USA > Tennessee > History of Tennessee from the earliest time to the present : together with an historical and a biographical sketch of from twenty-five to thirty counties of east Tennessee, V.2 > Part 38
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Mr. John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, about that time, presented to Congress a petition, praying for a dissolution of the Union, and the Whigs of Tennessee charged the thirteen Democratic Senators, who, by their obstructive tactics had prevented the election of United States Senators, with having taken an important step toward effecting the very result for which Mr. Adams' petitioners had only prayed.
The Legislature of 1841, besides failing to eleet Senators to Con- gress, also failed to redistrict the State, as required to do by the consti- tution, into senatorial and representative districts. In order that these duties might be performed as soon as practicable, Gov. Jones convened the Legislature in extra session October 3. 1842. This Legislature
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failed to elect United States Senators, but it did succeed in redistricting the Stato; and the Whigs being in the majority, controlled the construc- tion of the redistricting bill, which clicited vigorous protests from Democratic members of both Senate and House, as being unjust to the Democratic party of tho State; a flagrant outrage upon popular rights; as overshadowing all gerrymandering that had ever been attempted in any State of the Union; as a violation of the eternal principles of justice and right; and as a sacrifico of the rights of citizenship upon the altar of party.
But notwithstanding these charges of unfairness against the Whig members of the Legislature, Gov. Jones was elected in 1813 over ex- Gov. Polk by & majority of 8,533, and the Legislature became strongly Whig in both branches, the Senate having, fourteen Whigs to eleven Democrats, and the House forty Whigs to thirty-five Democrats --- a Whig majority of eight on joint ballot, hence it was an easy matter for the Whigs to fill the two vacant seats in the United States Senate, with- out going into joint convention, the method they insisted upon in 1541, when that was the only method in which it was possible for them to suc- ceed. On the 17th of October, 1843, therefore, they proceeded to elect Ephraim H. Foster to succeed Felix Grundy, and Spencer Jarnagin to succeed Judge White; each of these successful candidates receiving four- teen votes in the Senate and forty in the House of Representatives-a strict party vote.
In the Presidential election of 1844 the annexation of Texas was the principal issue, and, hence, when Henry Clay, on the 17th of April of that year, expressed himself as opposed to annexation, the hopes of the Democrats of the State were greatly elevated, for they believed that no candidate could be elected President unless he favored annexation; and when on the 20th of the same month Mr. Van Buren announced himself as also opposed to annexation, his enemies in the Democratic party were greatly elated, for they then became certain that he could not become the nominee of the Democratic party. When the Whig convention met on the 1st of May, at Baltimore, it nominated Mr. Clay for the Presidency by acclamation, and on the 27th of the same month. in the same city, Mr. Van Buren's chances were ruthlessly destroyed by the adoption of the two-thirds rule. There were 266 votes in the convention, of which, on the first ballot, Mr. Van Buren received 146, to 116 for all others. On the second ballot he received 127, and on the eighth ballot 104. On this ballot James K. Polk, who was openly and strongly in favor of annexa- tion, received his first support, forty-four votes, and on the ninth ballot ha received 233 votes, and was nominated.
4
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The result of the election was that Mr. Polk received 170 electoral votes to 105 for Mr. Clay, New York, with her thirty-six electoral votes having been carried for Mr. Polk, by the aid of James G. Birney, the ab- olition candidate for the presidency. Tennessee, however, preferred to support Mr. Clay, and gave him 60,039 votes to 59,915 for Mr. Polk, thus giving to the Whig candidate her thirteen electoral votes* by the slen- der majority of 124, and thus was Mr. Polk the first presidential candi- date in the history of the country who was not supported by his own State.
On March 4, JS15, the senatorial term of E. H. Foster expired, and on the 25th of October the Legislature elected Hopkins L. Turney as his successor. In August of that year Aaron V. Brown was elected goy- ernor of the State, receiving 58,262 votes to 56,646 cast for E. H. Fos- ter, and the Democratic party elected a majority of the Legislature. The Senate, however, was evenly divided, twelve Whigs and twelve Demo- crats, and an episode worthy of remembrance occurred in the election of speaker. The Democrats nominated Jolin A. Gardner for the position, but the Whigs were determined be should not be elected on account of his having been one of the thirteen Democratic senators who, in 1841 and 1842, prevented the election of two Whig senators to Congress. After 133 ballots had been cast Mr. Gardner withdrew, and on the 138th ballot Harvey M. Watterson was elected. In 1847 Neill S. Brown was elected governor, receiving 61,469 votes to 60,454 cast for Gov. A. V. Brown, and on the 22d of November, on the 4Sth ballot, John Bell was elected United States senator to succeed Spencer Jarnagin.
The presidential election of 1815 resulted in there being cast in Ten- nessee 64,705 votes for Gen. Zachary Taylor, and 58, 419 for Gen. Lewis Cass, a Whig majority of 6,256. In 1849, however, the current of po- litical opinion had so far changed as to elect Gen. William Trousdale gov- ernor (Democratic) over Neill S. Brown (Whig), the former receiving 61,740 votes, the later 60,350, and the Legislature became a tie on joint ballot, the Senate being composed of 14 Whigs and 11 Democrats, while the House of Representatives contained 36 Whigs and 39 Democrats. In 1851 political sentiment turned again in favor of the Whigs, who elected Judge William B. Campbell governor, giving him 63,333 votes, while the Democrats could wuster only 61,678 in favor of Gov. Trousdale, and the Legislature elected that year was strongly Whig, the Senate having 16 Whigs to 9 Democrats, and the House 40 Whigs to 35 Demo- crats, though the Democrats succeeded in electing 7 members to Con-
*The extra vergine of the Le nature of Isti changed the law as to Electoral Districts, making them: con- form to the Congressional Districts, which were at that time reduced to eleven, and provided for two electors kt large.
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gress to the Whigs 4. In 1852 Tennessee cast 58,802 votes for Gen. Winfield Scott for President, to 57,123 for Franklin Pierce, but in 1:53 Andrew Johnson was elected governor over Gustavus A. Henry, the Whig candidate, by a majority of 2,261 in a total vote of 124,581. In 1553 Andrew Johnson was re-elected governor over the American candidate, Meredith P. Gentry, the vote being for Johnson 67,499, and for Gentry 65.224.
In the canvass preceding this election the two rival candidates made laudable efforts to "locate " each other politically-Mr. Johnson placing Mr. Gentry among the Federalists by showing that he was willing to vote for Webster for President in 1852, and by calling attention to his vote in Congress for the appropriation for President Harrison's widow; while Mr. Gentry "located" Mr. Johnson among the Abolitionists, by showing that he was in favor of dividing the State into Congressional Districts on the basis of the voting population, thus ignoring the " three- fifths of all other persons," who could not be constitutionally ignored. This proposition was known as " Johnson's white basis scheme."
In 1856 the tide of political sentiment had begun turning quite strongly in favor of the Democratic party, as shown in the election for President-James Buchanan receiving 73,688 votes. while Millard Fill- more, the American candidate, received only 66,178-and by this vote were elected Democratic presidential electors for the first time since 1532, and for the second time in the history of the State. Fremont, the Republican candidate for the presidency, received no votes in Tennessee. In 1860, when occurred the last presidential election previous to the civil war, the vote was as follows: For John Bell, 69,176; for John Breekin- ridge, 64,500; and for Stephen A. Douglas, 11,380. No votes were cast for Abraham Lincoln.
In 1857 Isham G. Harris was elected governor over Robert Hatton. the former receiving 71,178 votes to 59,807 for the latter; in 1859 Gov. Harris was re-elected over John Netherland, the votes being for the two candidates, respectively, 76.073 and 68,042; and in 1861 Isham G. Har- ris was again re-elected, receiving 70,273 to 37,915 votes cast for W. H. Polk. Thus stood the parties at the breaking out of the civil war.
The question of secession from the Union had been occasionally dis- cussed for years before it was finally attempted, but generally in earnest opposition. In 1850 the Hon. A. O. P. Nicholson expressed himself as entertaining strong Union sentiments, saying that " South Carolina may pass her secession ordinance, but from that day she will have no more peace." The policy of secession, however, gradually became more and more popular throughout the Southern States, but obtained a foothold
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more slowly in Tennessee than in the exclusively cotton States. The True Whig, published in Nashville, said in August, 1851:
It is a singular fact, yet nevertheless true, that every secessionist who has been elected to Congress in Alabama, North Carolina and Tennessee, or throughout the South, is a Democrat, and all the secession candidates in Mississippi, in which State the election cc- curs in October next, are Democrats.
To this charge the Daily American, also published in Nashville, replied:
There is error in this statement. Strictly speaking there has not been a secessionist elected to Congress from the States named. Some four or five of the members elected to Congress in North Carolina and Alabama believe in the right of secession as an abstract question, as a last resort for aggravated wrong, but not one of them, we believe, is in favor of its exercise for present causes. As to Tennessee, we are at a loss to know who of the members are thus designated as secessionists by the Whig. We do not know that a single one of them believes in the constitutional right of a State to secede, even as an ab- stract question.
It would be difficult, even if desirable, to affirm with precision, when any and which leading member of either the political parties of Tennes- seo first announced his belief in the doctrine of secession as an abstract right. But it is evident, from the following message of Gov. Isham C. Jfarris, that he, at least, at the time of its writing had become a convert to the doctrine:
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, February 28, 1960.
Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives:
I herewith transmit resolutions adopted by the Legislatures of South Carolina and Mis. sissippi upon Federal relations. Whilst I do not concur in their recommendations, not seeing the necessity or propriety of a convention of the slaveholding States at this time, I nevertheless deem it proper that I should communicate, and that you should respectfully consider the suggestion of our sister States.
Believing, as I do, that the people of Tennessee are loyal to the constitution, in all its parts, and with each and all of its guarantees possessing a jealous regard for the rights of the States; feeling justly apprehensive of encroachments upon them, they would feel and demonstrate, when necessary, their identity with avy of her sister States, in resisting any unjust or unconstitutional warfare upon them or their institutions.
The resistance should be, first. by the use of all the constitutional means in our power; to the end that the Union may be preserved as it was formed, and the blessings of a gov- ernment of equality under a written constitution perpetuated.
But if the hope of thus obtaining justice shall be disappointed, and the Federal Gov- ernment, in the hands of reckless fanatics, shall at any time become an engine of power to invade the rights of individuals and of States, to follow the example of our fathers of 1776, will be the only alternative left us. While there is much in the present attitude of parties, States and public men in the northern portion of the Confederacy to cause appre- hension as to the seenrity of our rights and the continuance of fraternal feeling, yet there is a probability, and a strong one, that wise, temperate and firm counsels may avert the impending evils.
¥ Respectfully, *
*
ISHAM G. HARRIS.
In the resolutions referred to by Gov. Harris in the above message, South Carolina had reafirmed her right to secede, as affirmed in her or- dinance of 1852, whenever the occasion should arise justifying her in her
HISTORY OF TENNESSEE.
own judgment in taking that step, and favoring the assembling ct the Southern States to concert measures for united action. And Missis- sippi had resolved that the election of a President of the United States by the votes of ono section of the Union ouly, on the ground of an irre- concilable conflict between the respective systems of labor of the two sec- tions, would so threaten a destruction of the ends for which the constitu- tion was formed, as to justify the slaveholling States in taking counsel together for their separate protection and safety.
The attitude of the Southern States thus illustrated was the imme- diate consequence of the Jolin Brown raid on Harper's Ferry, made Oc- tober 25, 1850. Eight days after John Brown's foolish aud fanatical out- break, a series of resolutions was introduced into the Tennessee Legisla- ture, recognizing the outbreak as the natural fruit of the "treasonable, irrepressible, conflict doctrine of the great head of the black Republican party, and that it becomes the imperative duty of national men of all parties throughout the Union to unite in crushing out its authors as traitors to their country." etc.
After the election of Mr. Lincoln to the presidency, the three great political parties in Tennessee, in the presence and anxiety of a common danger (for all were devotedly attached to the institution of slavery), were drawn more closely together in sentiment and feeling. They correctly and clearly perceived that imminent danger threatened the institution of slavery. The leaders of these three parties united in an address to the people of the State, recommending them to assemble in primary meetings to request the Governor to call together the Legislature, with a view to their providing for a State convention, the object of which should be to bring about a conference of the Southern States to consider the existing political troubles, and if possible to compose sectional strife. The first extra session of the Legislature of 1861, convened January 7. The speaker of the Senate, T. W. Newman, in the course of his opening ad- dress said :
We have been called together in the midst of revolution, the consequences of which no man can calculate, I fear no people can now remedy, no State counteract, no Covern- ment stop. The rejection of the just, fair and equitable propositions of the venerable senator from Kentucky staggers the hopes of the most conservative men of the South. Let the Southern States then assemble through their best, their ablest men, without dis- tinction of party. They will adopt a declaration, by which we will all stand, to which we can all pledge our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor. In Southern disunion there are destruction, defeat and ruin, while in co-operation and unity there are safety, property and happiness.
Gov. Harris addressed the Legislature in a long message in which he ably reviewed all the charges of aggression against the Northern people upon the institution of slavery and of its various violations of the Con-
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stitution of the United States; defended the South as not having violat- ed constitutional obligations, recommended several amendments to the constitution, one of which was that these amendments should never be changed without the consent of all the slave States. Ile also said:
If the non-slaveholding States should refuse to comply with a demand so just and reasonable; refuse to abandon at once and forever their unjust war upon us, our institu tions, and our rights; refuse, a, they have heretofore done, to perform in good faith the obligations of the compact of union --- much as we may appreciate the power, prosperity, greatness, and glory of this Government: deeply as we deplore the existence of causes which have already driven one State out of the Union; much as we may regret the imperative necessity which they have wantonly and wickedly forced upon us, every consideration of self-preservation and self-respect require that we should assert and maintain our "equal- ity in the Union, or independence out of it."
Thus powerfully did the Governor approach the Legislature, and through that body indirectly, and by other means directly, the people. The latter, however, were not ready for secession, John Bell, but a few months previously, as a candidate for the presidency upon a platform of one plank: "The Union, the Constitution, and the Enforcement of the Laws," had received over 69,000 votes, and Stephen A. Douglas over 11,000, and it may, with small risk of error, be assumed that this aggregate vote of 81,000 preferred union to disunion. But those who favored secession had the great advantage of able, earnest, and deter- mined leaders, while the Unionists, who should have been and might have been even more ably led by John Bell and Andrew John- son, were deprived of such leadership by the characteristic hesitancy of the former with respect to his proper course, and by the absence during a portion of the time from the State of the latter in the Sen- ate of the United States. Notwithstanding this great disadvantage the people of the State, under the less able but equally patriotic T. A. R. Nelson, Horace Maynard, William G. Brownlow and others, when, on the 9th of February they were called upon to decide calling a conven- tion to consider the proper course for the State to pursue, cast 91,803 votes against the convention, to 24, 749 in its favor. And up to the hour of the attack upon Fort Sumter, though the Governor and a majority of the Legislature were really in favor of joining the Southern Confederacy, yet they were unable to accomplish this result.
After this event it would doubtless have been impossible to stem the tide of secession sentiment. On the 8th of June, so great had been the change in public opinion that upon the questions of separation and no separation, representation and no representation, the vote stood in East Tennessee: For separation, 14,780; no separation, 32,023; representa- tion, 14,601; no representation. 82,962. Middle Tennessee: Separation, 68,265; no separation, 7,95€; representation, 58.199; no representation,
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8,299. West Tennessee: Separation, 29,127; no separation, 6,117; repre- sentation, 25,902; no representation, 6,104. Camps: Separation, 6.246; no separation, 6,840. Total vote: For separation, 108, 115; against separa- tion, 53,336; for representation, 101,701 ; against representation, 47,804.
On the 2d of July, by proclamation of Jefferson Davis, Tennessee became a member of the Southern Confederacy, and on Angust 1, 1561. a vote was taken on the question of the adoption of the permanent con- stitution of the Confederate States, resulting as follows: East Tennes- see -- for constitution, 19, 129; against it, 26,232. Middle Tennessee- for constitution, 42,931; against it, 2,254; West Tennessee-for consti- stitution, 22,938, against it, 1,86S. Military Camps --- for constitu- tion, 8,885; against it, 3. Total vote: For constitution, 85.133; against it, 30,357. On October 24, 1861, the Legislature elected two senators to the Confederate Congress, one from the old Democratic party, Landon C. Haynes, and the other from the old Whig party, Gus- tavus A. Honry.
On December 4, 1561, the following presidential electors met in Nashville to cast the vote of the State for President and Vice-President of the Confederate States of America: At large, Robert C. Foster and William Wallace. District electors-F. M. Fulkerson, W. L. Eakin, S. D. Rowan, John F. Doak, George W. Buchanan, Lucius J. Polk, G. A. Washington, R. F. Lamb, Robert B. Hunt, Joseph R. Mosby. John R. Fleming was elected by the foregoing to fill the vacancy caused by the absence of the chosen elector for the second district. After organization the vote of the college was unanimously for Jefferson Davis and Alexan- der H. Stephens for President and Vice-President of the Confederate States. From this time on, until a portion of the State was occupied by the United States soldiers, what political history the State had is mainly narrated in the military chapters.
As soon as a portion of Tennessee came under control of Federal authority, measures were taken for the re-establishment of local govern- ment. Gov. Johnson appointed new officers and instructed them to be guided in their course of official action by the constitution and the laws passed previous to the secession of the State. all colored persons coming before a judicial tribunal to be treated as free persons of color. By the latter part of 1564 the entire State had been regained. and on September 5 of that year a convention of loyal citizens assembled in the capitol at Nashville in pursuance of the following call:
At the request of a meeting of the loyal men representing the several divisions of the State of Tennessee at the capital in Nashville on the 2d day of August, 1864, and in ar- cordance with our own views, we do hereby call a convention of the loyal people of me State of Tennessee, to be holden at Nashville on the first Monday in September next, to
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take into consideration: 1st. The general state of the country. 2d. The means of reorga i- izing civil government and restoring law and order in the State of Tennessee. 3d. Tax expediency of holding a presidential election in the State in November next, and family to take such preliminary steps in reference to said matter as they may drem neer scary and proper, and we do most carne ily urge upon the loyal order-loving and law abiding people of every county in the State, the great importance of securing a full representation in said proposed convention.
W. G. BnowxLow. HORACE MAYNARD.
W. P. JONES. JOHN H. CAMPBELL.
M. M. BIEN. J. B. BINGHAM. W. H. FITCH, JR.
J. M. TOMENY.
About 250 delegates representing fifty-five counties were present. Gen. Samuel Milligan was chosen chairman. The convention remained in session for four days, during which time a series of resolutions was proposed and adopted. Among other things it was resolved that a cor- vention of the loyal people of the State should assemble at as early a day as possible to revise the State Constitution and reorganize the State Government, and that an election for President and Vice-President of the United States should be held in the following November, at which only known active friends of the National Government should be permitted to vote. At the same time the following Lincoln and Johnson electoral ticket was nominated: For the State at large, Horace Maynard and. W. H. Wisener; for East Tennessee, T. C. Honk, Robert A. Crawford. I.C Everett; for Middle Tennessee, J. O. Shackleford, W. B. Stokes, T. H. Gibbs; for West Tennessee, Almon Case, William H. Fitch. On the 30th of September Gov. Johnson issued a proclamation ordering au election to be held in accordance with the above resolution, and proserib- ing the following oath. to be administered to all voters not publicly known to be active friends of the United States Government:
I solemnly swear that I will henceforth support the Constitution of the United States and defend it against the assaults of all its enemies. That I am an active friend of the Government of the United States, and an enemy of the so called Confederate States; that I ardently desire the suppression of the present Rebellion against the Government of the United States; that I sincerely rejoice in the triumph of the armies and navies of the United States, and in the defeat and overthrow of the armies, navies and armed combina tions in the so-called Confederate States; that I will cordially oppose all armistices or negotiations for peace with R. bels in arms until the Constitution of the United States. and all laws and proclamations made in pursuance thereof shall be established over all the people of every State and Territory embraced within the National Union; and that I will earnestly all ard assist the loyal people in whatever measure may be adopted for the attainment of these ends; and further that I take this oath freely and voluntarily and without mental reservation. So help me God.
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