USA > Tennessee > The civil and political history of the state of Tennessee from its earliest settlement up to the year 1796 : including the boundaries of the state > Part 38
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The Shawnee's deputation, which arrived in the Cherokee country about the 12th of January, 1793, on their way to the Creeks and Choctaws for the purpose of exciting them to war
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against the United States, gave out that they intended to return through the Cherokee towns in expectation of meeting the na- tion in full council at Estanaula. They informed the Cher- okees that the Shawnees had resolved to fall on the Chickasaws, and to cut them off for joining the army of Gen. St. Clair. The Creeks also alleged causes of dissatisfaction, peculiar to them- selves, against the Chickasaws. During the conferences at Nashville the Creeks stole from the Chickasaws twelve horses. The latter pursued the thieves to the Creek towns, and demand- ed the horses. The Creeks returned for answer that they had found these horses upon the lands of their enemies, the white people, and that they would not return them to the Chickasaws. At this answer the Chickasaws were highly exasperated, and in the heat of passion fell upon and killed several of the Creeks. The white people felt uneasy apprehensions for the fate of their Chickasaw friends, and greatly deprecated the events of the ap- proaching war between them. After reflecting upon this sub- ject, Gov. Blount was of the opinion that if the Chickasaws were not supported by the United States in their war with the Creeks that they would fall off from the United States. He remarked that the deliberations of Indians in large bodies are slow, and that he should have instructions from the President how to act before the ultimate decision should be made; in the meantime, the Chickasaws would be able to repress the small marauding parties who might infest them. In order to be prepared in time for the impending storm, the chiefs of the Chickasaws, on the 13th of February, 1793, to the number of twenty-nine, ad- dressed a letter to Gen. Robertson referring to one received from him, in which he advised the chiefs to caution their young warriors not to regard the threats and persuasions of the Creeks in warring against the United States; and in which he is also stated to have said "that the President knew his friends, and would not let them suffer for being so." "Our talks," say they, always were to love and esteem one another. We head men have held you fast by the hand, and have told our young war- riors that they must do so; and they will as long as they are able to lift a hatchet. We.have sent you a war club; when we both take hold, we can strike a hard blow. Although we wish to be at peace with all, the Creeks have spilled our blood; and we desire that you will dispatch expresses to every head man in
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America, particularly to Gen. Washington, Gov. Blount, the Sec- retary of War, and to the head men of Kentucky, to Fort Wash- ington, and to Gen. Pickens, to let them know that 'our agree- ment was to be as one man in regard to our enemies and friends.' You must know that it is on your account that we are stricken, for in the last talk sent by us to the Creeks we told them that we were perfect friends of the United States, and would listen to no talks of war against them. Their reply was that the Virginians were liars, and that no dependence could be put in them; and that the Chickasaws were fools, and would know their error before long, as the Creeks and Northwards . would fall upon them. But," said the Chickasaw chiefs, "all their talks did not alter us. When you get this talk," said they, "speak strong to your young warriors, and let us join to let the Creeks know what war is. You make whisky; if war comes, it is good to take a little at war talks; send some to us. The red people who have long been at war with you have struck us on your account. We hope we shall now find what you al- ways told us true. We believe the Choctaws will join us, and hold you and us fast by the hand. We are now standing in the midst of a great blaze of fire. We hope you will be as expedi- tious as possible to give us assistance, as the red people are not long preparing for war. We have not ammunition enough; neither have the Choctaws. If you can send a supply immedi- ately, we desire you will do it; likewise guns for the Choctaws, as there are many of their young men who have none. Such as muskets, rifles, smooth-bores, will do. We want flints, six swiv- els, ten blunderbusses. As there is now war, we desire you will send us blacksmiths and tools to keep our guns in order, and likewise a bombardier to work our swivels. We desire you will send an express to Gen. Washington to let him know that we are now at war with the Creeks, and the path is now stopped for our traders. As we were very scantily furnished with stores of war before, therefore we hope he will find means to send us goods and furnish to our traders, so that the Creeks may be disappointed; otherwise, we shall be naked and more in their power. As we made no crop last year, we are in a starving condition. We hope you will send a further supply of fifteen hundred bushels of corn, two barrels of flour, about one hun- dred bushels of salt, one hogshead of tobacco, fifty bags of ver-
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milion, which is fifty pounds, as it is greatly wanting in war. And send some whisky by the boats. George Colbert wanted a plow and a bushel of wheat. When you send down the river, we desire you to send a strong and sufficient guard with the boats as far as the bluffs. We desire that Gen. Washington will station a garrison at the Muscle Shoals, or Bear Creek, or where he may think fit to establish a trade."
In this exigency, Piomingo, principal chief of the Chickasaw nation, visited Gov. Blount shortly afterward at Knoxville, and delivered to him a speech expressive of the same sentiments, and required aid to enable him to oppose the Creeks, who were preparing a formidable invasion of his country. Gen. Robert- son, sensible of the difficulties into which the Chickasaws had been drawn by their friendship for the United States, and by the confidence they had in the friendly disposition of the United States toward them, and urged also by sentiments of justice and gratitude, could not refrain from rendering them assistance. He had been written to by Portell, the commandant at New Madrid, to supply him with corn. On the 23d of April he sent off his son with a cargo of corn in a boat down the river, who arrived at New Madrid on the 7th of May, and he carried with him a swivel for the defense of his boat. Mr. Portell wrote to Gen. Robertson on the 9th of May, regretting that he had not been advised in time of the general's intention to send him the corn. As the season was so far advanced, he had expected that his letter to the general on that subject had miscarried, and had purchased from others; but in order not wholly to disappoint the general, he had taken a hundred bushels at an advanced price, and paid the cash to Mr. Robertson. He very politely thanked the general for his attention, and wished it had been in his power to have taken the whole. Mr. Robertson proceeded to the Chickasaw Bluffs, and landed his cargo. Information was immediately given of these transactions by Mr. Portell to the Baron de Carondalet, at New Orleans, who instantly transmitted the intelligence to the Spanish agents at Philadelphia; and at the same time, on the 21st of May, 1793, presented to Gen. Rob- ertson his information and sentiments upon this subject. Be- ing acquainted, he said, by the commanding officer at New Mad- rid, with the arrival there of the eldest son of the general, as well as with the motives of his voyage, he highly approved of
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every kindness shown to him, and had given to the commandant proper directions to embrace every opportunity of being useful to the general; but, nevertheless, that he felt the greatest con- cern in perusing the letter of Mr. Portell, on account of the measures taken by the general to comply with the request of the Chickasaw nation, in respect of a supply of corn, sending to them at the same time a little piece, "which, although small, is an arm too dangerous in the hands of Indians, from whom its knowledge and practice ought by both nations-the United States and Spain-to be carefully concealed, as until this time has been observed. On the other hand," said he, "it is the in- terest of every power to keep their Indian allies in peace be- tween themselves, as well as with the neighboring tribes, with- out intermeddling in their affairs. This," said he, "has been my method with the Cherokees, when several of the principal chiefs applied to me, requesting supplies against the United States." And really he asserted that his endeavors had been successful, since he had prevailed upon them to stop any hostility against the Cumberland settlements and the neighboring ones, unless they should be forced to take up arms in their own defense; while his gracious king, whose protection they requested, was mediating with Congress to direct the fixing of certain bounda- ries, which, being advantageous to both nations, might prevent altogether every further controversy. The same rule, he said, had been observed with the Creeks, whom he had turned from being hostile to the Georgians, while the matter of the limits was in a fair and friendly way treated of at Madrid between the minister of the King of Spain and the agents of the United States; and had the chief of the Creek nation, Alexander McGil- levray, been still alive, the attempt lately made by some of their individuals against the stores at St. Mary's would not have taken place. The chief no doubt, said he, would give every satisfac- tion. To restore peace between the Chickasaws and Creeks he had, he said, at Natchez and the Walnut Hills declared to both nations that he would constantly refuse them, while involved in war against each other, every supply of arms and ammunition; and should the general, as he expected, follow the same system, they would, as he believed, be soon reconciled. The Cherokees had requested of him, he said, in pressing terms, or warmly, to endeavor by every means to prevent the Creeks from passing
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through their lands to attack the settlements of Cumberland and their neighbors. It was probable that in a short time a general peace would take place, without which that settlement could not flourish. He wished for an opportunity to see the general, that he might convince him of the great esteem in which he held him.
The Spanish agents at Philadelphia, soon afterward, as will be presently seen, made a warm complaint of the aid and com- fort thus given to the Chickasaws. They considered the whole affair, perhaps, in its true light-not as an intended accommo- dation of Mr. Portell, but as assistance given to the Chickasaws by the people of Cumberland.
On the 27th of April, 1793, the Secretary of War transmitted to Gen. Wayne a message for the Chickasaws, together with certain articles for their use enumerated in a schedule inclosed, with instructions to send to the Chickasaws as soon after his ar- rival at Fort Washington as the articles could be obtained. The Secretary stated to Gen. Wayne that the Chickasaws were at war with the Creeks, whom Gov. Blount represented to be ex- ceedingly troublesome to the Cumberland settlements and other parts of his government. "But as it is the policy of the govern- ment," said he, "to endeavor to preserve peace with the Creeks, the articles now forwarded are put upon the footing of service rendered to the United States. It is presumed," said he, "that some of the armorers may be found at Fort Washington willing to go to the Chickasaws upon being promised a satisfactory and reasonable compensation per month. This you will please to do." Gen. Wayne was instructed to send the articles to the Chickasaw Bluffs, on the Mississippi, contriving some mode of informing the nation of the time when they might be expected to arrive there; and it was observed by way of caution that the boats ought to be well manned and well commanded. It was stated, further, that some vermilion would shortly be forward- ed for the use of the Chickasaws. The message to the Chicka- saws addressed them by the title of "Brothers," and said: "Your father, Gen. Washington, President of the United States, has understood, through Gov. Blount, that you are greatly in want of arms, ammunition, and corn, and therefore he has taken the earliest opportunity of proving to you his friendship and the de- sire of being serviceable to you. It is his earnest desire to be
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at peace with all Indian tribes, and he recommends the same measure to you. Nothing but the most dreadful necessity will justify a state of war. Such necessity, however, sometimes ex- ists; but peace is always to be sought for, with the greatest ea- gerness, upon the first opportunity. The United States have endeavored to persuade the hostile Indians to a peace, from mo- tives of kindness to them, and not from any apprehensions as to the final issue of a war. On these grounds a treaty with the In- dians north of the Ohio is to be held at Sandusky iu a short time. If they listen to the dictates of justice and moderation, they will make peace; but if not, they will be made to repent their persisting in hostilities. Although the United States are slow to anger, yet when aroused their wrath will be destructive to their enemies. Your father, Gen. Washington, will continue to love and cherish you; and if requisite, he will supply you with articles necessary to your situation, and for which you will ap- ply to the general of the army at Fort Washington." This mes- sage was dated the 27th of April, 1793.
On the 7th of June, 1793, Gov. Blount set off for Philadelphia, and on his way met a dispatch, of which on the 7th of July, 1793, notice was given to the Chickasaws by Secretary Smith, who acted as Governor until the return of Gov. Blount, who also made known to them its contents, which were, as he understood it, that their nation was to be supplied with plenty of arms and ammunition, to be sent down the Ohio by Gen. Wayne. A list of the articles had come to the hands of the Secretary, and he transmitted it to them. He stated to them that Gov. Blount had instructed him to give them assurances that he would speak much in behalf of their nation, to have them supplied with men also from the United States, as well as arms. "I see plainly," said the Secretary, "that the President and all the people of the United States look on you as brothers, and will not let you suf- fer for your friendship to them. Therefore you need not be afraid of your enemies."
Piomingo not being able, when he visited Gov. Blount in the former part of this year, to obtain any satisfactory answer from him, determined to visit the President himself in August and September. While on his journey presents were made to him and his attendants in Knoxville, to equip them for the journey and to enable them to appear decently. After proceeding as far
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as Abingdon, Gov. Blount, on his return from Philadelphia, met them, and by relating to Piomingo the prevalence and mortality of the fever in Philadelphia induced him to return. When at Knoxville other presents were made to him and his attendants, and no circumstance seemed to be omitted which could testify to him the high esteem in which he was held by the United States. The Governor received from him and Thomas Brown a claim which the Chickasaws set up to certain lands in South Carolina opposite to Augusta. A paper exhibiting the state of their claims they delivered to him, and he sent a copy to the Secretary of War.
In the spring of the year 1793, such was the situation of the western people in relation to Spain and her American posses- sions on the Mississippi and the Gulf of Mexico as made it particularly desirable that all irritations toward the Spanish government and its colonists and Governors, at Natchez, New Orleans, and Pensacola, should be carefully abstained from; and that the western people should not act offensively toward them, directly or indirectly, through those people who were at this time strongly suspected to have been lately instigated by them. The nature and extent of their connections were indeed not exactly ascertained, but were supposed to be of a very intimate texture. Spanish suspicion, however, was very much alive when the conferences with the Chickasaws were held at Nashville in August, 1792; and as the race of informers is never idle when not kept at a distance, and as they like to tell what excites sensation, it was soon told to Gov. Gayoso that Gen. Robertson at these conferences had made threats which concerned the Spaniards. The Baron de Carondalet addressed Gen. Robertson a letter, a copy of which, with the answer of Gen. Robertson, the Governor transmitted to the Secretary of War. The Governor, in his letter to the Secretary, pointed out some inconsistencies in that of the baron, which seemed to sig- nify that the Cherokees had been for war with the United States, and at the same time had not been for war. "However," said the Governor, "it now appears from the general tenor of his letter that he wishes the Indians to observe a peaceable con- duct toward the United States." But he (Gov. Blount ) had not a single doubt that the baron, soon after he came to the govern- ment of Louisiana, in the early part of the year 1792, de vell as
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his subordinate officers-particularly Gov. Oneil, of Pensacola- encouraged them to pursue quite a different conduct. He com- mented also upon a letter of Gov. Gayoso, of the Natchez Dis- trict, and conceived it to be due him in justice to say that he had received good intelligence from that district by many citizens of the United States and Spanish subjects, who informed Gov. Blount that his conduct toward the United States had been friendly, and to the American citizens while there. Gov. Blount did not believe that Gen. Robertson had uttered the threats which had been attributed to him, because he was a very pru- dent and calm man, and because the Governor himself was at Nashville, where they were said to have been uttered, and did not hear them. Cullatoy, the Indian by whom the threat was said to have been sent, had been with Gov. Blount, and had de- clared that he neither received nor delivered any such threat. John Thompson, the half-breed, was the interpreter between Gen. Robertson and Cullatoy, and declared that the general sent no such threat, and he believed that Cullatoy did not deliver any such. The remark used by him amounted to this: "The Cum- berland people cannot peaceably submit to such repeated murders and thefts at the hands of the Cherokees." Gen. Pickens was present, and heard what was said. Cullatoy delivered the mes- sage to the Cherokees at Will's Town, where a large party was gathered to hear the talks brought by Watts and other chiefs from Gov. Oneil and Panton, the purport of which was to excite them to war against the United States. Gov. Gayoso had ex- pressed a wish for the establishment of an understanding be- tween the two nations in relation to the management of Indian affairs, which Gov. Blount approved of and wished it might be made to extend to the regulation of trade, in such manner as to make it Panton's interest to act a friendly part toward the United States; and that until this was done, or he prohibited from trading with the Indians, Panton would have it in his power by direct or indirect means to keep them in a state of war with the United States, as they have been kept ever since the reace between Great Britain and America, in the year 1783. "Panton," said he, "is a Scotch tory"-two very unpropitious circumstances in the Governor's opinion-so that both principle and interest will induce him to pursue the course he has hith- erto taken.
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The Spaniards about this time gave some umbrage to the Creeks. The refugees who were settled near the Creek bound- ary were greatly harassed with demands preferred against them by MeGirt in their courts, where in all instancss he ob- tained decisions in his favor, and the prevailing sentiment was that the government used him to draw from the inhabitants their property by what were called legal decisions, for the emol- ument of the officers. McGirt commanded a tory regiment in the Southern States in the Revolutionary War, which was then much complained of for the undistinguishing rapacity of the troops who composed it. In consequence of such treatment the oppressed refugees took sides with the United States, and used the influence they had with the Creeks in their favor. The Creek traders were also indebted to Panton, and wished to avoid payment and of course to open a new channel of trade, which made them friendly to the United States. The Spaniards also, in the time of their trepidation for fear of French invasion, aided by the people of Kentucky and Cumberland, who had suf- fered so much under the operations of Spanish malignity, had called for six hundred men from the Creeks to march to New Orleans to assist them. These several occurrences were dis- pleasing to the Creeks, and held out some faint prospect of their alienation from the interests of the Spaniards, which though it traveled slowly might at length arrive.
Shortly before this an occurrence took place which greatly augmented the exacerbations and the alarm of the Spanish gov- ernment toward the United States. Mr. Genet, the minister of the French Republic, had landed in the United States on the Sth of April, 1793, in order to ascertain in person the enthusiasm which was said to prevail in America in favor of the French cause. He disembarked at Charleston, in South Carolina, and proceeded by land to Philadelphia by moderate journeys. He everywhere received the fraternal embrace; and if the people of America were intoxicated by an overflowing zeal for the pros- perity of French principles, Mr. Genet was no less so on account of the flattering attentions which were paid to him on his jour- ney as the representative of the French nation, and he too has- tily embraced the opinion that the people would leave their own ยท government unsupported rather than relinquish their predilee- tions for the cause of the French. And immediately he vent-
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ured upon acts which would have spread the flames of war over the whole continent had they not been promptly counteracted. The citizens generally, and especially sea-faring men, thought themselves at liberty to indulge in their partialities toward the belligerents, and to enrich themselves by depredations on the commerce of the others, and they meditated enterprises of this nature. Lest these erroneous conceptions should soon become too strongly fixed, the President, on the 22d of April, 1793, issued his proclamation informing the people of their neutral situation and duties toward those nations who were engaged in the war. But Mr. Genet, notwithstanding, authorized the fitting out and arm- ing of vessels in the port of Charleston, and gave them commis- sions to cruise and commit hostilities against nations at peace with the United States. These vessels took and brought prizes into our ports, and French consuls condemned and authorized the sale of them and their cargos. And all this before he had been received by the President, or had shown his credentials to him; without his consent and without consulting him upon the subject, and directly, also, in contravention of that state of peace declared to be existing by the President's proclamation. The British min- ister complained of these proceedings. A lengthy correspond- ence ensued upon the armaments he had authorized, which he attempted to justify. Although the President forbade any more armaments in the ports of the United States, still Mr. Genet caused to be equipped a great number of armed vessels, which made prizes of others within the mouths of our rivers and with- in two miles of our coasts, and gave commissions to enlist men for the purpose of invading the Spanish territories. He insult- ed the government in his written communications, and perse- vered in the course he adopted till his own government was so- licited to recall him. If in a state of such fermentation the Spanish Governors of New Orleans, Natchez, and Pensacola should readily give credence to information purporting that the western people of the United States were preparing to descend upon their settlements, and to obtain by conquest the free nav- igation of the Mississippi, it is not at all to be wondered at, and much less that they should resort to such measures of defense as they then had in their power.
These remarks are introduced upon the present occasion to show the probability that they actually did engage the Indians
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