Old times in Tennessee, with historical, personal, and political scraps and sketches, Part 15

Author: Guild, Jo. C. (Josephus Conn), 1802-1883
Publication date: 1878
Publisher: Nashville, Tavel, Eastman & Howell
Number of Pages: 1012


USA > Tennessee > Old times in Tennessee, with historical, personal, and political scraps and sketches > Part 15


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


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It is believed that this was the beginning of the 'coon excite- ment. The Rio brought more especially the party emblem, the


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canoe, from Tippecanoe, one of Harrison's battle-fields ; but there had never before been any glorification of the 'coon. They had caught the idea of the log-cabin and hard cider as political em- blems from the accidental phraseology of a correspondent of a Baltimore paper, who, writing after the nomination of Gen. Har- rison, said he was a quiet old Hoosier, who, instead of the Presi- dency, would be entirely satisfied the remainder of his life with a comfortable log-cabin and a barrel of hard cider at the door. But the 'coon, it is believed, made his first appearance in the po- litical arena at Nashville, under the auspices of the Indiana dele- gation who came to present a canoe to the Tippecanoe Club of this city.


The extraordinary excitement of the people of the State was daily on the increase, and later in the summer, the big ball, as large as a house, was brought here on a steamer from Louisville, attended by Porter, the Kentucky Giant. It was launched from the steamer at the wharf amidst the shouts of many thousand Whigs, and received by the Straightouts, as an escort, as soon as it was rolled into Broadway. The Kentucky Giant, who was nearly eight feet in height, rolled it up Broadway, and then up the hill opposite Judge Grundy's, greeted all along the route by cheers and shouts that made the welkin ring. Then it was rolled up on Capitol Hill, which was densely covered with cedars, many of which, and especially the branches, had to be cut away to make a passage for the ball. Thence it was taken through the princi- pal streets to the Public Square.


There never was a greater party delusion during that successful campaign of the great Whig party than the emblematic displays they made. There was no attempt on their part to discuss the policy of the respective candidates or the principles of govern- ment. With their cider barrels on wheels, the rolling of big balls, their 'coons in cages, their coonskin caps, and log-cabin or caucus-hall, together with their uniformed companies, with 'coon- skins dangling from their heads to their wasts, carrying flags by day and transparencies by night, they completely overwhelmed all argument, carried the masses along with them, and defeated Van Buren by an overwhelming majority. Looking back upon that scene of remarkable excitement, it is difficult for one to be- lieve his own recollection of the sheer nonsense that so completely


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captivated and led the great majority of the American people ; yet it all stands as the undoubted history of the most astonishing popular delusion that ever seized upon the people of this country, so noted for their intelligence and sagacity.


As soon as the returns of the election began to come in the Nashville Democrats saw that their candidate was defeated. They gathered at the incoming of every mail around the post- office, and their fallen countenances told of the unwelcome tidings that were received. The returns of vast majorities for Gen. Har- rison in the Eastern States came tumbling over the mountains like an avalanche, while the great glee of the Whigs and the sor- rowful mood of the Democrats told the whole story. Banners of triumph were flying from the offices of the Whig newspapers, while Harris, of the Union, had gone home and retired to bed. The Straightouts, with their copperas jackets and coonskin caps, were out in full force that night, and they marched around into Union street, halting under the window of Harris' lodging room and giving "three cheers for Jeremiah George," called upon him to show himself. They were evidently in the best of humor, and throwing up the window he stepped out upon the balcony and said : " Well, gentlemen, the contest is over. We gave you the best fight we could give, but you have beaten us handsomely> and we must acknowledge the corn." Vociferously cheering for the speaker and for " Tip and Ty," the crowd surged along up the street.


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THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1844-HOW CLAY AND VAN BUREN COMMITTED POLITICAL SUICIDE.


The following letter, which was published a few months ago, contains some interesting reminiscences of the presidential cam- paign of 1844:


" NASHVILLE, December 1, 1877.


" Hon. John Trimble-Dear Sir: 'Some years ago, while in a conversation with you on scenes and incidents in the history of our country, I related an incident in the life of Gen. Jackson, to which I was a party, and at your request, I now give you a note of the facts as they occurred, almost verbatim.


" This circumstance occurred in the year in which Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren were the candidates for the Presidency.


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Judge Jo. C. Guild, then living at Gallatin, had been nominated for elector for this district, by the Democrats. In a speech made at the court-house in this city, he accepted the nomination, in the event Mr. Van Buren was not the nominee. The evening of the same day in which he made this speech, the mail brought a letter from Mr. Clay opposing the annexation of Texas. This produced a wonderful excitement, as Tennessee was almost unanimous for the annexation, and it caused many, who were Whigs, to take a decided stand against him. The Democrats were rejoiced at this letter, as Mr. Clay had injured himself by it, and a grand jolifi- cation took place that evening over what they thought would inevitably prove the defeat of Clay in Tennessee.


" After participating in the excitement, which continued until a late hour, I returned to my home, a few miles in the country, between the hours of ten and eleven o'clock. At two o'clock I was aroused from sleep by a messenger from Gen. Robert Arm- strong, in the city, informing me that the last mail had brought a letter from Mr. Van Buren, in which he had taken the same grounds on the Texas question that Mr. Clay had done, and urg- ing me to come immediately, and we would go together to the Hermitage. I forthwith went to meet him, and we were in such astonishment and confusion that we did not know what to do or say, and determined to start before daylight, without the knowl- edge of any living person, to the Hermitage. On our road we met but one person, old Billy Rutherford, who did not seem to recognize us. We arrived at the Hermitage at a very early hour in the morning, which surprised Gen. Jackson very much. . He, however, thought we had come to notify him of the jollification and supposed defeat of Mr. Clay, as when he met us he said he had received the information through Stokely Donelson, who passed by that night. He remarked, throwing his finger forward, by way of emphasis, 'I knew Mr. Clay would not be the Presi- dent, as he would commit some indiscretion that would defeat . him at the last moment,' and then added : 'Gentlemen, mark what I tell you, no man can be President who opposes the annex- ation of Texas.'


" I then opened as follows: ' General, we come to submit other developments to you, which have reached us since the jollification. The mail which came light in the night brought a letter from


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Mr. Van Buren, in which he takes the same ground on the Texas question that Mr. Clay has taken. This was so unexpdeted to us, and has caused so much confusion, that we are at sea without a rudder, and have come to you for advice as to the action we should take.' Gen. Jackson replied : ' It is a forgery; it must be. Mr. Van Buren never wrote such a letter.' I then handed him the letter to read, and told him that Gen. Armstrong and myself would go to the spring, while he would have time to read it, and form his own conclusions. We then left him and remained away nearly an hour. On our return to his room, he remarked : 'Mr. Van Buren must write a second letter in which he must explain himself.' Gen. Armstrong said he thought 'a second letter would do him no good ; it would not restore him; he had been so abused and ridiculed by the Whigs he could not carry Tennessee.' I here asked the General if he knew no other man available, and mentioned that Mr. Calhoun might be more acceptable to the Democratic party. Jackson replied, ' Well, Calhoun has behaved very well on the Texas question, but he cannot be trusted.' Gen. Armstrong then spoke of Gen. Lewis Cass as a good man, but the General said, 'Mr. Cass has been a supporter of my adminis- tration, is a scholar, and has been a member of my Cabinet, but would not do for a leader.' I asked him how Silas Wright would do. He replied that Wright was an honest man and a statesman, but there was no use in suggesting the name of any one; our duty was to return home and make known that we were for the nominee of the Baltimore Convention, it mattered not who he was.


" We were much relieved by this interview, and returned home and made known our sentiments, guided by this suggestion from Gen. Jackson, which was accepted by the entire Democratic party here.


" This is but one among a great number of interesting memo- ries I have of this great man, and take great pleasure in furnish- ing the facts to you. Very respectfully, yours,


"WILLOUGHBY WILLIAMS."


This letter carries us back to the Presidential contest between Polk and Clay in 1844, and revives in my memory some inci- dents connected with the annexation of Texas. The Democracy of the electoral district which embraced Davidson and some five other counties, placed me on their electoral ticket. I saw at a


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glance that the annexation of Texas would be the leading issue of that campaign. I had made speeches in favor of Mr. Van Buren in the campaign of 1836, when he was elected, and I saw that there was a strong disposition on the part of the Northern Democracy to nominate him for the race in 1844. I was very decidedly opposed to his being our standard-bearer again. There was neither prestige nor magnetism about him. He was over- whelmingly beaten in the coon campaign of 1840, and I was satisfied that I saw no moccasin tracks leading to his door on this vital Texas question. It was certain that the great leader of the Whigs, Henry Clay, a man of commanding influence and undoubted patriotism, would be the bearer of the Whig standard. Tennessee was one of the States that were considered doubtful, having been carried alternately by each of the great political parties in the elections for a number of years previous. Mr. Clay being a Western man, it was natural to suppose that he would favor the annexation of Texas. It was doubtful as to the position Mr. Van Buren would take upon that question. If both should favor annexation, I was satisfied Mr. Clay would be elected by an overwhelming majority. Early in May, 1844, I addressed a large assemblage of people on the Public Square in Nashville, in which I boldly took ground in favor of the annex- ation of Texas, and announced that I would accept the nomina- tion for elector and fight the battle under the Texas banner, but that I would not accept if Mr. Van Buren should be nominated by the Democratic party. That night before the meeting broke up, the mail arrived with Mr. Clay's foolish letter taking ground against annexation, which caused great rejoicing among the Dem- ocrats. But the mail of next morning brought Mr. Van Buren's Jetter, taking the same ground as Mr. Clay. What was now to be done? I felt relieved, for Mr. Van Buren was a dead cock in the pit. Gen. Armstrong and Col. Williams, the great ad- mirers and followers of Gen. Jackson, hurried off to the Her- mitage to take counsel with the old chief. What occurred is related by Col. Williams in the letter I have quoted. I told them I would support the nominee of the Democratic National Convention, as recommended by Gen. Jackson, provided he was a good Texas man. That was a sine qua non with me. I then returned to my residence at Gallatin. A few days afterward, as


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I mounted my horse to attend one of the courts in which I prac- ticed, the pleasant news arrived that the convention had nomi- nated James K. Polk and pronounced in favor of the annexation of Texas. This produced great rejoicing, especially throughout Tennessee and the South. That night the town was illuminated, sky-rockets went up, processions with Japanese lanterns, Texas being represented by a lone star, paraded the streets, and cheer- ing and speaking ensued for hours. Mr. Clay and Mr. Polk being the standard-bearers of the great Whig and Democratic parties, the campaign was immediately opened in Tennessee. All the electors and speakers on each side were in the field doing valiant service for the respective champions. The hardest-fought political battle, the greatest struggle ensued that ever took place in any State of the Union. The battle-cry of the Democracy was, Polk, Dallas, and Texas, and Texas was "the biggest man" of the trio. The State was ablaze with political excitement throughout its length and breadth. Barbecues and great gath- erings of the people in each county in the State were of common occurrence. It was a struggle for the vote of the State worthy the men who made that canvass little less than immortal. It was a fair contest and a fair test of the great popularity of the champions of the two parties. The man who carried the State must do it by receiving the greatest number of votes. We had neither bribery nor a corrupt returning board at that day. The latter is a machine of recent invention.


Gen. Wm. Cullom was one of the political speakers for Mr. Clay. He was a man of tried courage, fine person, fair talent, and an ad captandum speaker. I "locked horns" with him in Trout's precinct on the Ridge, in Sumner county. It was a Democratic neighborhood, with but few Whigs, and we were greeted by a very large assemblage of those sturdy and intelli- gent men who have made that part of Sumner county famous. Gen. Samuel R. Anderson, the commander of the Tenth Legion, one of the finest, best drilled volunteer companies in the State, attended with his company "in full feather," and gave eclat to the occasion. Gen. Anderson was the Lieutenant-Colonel of the First Tennessee Regiment, who covered themselves with glory at the storming of Monterey early in the Mexican war. Gen. Cullom being in my county, I extended to him the courtesy of


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opening the discussion. I confess I did this the more willingly because I knew he would take strong ground against the annex- ation of Texas, and I wished to give him rope, so I could " calarip" him. He severely arraigned the Democrats; charged them with a design of involving the United States in a war with England; stated that Lord John Russell, the Prime Minister of the British Government, and Prince Albert were strongly op- posed to the annexation of Texas, and read various extracts from speeches and letters of the former, in which the proposed annex- ation was treated as a measure calculated to provoke a war with Great Britain.


When I arose to reply, I was received with much enthusiasm. I looked around to survey the large assemblage, and then asked, " Where are we?" I paused for a few moments, and answered my question by stating that we were in Trout's precinct-a pre- cinct that remained as true as steel to the great principles of the Democracy. In the year 1840, when every State shot from its orbit like a meteor, when counties turned a complete somersault, Trout's precinct remained true to the faith, and of the two hun- dred of the patriotic citizens of the precinct who voted in that election, only one missed fire. There were one hundred and ninety-nine shots that penetrated the heart of the 'coon. [Here Gen. Anderson gave orders to beat the drum, which was done amidst the shouts of the exultant Democracy.] I observed that in that disastrous campaign of the log-cabin and the 'coon, the seeds of Democracy had become nearly extinet, but thanked God that they continued to germinate in Trout's precinct, whence they had been carried and taken deep root in the soil of a ma- jority of the States of the Union. It was the Promethean fire snatched from Trout's precinct which then illumined the whole country, and lighted up the path through which the Lone Star would be united to our republic, and which was destined to form one of the brightest gems in the constellation of States. [Here the drum beat again, during which Gen. Anderson fired a salute.] I remarked that I had fought long in the ranks of the Democ- racy, and whenever I should lay me down to die, my last request would be that Trout's precinct should be my resting place. Old man George Trout, who had " three sheets in the wind and the other fluttering," said, "Yes, I will dig your grave and bury


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you under this large oak that now affords such fine shade." [The drum beat again amidst cheering and laughter.] I then discussed the Texas question, and turning to Gen. Cullom, who had said he was afraid to annex Texas because it would make John Bull mad and provoke him to go to war with this country, and calling attention to the fact that Gen. Cullom had read ex- tracts from the speeches of Lord John Russell and Prince Al- bert in support of his theory, I asked, "Who is John Bull? Our fathers whipped him in the revolutionary war of 1776, and made him tuck his tail, cross the big waters, and go into his kennel with a growl. We whipped him again in 1812. Old Hickory and the Tennessee volunteers gave him a taste of their metal and their bullets, and again discomfited, he hurried across the big waters in a sad plight. Who is Lord John Russell? and who is Prince Albert? In America our lovely women are cared for. All are ready to hazard or lay down their lives in defense of our women. If presents or largesses are to be given, they are bestowed by the men, not by the women. Not so in England. What is the special business of this man Lord John Russell? and what salary does he get per year, drawn from the labor of the toiling millions? The duty assigned Lord John Russell is to attend Queen Victoria, and when she promenades the streets of London with her long sweeping train, to hold up her tail and guard her honor, and for this service he draws from the treasury £25,000-more than $100,000-per year. What public service does this man Prince Albert perform, that he, too, should excite such fears in the mind of my opponent of making war upon us in the event of annexing Texas? None whatever. The only service that Prince Albert performs is to sleep with the Queen, and for this he draws from the treasury £100,000-nearly half a million dollars-a year. Now I maintain that we ought to pur- sue the path where duty and interest point the way, take by the hand our kindred and former citizens, and unite their great em- pire with the United States, and ask no odds and make no apol- ogies to John Bull, Lord John Russell, or Prince Albert. The chivalry of the United States can whip any people who tamely submit to be so heavily taxed as to raise the large amounts drawn by Lord John Russell and Prince Albert for such services as they perform. Yet my opponent will not take Texas in as a


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part of this Union for fear of Lord John Russell and Prince Albert." Here the crowd became very boisterous as I sat down and Gen. Cullom rose to reply. In a very violent manner, they said they would not hear nor did they intend that any man should speak to them who was afraid of Lord John Russell and Prince Albert, or refused to annex Texas for fear of war with John Bull; and they denounced with violent invective Lord John Russell and Prince Albert, or any man that was afraid of them. Gen. Cullom showed nerve, and insisted on speaking. The crowd swore he should not. High words ensued, and a fight more or less general was imminent, when Gen. Anderson inter- fered with the Tenth Legion, and commanded and preserved the peace; but the meeting was broken up. In those days a speaker had to appear on the stump with his pistols buckled around him, or carry them in his saddle-bags, which were deposited at his feet on the stand.


In conferring with an old political friend and contemporary upon the subject matter of the foregoing sketch since it was pre- pared, he consented to jot down his recollections of some of the events of that period for my use, and they so strictly accord with what I know to be the facts in that connection, that they are hereto annexed in his own words. He says :


"The letters of Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Clay were both pub- lished in eleven columns of the Nashville Union, ot May 7, 1844, and both took decided ground against the annexation of Texas. Clay took a bold stand against the measure. Van Buren was opposed to it until certain temporary obstacles were removed. Their sentiments were alike obnoxious to both parties in Ten- nessee. Gov. Polk had declared in a public letter that 'the present opportunity should not be lost of becoming reunited with a country from which we should never have been sepa- rated.'


"There was great consternation in the Democratic party in this State at the letter of Mr. Van Buren, who was looking for a renomination to the Presidency a week or two hence at the Baltimore convention. It had been supposed he would continue to follow in the wake of Gen. Jackson, who had already declared that the golden moment for annexation had arrived. No one was more disappointed than the old chief himself, and within


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the week afterwards, he addressed a letter to the editor of the Nashville Union, in which he argued the merits of the question, showing that circumstances had been constantly changing until the time had arrived for action. He made most honorable men- tion of Mr. Van Buren, and expressed his unabated confidence in his love of country, but closed with, 'He has evidently pre- pared his letter from his knowledge only of the circumstances bearing on the subject as they existed at the close of his admin- istration (1840), without a view of the disclosures since made, and which manifest the probability of a dangerous interference with the affairs of Texas by a foreign power.' And it was sup- posed by many that, as this letter would reach the eye of Mr. Van Buren before the assembling of the Baltimore convention, it might elicit from him another letter on the subject that would be perfectly satisfactory to the friends of annexation. At this moment of so great political solicitude on the subject in Tennes- see, Col. Jo. C. Guild, the Democratic candidate for Presidential elector in the Davidson district, after his speech in Nashville, referred to by Col. Willo. Williams, published an elaborate ad- dress, boldly and openly declaring himself in favor of the imme- diate annexation of Texas, and telling the Democrats of his dis- trict that if Mr. Van Buren should be nominated by the Balti- more convention, they would have to select some other candidate for elector; and in this he but expressed the sentiments of the entire party in the State. It was a great sacrifice of partisan pride to pull down the flag of Van Buren for President, which, for three or four months, had floated at the heads of columns in the Democratic papers, and was a trial for the electoral candi- dates at that moment to be compelled to avow their opposition to the man under whom they had enlisted for the campaign. But it was a question of principles and not mere men, and, for the sake of the former, the latter must be sacrificed if need be. The lead of Col. Guild was followed throughout the State, and it had gone forth to the world as the resolve of the Democrats that Mr. Van Buren could not receive their support.


"The mails which arrived at Nashville on the 6th of June, 1844, brought the welcome intelligence that Mr. Van Buren had not been nominated at Baltimore, and the still more welcome news that Gov. Polk, of our own State, had received the nomi-


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nation, and our sudden transition from the deepest depression to the most lively and exalted delight, completely electrified the Democratic party, and led to the opening of one of the most brilliant political campaigns that ever took place in this country.


"For the fate of Mr. Van Buren there was more sorrow than anger. He had faithfully adhered to the policy of Gen. Jack- son's administration, and had always been in perfect accord with him, and for this Tennessee Democrats were devoted to him. But when he departed the pathway of the old chief, and wrote that fatal letter against the annexation of Texas, we had no further use for him."


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X


GEN. ANDREW JACKSON-BRIEF SKETCH OF HIS MILITARY CAREER-REMINISCENCE OF THE GREAT VICTORY AT NEW ORLEANS.


THE war of 1812 between the United States and England was. declared by Congress in June of that year in consequence of the indignities inflicted on the United States by England, the latter having violated the treaty with this country, and also the laws of nations, in the impressment of American seamen. England be- ing engaged in a war with France, impressed American seamen and forced them to fight a nation with which the United States maintained amicable and friendly relations. It was to protect the rights of American seamen, as well as to preserve our neu- trality as between England and France, that Congress felt con- strained to declare war against the former. About the time of the declaration of war a comet appeared in the West, presaging, in the opinion of many ignorant of the laws governing the solar system, war, famine, or pestilence. This was followed in a short time by what was called "the shakes." The sleepers were aroused from their slumbers one morning about three hours be- fore daylight by the violent rocking of the earth. The crockery and delf-ware in the cupboard chattered as one afflicted with a severe attack of ague. Families aroused from their slumbers by the quaking of the earth, ran out of their houses in dishabille. Men and women, boys and girls, huddled together in their fright, expecting the earth to open and swallow them. While some were utterly paralyzed with fear, others were praying in the most fervent manner in the hope to avert the impending disaster. Meantime the earth quivered like a fallen beef that had been shot through the brain. These scenes continued for about twenty- five minutes, when the earth resumed its wonted quiet, and the people again busied themselves with their respective avocations, until another shaking-up occurred; for the earth groaned and trembled, like a strong man seized with fear, at intervals for




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