishment was chiefly in- debted, and there was no hope of reversing the mea- sure under the charter or the crown. But the new Assembly, [June, 1707], was disposed to be quarrel- some, and began by resolving that Rhett "should not be longer sole commissioner for the fortifica- tions ;" and requesting to be informed how Trott obtained his position as deputy in the council, and that he be removed, as they were not officially noti- fied how Nicholas Trott, Esq., of London, had become proprietor.
Gov. Johnson replied that Clarendon's share had been assigned to Sothell, who died, and Amy had been elected to fill his place; that Amy, as a mar- riage portion for his daughter, whom Mr. Trott, of London, espoused, had assigned said share to him, and he had appointed his cousin the chief-justice of Caro- lina to be his deputy. The commons were not satis- fied ; and desired proof that the other proprietors had sanctioned the claims of Mr. Trott, of London ; and declared the chief-justice "an unfit man for any public commission or office." They sent Mr. Berris- ford, under their authority, to the Savannah Indians.
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At this the governor became indignant, as a slight to himself : he and his council alone having power to make war or peace. They next elected a receiver. If the proprietors or their deputies, said they, claim to appoint this officer under the charter, they can as well claim to appoint the speaker of the Assembly. Was it not strange that the greater power of dis- posing of the public money was in the people, and the lesser power, incidental to it, of choosing the re- ceiver of the money, should be denied them ? They proceeded to nominate Col. George Logan for the office. The governor violently objected ; in response, they unanimously elected him. They appointed a committee on grievances, and sent their report to the Queen of England. They prepared specific charges against Trott, and desired the governor and council to displace him from his office of judge, and that he · be tried at court upon the charges. "The whole body of the people have such an aversion against him, upon just grounds, that they will neither bring their actions nor serve as jurymen, until he be either punished or legally cleared of what is laid against him."* Jolinson refused to remove him, as unprece- dented and contrary to law, and wished the house to impeach him before the council. But they preferred to have him tried before some judge appointed in his place ; while Trott, on the other hand, declared that he could only be tried in England before the pro- prietors from whom he held his commission. Will it add to the picture of these angry times to bring to the bar of the house, if a deputy can be brought
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