USA > Tennessee > Sullivan County > Historic Sullivan; a history of Sullivan County, Tennessee, with brief biographies of the makers of history > Part 10
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On one occasion, while the Sevier court was in session at Jonesboro, Tipton, at the head of a small army, en- tered the courthouse, turned out all the magistrates and took possession of the papers. Later Sevier, in like manner, returned the party call, ousted the officials and retook the papers, which his brother, Valentine Sevier, hid in a cave.3 In this way many valuable records, both of marriages and deeds were destroyed or lost, causing confusion and litigation in after years.
Sevier began to look about him for sympathy and sup- port from the outside, as he saw that the opposition was gaining strength. He had previously appealed to Gov. Patrick Henry, promising not to consider any proposition tending toward an alliance with the Southwest Virgin-
3The effect of this concealment and consequent exposure to the earth can be s een on the remaining Washington county records.
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THE STATE OF FRANKLIN.
ians, who wished to join the State of Franklin.4
Both parties, during 1786, tried to collect taxes, but when the people declined to pay, professing they did not know which side to recognize, enforcement was not at- tempted, so then as now, taxes were dodged.
On all sides the adherents of the new state were leav- ing it. Judge David Campbell, the presiding judge, had accepted a senatorship in the Assembly of North Carolina, while Sullivan County sent Martin, Maxwell and Scott.
The beginning of the year 1787 found the Franklin commonwealth frail, with a gloomy future facing it, but whose few loyal supporters were still defiant and ready to stand by it to the last.
Gov. Sevier, in his desperation, was using every effort to stay the end.
At one time the governorship was tendered Evan Shel- by, but was declined. He had tried to remain neutral and did not figure in any of the previous proceedings.5 Sevier sent Maj. Elholm, his friend and trusted ally, to make overtures to Georgia, promising his troops to aid in putting down the Creeks. Elholm's mission was indeed fruitful, for the Governor of Georgia, instructed by the legislature, communicated his desire for a coalition, and to further strengthen their interest a sum of money was voted to aid any military enterprise. He also expressed gratitude for the proffered help and friendship.
4Patrick Henry, the Governor of Virginia, took an alarming view. He did not at any time fear the outcome of the Revolution so much as he dreaded the prospect of Southwest Virginia in rebellion against her own state. The Separatist movement in Washington county, Virginia, "threatened the dismemberment of the Old Dominion" (Ramsey). "The proposed limits, "wrote the governor, "in- clude a vast extent of country in which we have numerous and very respectable settlements which in their growth will form a barrier between this country and those, who, in the course of events may occupy the vast places westward of the mountains, some of whom have views incompatable with our safety." "Already the militia of that part of the sate is the most respectable we have," and further on he speaks of Washington county as "that nursery of soldiers from which future armies may be levied." He seemed to deplore the part Col. Arthur Campbell was taking in the movement to join the State of Franklin. (The reader is re- minded that France and Spain were then in possession of "the vast places west- ward.")
5The attitude of Sullivan County toward the Franklin movement is not gen- erally understood. The majority in Sullivan County opposed it, not so much on account of their sympathy with the opposition, but because of the Shelby influence. "My grandfather was bitterly opposed to the Franklin movement."- Isaac Shelby, Jr., MSS. letter to Robert Deery, 1876.
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HISTORIC SULLIVAN.
As a last resort Sevier wrote to Franklin, for whom the state was named, and got in reply a cautiously worded letter of apathetic interest-"I am sensible," he wrote, "of the honor which your Excellency and your council do me, but being in Europe when your State was formed I am too little acquainted with the circumstances to be able to offer you anything just now that may be of importance, since everything material that regards your welfare will doubtless have occurred to yourselves." He then gives fatherly advice to the young foundling as to patching up the differences with North Carolina. In cool politeness and statecraft he concludes: "I will endeavor to inform myself more perfectly of your affairs by inquiry and search- ing the records of Congress and if anything should occur to me that I think may be useful to you, you shall hear from me thereupon."6
He told them nothing more than they already knew. In time the people of the little state, had they succeeded, may have resented such apathy.
In marked contrast the people of Georgia, on various occasions, were drinking the toast: "Success to the State of Franklin, his excellency, Gov. Sevier and his virtuous citizens."
Gov. Mathews, on the 5th of November, 1787, seeing an opportunity to profit by tender of aid, declared war against the Creeks and issued a proclamation or invita- tion to the new state to aid in the expulsion of the Indians. He was willing to recognize the new state in so far as it did not violate the national interest, and, therefore, in consideration of this, was willing to permit her soldiery to come down and risk their lives in behalf of Georgia. If they so minded fifteen hundred of them could come. Such magnanimity on the part of the pawky governor was overwhelming, and, in response to this summons, fifteen hundred of her valiant sons mobilized themselves around their own firesides and staid at home.
6Franklin's letter to Governor John Sevier, 1787.
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THE STATE OF FRANKLIN.
The Legislature of Franklin had its last meeting in September, 1787, in Greeneville, which had become the permanent seat of government. They sent representa- tives, in the persons of Judge David Campbell and Landon Carter, to the North Carolina Legislature, then sitting at Tarborough. Campbell's acceptance, a little later, of a senatorship in that assembly engendered considerable denunciation.
END OF THE STATE OF FRANKLIN.
It was evident North Carolina did not intend to recog- nize Franklin. This precipitated a little civil war. An execution against the estate of Sevier caused the seizure of nearly all his slaves, he, at the time, being on the fron- tier fighting the Indians. On hearing of the seizure he hastened home, raised one hundred and fifty men and marched on Tipton's house, in the early part of 1788. He was further enraged when he heard that Tipton's ob- ject was to seize him also. Tipton had only time to sum- mon about fifteen men, after he learned of Sevier's inten- tion, before he found himself confronted by this little army. He barricaded his house, determined to defend himself to the utmost. Sevier, with a small piece of ordi- nance, stationed himself on a slight eminence near Tip- ton's house and demanded the unconditional surrender of Tipton and all his men, threatening, if they refused, to fire on the house.
Tipton sent him word, "fire and be damned."
He then cautiously despatched a few messengers to summon more men to his assistance. One of these went to George Maxwell, of Sullivan County, who was, at the time, colonel of militia. Cols. Scott, Pemberton and Cowan accompanied Maxwell, in quick time,with one hundred and eighty men. They staid the fore part of the night at Dungan's Mill, intending to make a sur- prise attack at sunrise. Sevier's scouts, who had been spying about, came up very close to them, but did not
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discover them and, it being very cold, returned to camp to get warm. A strict watch was kept on Tipton's house in order that they might intercept any one going in or coming out, which resulted in the death of a man named Webb and the wounding of a neighbor woman, acciden- tally shot in the shoulder.7
Just before daybreak Maxwell and his men cautiously marched up within gunshot of the Sevier party. They then gave a great shout and this, assisted by a volley8 from one hundred and eighty guns and the besieged men pouring out to add to the noise, had such a demoralizing effect on the opposition they at once retired.
A blinding snowstorm, just beginning, added to the con- fusion, but was very opportune, coming like a veil to hide from each other warring neighbors and friends.
It was a time when none could be spared from the de- fense of the frontier. Among the captured were two of Sevier's sons, whom Tipton, in his uncontrollable rage, decided to hang, but, by much persuasion and friendly intercession, was prevented.9
Sevier withdrew from these scenes and was soon en- gaged in daring raids through the Indian country. On his return, after spending a day in holiday-making with his companions, he decided to spend the night with a friend. Tipton, hearing of this, with several followers, surrounded the house and demanded Sevier. At sight of him, Tipton unraveled his wrath and was, with diffi- culty, prevented from shooting him. He had Sevier hand- cuffed and sent to Morgantown, North Carolina, for trial
7Shot by mistake .- Ramsey.
8The discharge of the guns was ordered by the officers as a precaution against shooting Sevier's men, there being no desire on the part of Maxwell's forces to shed blood unless self-defense made it necessary.
9Tipton was a man of intelligence and great energy, but had a temper he could not temporize. In a comparison of the two men, Sevier and Tipton, we find one of the best illustrations in history of how little a man of waspish mind can avail against one of self-control. Sevier climbed from one promotion to another while Tipton, though always recognized as a man of power, never arose higher than where he first began. He was a smudge-fire man-while he was not smoking he was in a blaze. In after years the descendants of John Tipton ex- plained that relatives of Webb-the man who was killed-and not Tipton, were the ones who demanded the lives of the Seviers.
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on various charges-his Franklin affair and for allowing to go unpunished the murder of some friendly Cherokee chiefs who were in his custody.
Sevier's sensational escape, at his trial, by leaping upon a waiting horse, assisted by some of his faithful followers, marked the closing chapter of the storm tossed little State of Franklin.
But all Tennesseans look back with pride upon the State of Franklin. The disaffections and divisions in the ranks of that day, and the prejudices thereby engendered, have softened with the departing years.
Sevier had been taught in the rough school of pioneer politics and when the time came for him to take hold of the helm of the ship of state he steered it safely through the tempest of those disturbing times.
WILLIAM BLOUNT.
A BIOGRAPHY.
Next to Shelby and Sevier the name of Blount is the most compelling in our nomenclature. He was the first governor of the first recognized government organization west of the Alleghanies. He chose as his official residence, when he came to take charge as governor of the Territory south of Ohio, the home of William Cobb in "The Forks" of Sullivan County, near Piney Flats. Blountville,1 the county seat, was named for him.
He was a polished diplomat and a gentleman of culture, commanding in presence and power. He understood the people with whom he had to deal and they understood him.
"He was of an ancient English family of wealth and rank, which at an early day emigrated to North Carolina. The name is often mentioned in the annals of that State during the Revolution. Mr. Blount was remarkable for his address, courtly manners, benignant feelings and a most impressive presence. His urbanity, his personal influence over men of all conditions and ages, his hos- pitality unostentatiously, but yet elegantly and gracefully extended to all, won upon the affections and regard of the populace and made him a universal favorite. He was at once the social companion, the well-bred gentle- man and the capable officer."
Jacob Blount, the father of William Blount, was a mem- ber of the War Congress of North Carolina.
He was twice married. By his first wife he had eight children, of whom William was the eldest, and by his sec-
1The Blounts have been singularly honored in Tennessee. Blountville and Blount county were named for William Blount, while Maryville, the county seat of Blount county, and Grainger county were named for his wife. Blount college, which was later merged into East Tennessee University and still later, University of Tennessee, was named for him-he being one of the directors.
WILLIAM BLOUNT
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WILLIAM BLOUNT.
ond wife he had five children, one of whom was Willie.2 William and Willie, half brothers, each became governor, each serving six years in that capacity. William Blount was born in Bertie county, North Carolina, March 26, 1749. He was married February 12, 1778, to Mary Granger, daughter of Col. Caleb Granger, of Wilmington, North Carolina.
The Blounts were in the battle of The Alamance.3
When Congress finally accepted from North Carolina the ceded lands, which afterward became Tennessee, Washington appointed William Blount Governor of the Territory south of the Ohio. In addition he had the su- pervision of the Indian agency.
During his encumbency he had many perplexing duties to perform, requiring sound judgment, a firm hand and sympathy, for he was polishing this rough structure pre- paratory to self-government. His most difficult prob- lems were the troublesome Indian affairs, which he solved satisfactorily to all concerned.
Gov. Blount arrived in Sullivan County October 10, 1796, and at once entered upon his work. One of his first acts and one in which he was very zealous, was to encourage immigration. In consequence of this increas- ing interest the population grew in unparalleled rapidity from six thousand in 1790 to seventy-seven thousand in 1795-sixty thousand being required for admission to statehood.
The constitutional convention met in Knoxville, Jan- uary 11, 1796. Gov. Blount was chosen president and a constitution was adopted that lasted from 1796 to 1834.4
John Sevier was chosen by this convention first Gover-
2The names and official rank of the two Blounts have often been confusing. William was the territorial governor and United States Senator, while Willie (not Wylie) became Governor of Tennessee.
3On account of unjust taxation and exhorbitant fees exacted by officers of the crown, the people of Western North Carolina formed themselves into a band of Regulators to oppose these officers. A force of these, numbering more than two thousand, was met by Gov. Tyron, May 16, 1771 on the Alamance and was defeated -some refugeeing on the Holston.
4Thomas Jefferson decided it the best state constitution in the United States.
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nor of Tennessee. William Blount, the retiring territorial governor, and William Cocke were elected the first United States Senators. They took their seats in the fourth Congress, of 1796.
On July 3rd, next year, President Adams sent a confi- dential letter to the Senate, full of alarm. This alarm was due to a letter that had been discovered, addressed by Senator Blount to "Dear Carey." It was read before the Senate during the absence of the Senator, but on his return was reread and he was asked if he had written it. He replied he had written a letter to Carey, but could not say whether this copy was correct, and asked time to ex- amine his papers. This was granted.
This Carey letter was written at the mouth of Steeles Creek in Sullivan County, within five miles of the county seat and, since it influenced the official life of the nation from the President down, aroused the greatest excitement and came near creating international complications, it is given in full:
COL. KING'S IRON WORKS, 5 April 21, 1797.
Dear Carey:
I wished to have seen you before I returned to Philadelphia, but I am obliged to return to the session of Congress which commences on the 15th of May.
Among other things that I wished to have seen you about was the business of Captain Chisholm mentioned to the British Minister last winter in Philadelphia.
I believe, but am not quite sure, that the plan then talked of will be attempted this fall, and if it is attempted, it will be in a much larger way than then talked of, and if the Indians act their part, I have no doubt but it will suceed. A man of consequence has gone to England about this business; and if he makes arrangements, I shall myself have a hand in the business, and shall probably be at the head of the business on the part of the British.
You are, however, to understand that it is not yet quite certain that the plan will be attempted, and to do so will require all your
5Description of the iron works is given in chapter on "Industries."
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WILLIAM BLOUNT.
management. I say will require all your management, because you must take care in whatever you say to Rogers 'or anybody else, not to let the plan be discovered by Hawkins, Dinsmoor, Byers or any other person in the interest of the United States or of Spain.
If I attempt this plan, I shall expect to have you and all of my Indian friends with me, but you are now in good business I hope, and you are not to risk the loss of it by saying anything that will hurt you until you again hear from me. Where Captain Chisholm is I do not know. I left home in Philadelphia in March, and he frequently visited the Minister and spoke about the subject; but I believe he will go into the Creek Nation by way of South Carolina or Georgia. He gave out that he was going to England, but I do not believe him. Among things that you may safely do, will be to keep up my consequence with Watts and the Creeks and Cherokees generally; and you must by no means say anything in faver of Hawkins, but as often as you can with safety to yourself, you may teach the Creeks to believe he is no better than he should be. Any power or consequence he gets will be against our plan. Perhaps Rogers, who has an office to lose, is the best man to give out talks against Hawkins. Read the letter to Rogers, and if you think it best to send it, put a wafer in it and forward it to him by a safe hand; or perhaps, you had best send for him to come to you, and speak to him yourself respecting the state and prospect of things.
I have advised you in whatever you do to take care of yourself. I have now to tell you to take care of me too, for a discovery of the plan would prevent the success and much injure all parties concerned. It may be that the Commissioners may not run the line as the Indians expect or wish, and in that case it is probable that the Indians may be taught to blame me for making the treaty.
To such complaints against me, if such there be, it may be said by my friends, at proper times and places, that Doublehead confirmed the treaty with the President at Philadelphia, and received as much as five thousand dollars a year to be paid to the Nation over and above the first price; indeed it may with truth be said that though I made the treaty that I made it by the instructions of the President, and in fact, it may with truth be said that I was by the President, instructed to purchase much more land than the Indians would agree to sell. This sort of talk will be throwing all the blame off on the late President, and as he is now out of office, it will be of no consequence how much the Indians blame him. And among other things that may be said for me, is that I was not at the running of the line, and that if I had been, it would have been more to their satisfaction. In short, you understand the subject, and must take care to give out the proper talks to keep my consequence with the Creeks and Cherokees. Can't Rogers contrive to get the Creeks to desire the President to take Hawkins out of the nation? for if he stays
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in the Creek Nation, and gets the good will of the Nation, he can and will do great injury to our plan.
When you have read this letter over three times, then burn it. I shall be in Knoxville in July or August, when I will send for Watts and give him the whiskey I promised him.
I am, &c,
WM. BLOUNT
The preceding letter was enclosed in a cover, with the following directions, viz: "Mr. James Carey, Tellico Block House."
The senate committee, after a brief and hurried investi- gation of five days, when Senator Blount refused to an- swer questions, presented the following conclusion by resolution :
"Resolved that William Blount, Esq., one of the Sena- tors of the United States, having been guilty of a high misdemeanor, entirely inconsistent with his public trust and duty as a Senator, be and he hereby is, expelled from the Senate of the United States."
The resolution was adopted by a vote of twenty-five to one-Senator Tazewell, of Virginia, voting in the nega- tive. On the same day the House appointed a committee composed of Sitgreaves, Baldwin, Dana, Dawson and Har- per "to prepare and report articles of impeachment" and were granted power to send for persons, papers and records.
The two most important witnesses will be introduced, giving in brief the text of the trial-Nicholas Romaine and James Carey :
INTERROGATORIES OF THE COMMITTEES AND ANSWERS OF THE DEPONENT6
1. Who was the friend at whose request you wrote to William Blount, while Governor of the Southwestern Territory, about the purchase of military lands?
Answer. It was Mr. Edward Griswold, now resident of Paris.
2. You have said that articles of agreement were drawn up be- tween you and William Blount, previously to your departure for Europe, in 1795. Were they executed, and what was their tenor?
6From Gen. Marcus J. Wright's, "Life of Blount."
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WILLIAM BLOUNT.
A. They were executed, and are, I understand, in possession of the Committee. They related solely to lands, and their tenor and contents may be discovered from a perusal.
3. How long did you remain in Europe, and what part of it?
A. Something more than a year; during which time I visited first England, then Holland, France, and Belgium; from whence I returned to England, and after a short stay there, embarked for New York.
4. Who were the persons in whose hands you left certain maps and papers on your departure for England?
A. I left them with different persons. They were wholly of a private nature, and in no manner connected with the subject of this examination.
5. Are you acquainted with Sir William Pulteney; and if you are, did your acquaintance commence with him before you visited England in 1795?
A. It did not. My acquaintance with him arose from letters from Mr. Williamson, in the Genesee country, to him, with which I was particularly charged. The personal delivery of those letters, which I understood to relate to private concerns, gave rise to conversation between us, and that led to a further acquaintance.
6. Were you acquainted, while in England, in 1795, with Lord Grenville, or with Mr. Dundas?
A. Not with Lord Grenville. With Mr. Dundas I had some acquaintance, having been introduced to him by a gentleman at whose house I met him at dinner. This gentleman afterwards carried me to breakfast with Mr. Dundas, whose desire of acquaintance with me might have arisen from some sketches which I had written respect- ing this country, and which I believe were seen by him. This was all the acquaintance or intercouse I had with Mr. Dundas.
7. Did not those persons, or some, and which of them, in those conversations, express to you a desire to add Louisiana or the Floridas, or both, to the British crown; and did you not hear this desire expressed by some other, and what persons of consideration in England?
A. I never heard such a wish expressed by those or any other persons in England.
8. Were you, while in England, requested by any, or what persons to sound the people of the United States on the subject of a plan to annex Florida or Louisiana, or both, to the British crown; or to make some propositions tending that way?
A. No such request or overtures were ever made to me. The plan originated between Mr. Blount and myself, as far as I know, in the manner stated by me in my deposition.
9. In your conversations in England with persons of consideration, was any mention made of a description of people in this country who wished to separate the Western settlements from the Union?
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A. No mention of such persons was made to me by any persons whatever.
10. How long have you been acquainted with the British Minister in this country, and by what means did you come to know him?
A. I was introduced to him at London, by Mr. Pickney, soon after his appointment to this country, and I paid him a visit and left some letters for America, of which he took charge. I have never seen him since his arrival in America.
11. On your return to this country, in 1796, you wrote to Governor Blount, Did you urge him to meet you in New York?
A. I did write to him, as stated in my deposition, and spoke of some private business; but I did not mention this subject, nor did I request him to come to New York. His arrival there in February was without my knowledge or privity, and, as I understood, for private business of his own.
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