USA > Texas > Past history and present stage of development of Texas. Memorial and biographical history matter of the Lone Star state > Part 1
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Gc 976.4 P26 1200020
M. L
GENERALUL. COLLECTION
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https://archive.org/details/pasthistoryprese00forr
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EL
NHarog ha ofoud. Hustiro, TEX.
STATE CAPITOL BUILDING, AUSTIN, TEXAS
PAST HISTORY
AND
PRESENT STAGE OF DEVELOPMENT OF
TEXAS
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Memorial and Biographical History Matter of the Lone Star State - Also Biographical Mention of Many of the Best Citizens of the Important Sections of the State Known as "Central, North . and East Texas"-Portraits
For a people to grow indifferent to History and Good Deeds, is the first evidence of a Decaying Nation
PUBLISHED BY THE FORRISTER HISTORY COMPANY
REGAN PRINTING HOUSE CHICAGO, ILL.
FOREWORD
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Realizing that the American people, compared to the Old World, are woe- fully deficient in family genealogy, the primary object of this work is to record family history, with Biography as the essential instrument; and this Book is designed to be useful centuries hence-becoming more valuable as it grows older and rusty. The author has endeavored to inject into it as much human- ity as possible. Moreover, it is a Texas production, breathing Texas thought and spirit to a patriotic degree; and is presented with such flavor as to inter- est both the youth and adult age, thus causing it to be read, as well, by the coming generations with view of developing robust manhood and the better part of man's nature.
We are now living in a strenuous, modern, commercial. age, and people will no longer content themselves with reading large volumes of history work, hence the writer has sought to present the History of Texas in such form as would induce it to be read-that is to say. the substance of it is given in mod- ernly condensed essence, trimmed of minor detail and all superfluous verbiage. Classically speaking, the History of Texas can properly be apportioned into three different transicient periods, viz .: Discovery of and rule of savagery, which began to definitely disappear about 1825; the spirit and results of war, ending with Carpetbag rule in the early seventies; and the recognized rapid development of all the moral and material forces up to the present time. The writer does not claim for this work that it is a complete history of Texas, as no history is complete. The absurdity of such a claim would be put to flight when it is known that the Chinese Government has been at work on such an enterprise of that Empire for 2,500 years. and so far has only reached the letter "L" in alphabetical progress.
If, ultimately, this work should prove a stimulant to the Patriotism and Pride of Texans; should inspire men and women to higher ideals, and kindle the spark of Hope and Ambition in the breast of the Youth, on whom depends the future welfare of the Nation, it will have served its purpose.
I. G. FORRISTER, Publisher.
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02.01
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WHO ARE YOUR HEROES?
"Nothing," says Goethe, "is more significant of men's character than what they find laughable." Nothing, we will venture to say, is more significant of men's character than what they find heroic. We must, after all, judge men by their ideals. Not by the despair- ing effort, not by the fruit- less struggle, not by the pub- lie triumph can we measure merit. Success and failure are but the accidents of for- tune. But to the purpose, the high, absorbing purpose, the performance is redeemed and dignified. And this pur- pose, these powerful im- pulses we receive from our superiors, from our acknowl- edged masters. They awaken our best instincts; they ap- peal to our true selves; they interpret for us the meaning and object of life. Instead of investigating a man's opinions, principles, objects, character, you may comprise the whole inquiry in one searching and exhaustive question, "Who are your Heroes?" Who, indeed? Are they pugilists, soldiers, statesmen, scholars, scientists, reformers ?
Some of the greatest minds of the present generation are wrestling with this problem. Their opinions clash. They differ absolutely. The American maintains in his "representative men" that these notables are simply repre- sentative, are not original, but comprehensive; do not renew but receive the tendencies of the times. They are larger vessels but contain the same ele- ments as their admirers and followers. If Napoleon is France, for instance, if Napoleon is Europe, it is because the people he sways are little Napoleons. Bonaparte was the idol of common men because he had in transcendent degree the qualities and powers of common men. The English writer in his "Heroes and Hero Worship" believed that Heroes are divine revelations, made of . finer clay than common mortals, superior to circumstances, proof against fail- ure, irresistible as nature itself, and as necessary and superhuman.
Society is one sun and many satellites. Literature is written influence. Church and school perpetuate the absolute monarchy of mighty men. The cut of your garments, the shape of your hat, the studies of your children, the
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nature of your amusements, the drift of your opinions, your manners, your morals, your enlture, your costume, from the cradle to the grave are all pre- seribed and dietated to you. Creeds, fashions, thought, government, social relations, all emphasize the necessity of paramount influences that absolutely shape and control the daily conduet of life.
Is not the breed of Heroes extinct? Is not this eentury too prosaic, mer- cenary, material, commonplace, to produce high-minded, large-hearted men ?
No; Heroism is not extinct and never will be-though at present time the tendency seems to be downward. It need not be snecessful. It need not be famous. It need not be newspapered and pedestaled and current of every lip. It need not be the wonder of the world or the talk of the town. It may lurk in garrets and hide in cellars. It may be the courage of a beggar or the patriotism of a Senator. It may be the purity of a youth, the martyrdom of a Socrates, or the integrity of a President. In high stations or low, in rags or fine linen, in palace or hovel, wherever happiness is sacrifieed for honor, and dollars for duty, and power for principle, there are the credentials of the world's living Heroes.
We need Heroes among the tariff-fed trust beneficiaries, among whom Patriotism seems to be a lost art, to save the country from an impending, and we fear, a destructive revolution. We need Heroes among the ministers of the Gospel who would voluntarily give up a $25,000 annual and depart to an humble rural mission. We need Heroes in society, to write on the wall at Dandies' feasts the story of the starving poor and intended siek; to lead mil- lionaires to pig-pen tenements and forcibly detain them over night ; to organize a band of gilded youths whose wealth should save sacred lives and whose devotion should mitigate their bitterness of hate.
We need Heroes in politics to speak the truth in the Halls of Congress, to be the seavengers of publie corruption, to arouse publie opinion against thieves in polished and high life, and rid this fair land of ours of unjailed criminals that despoil and dishonor the Nation in the eyes of the world, and make heavier the burdens of the Great Common People. We need states- men who will not play in the closed drama of conspiracy to get into the eon- ' fidence of the people, harness public sentiment and deliver the goods to the Bourbons. The country cries aloud for Heroes who are honest enough and . patriotically strong enough to seorn the corrupt temptations of the organized system that is entrenched in Washington and now threatens the existence of the Republic.
We need Heroes in our pulpits ; large-hearted, broad-minded, high-spirited men of power, who will not peddle the Gospel according to what they eon- sider is the demand of the times-but teach it like Christ taught it while he was on earth. These are my Heroes; who are yours ?
What we need to do is to get back to the spirit of 1776-baek to the law of the Bible, and readjust ourselves and the country. An organized govern- ment based on dollar-lust can never exist. All common interests would perish beneath its balefnl influence. All the restraints and sanctions of moral obli- gations and religious convictions would disappear. The Bible is the charter
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of human liberty and the beacon-guide in mid-ocean. It was out of this that Cromwell read aloud at the head of his troops before the battle of Naseby. It was quilted into the doublet of John Hampden, and saturated with his blood, when, throwing his arms around the neck of his faithful horse, he was borne from the battle field to die. It came over in the Mayflower. The first compact of constitutional liberty in that ship was written upon its cover. It had a place in every cabin which our fathers reared in the wilderness. The soldiers of the Revolution carried it in their knapsacks. The first congress took measures to increase its circulation. Washington laid his honest hand upon it when taking his solemn oath of office, but has the sincerity of some of his successors been compatible with their intelligence while taking same? It lies in every court of justice to secure the sanctity of oaths. And today the civilized world is being instructed on its beneficent precepts. Without the Bible the world would be a sepulchre of blasted loves and blighted hopes. Life would be a kaleidoscope of meaningless combinations; an unintelligible masquerade of fleeting forms and vanishing thoughts. Human selfishness would be supreme, all would be despicable except making money. and the strongest arm would rule the day. Is not the skeleton form of such catastrophe coming into view in this country at present time? Instead of sending Mis- sionaries and Bibles to heathen lands let us centralize them at Washing- ton, D. C.
So, whatever befall us in solving the problems of life, let us not forget the trinity of love, laughter and smiles, which is the keynote of happiness and success, and steels us for the golden morning of opportunity and glory. If the harmony of humanity and all common interests in this world is an imprac- tical dream, let us brush away the tears of atonement and enlarge our equip- ment to live in such a world to come.
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TEXAS HISTORY
No less than six different flags have floated over and claimed the ter- ritory of Texas-that of the French, Spanish, Mexican, Texan Republic, Con- federate and American Union. The founding of the name "Texas" has, from the beginning of its literature, been in more or less dispute, but one of the two more reliable elaims are undoubtedly correct. First, that it was derived from one of the more powerful of the many tribes of Indians who roamed the wilds from aboriginal days, leading up to French and Spanish rule, ealling themselves the "Tejas Tribe." The second claim is, that about thirty tribes of Indians confederated themselves for protection under the general name of "Tejas," which word, when accosted and anglieised, means "Texas." Eleven of these thirty tribes, inhabiting the territory ranging from near the Neches river on west to the town of Nacogdoches on east, along the old San Antonio trail, were found by the Spanish worshipping on summit of mounds (that are yet standing), sending up incense to the Great Spirit, and the sun, moon and stars as symbols, and they are thought to be the relies of the mysterious Mound Builders. Bolton, historian, attributes their discovery to La Salle, who landed at Matagorda Bay in 1685; and in 1689 the Spaniards, led by De Leon, crossed the Rio Grande following the trail of the remnant of the French, and came upon these eleven tribes, being the nucleus of thirty in all, extending as far as Texarkana. When attacked by other wild tribes they rallied their confederate forces in defense of their homes. From De Leon's visit this sec- tion was called the Province of Texas, the capitol remaining within its bounds for fifty years, until in 1772 it was removed to San Antonio, and from this the name Texas was extended over the entire state. These Indians were domestic in their nature and tillers of the soil, hence were compelled to con- federate themselves for protection against the wild tribes. In 1685 the French laid claim to a large portion of Texas territory, based upon the fact of La Salle landing his eolony at Matagorda Bay in May of that year, and the ter- ritory was under a lively dispute between the Spanish and French govern- ments until 1718, when war was declared. Just at the time when hostilities seemed imminent the French government failed to back the commander of the French colony ; which ended all elaims of the French for the present-but to be renewed spasmodically later. In the meantime, Napoleon Buonaparte was making matters interesting for the Spanish and other thrones of the Old World. and Mexico obtained her Independence. As proceedings of govern- inent were crystallizing, in 1824, the Provinces of Texas and Coahuila were constituted one Mexican state, and under the title of "State of Coahuila and Texas," capital at Saltillo. Coahuila. With headquarters at San Antonio, one of the chiefs of the Texas Department served as Lieutenant-Governor, though he acted strictly under orders.
The first convention looking to the safety and welfare of the colonies met
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at San Felipe, Oct. 1, 1832, with Stephen F. Austin as Chairman. A second similar convention met at same place April 1, 1833, with Sam Houston as Chairman-from which time on Gen. Houston continued to take a prominent part in public affairs until he was practically impeached as Governor of Texas; when, approaching the civil war, the state seceded from the Federal Union. The first Constitutional convention was held at Washington-on-the-Brazos, in October, 1833, with Gen. Sam Houston as President-he defeating Stephen F. Austin for same. In 1836 Texas seceded from Mexico, the climax of which was brought about by the decisive battle of San Jacinto, near Houston, when Gen. Sam Houston, in command of the Texan army and with 783 men, defeated Gen. Santa Anna's army ("The Napoleon of the West") of 1,447 soldiers- hence the term, "Texas licked Mexico without the aid or consent of any other Nation." The final Declaration for Texan Independence was adopted March 2, 1836. The Constitution of the Texan Republic was adopted and promulgated March 17, 1836, and David G. Burnett was first President of the Republic- Gen. Houston succeeding him. Having gained its Independence, Texas was a Republic until Dec. 29. 1845, when it came into the American Union. J. Pinek- ney Henderson, Attorney-General in President Houston's cabinet, was the first governor, and as a result of the first election the state legislature assem- bled in Austin, Feb. 16, 1846. -
Texas had no important history up to the coming of Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle, a distinguished French explorer. He was of a good French family, and was carefully educated for the Priesthood. Of a venturesome dis- position, he made his way to Canada and engaged in fur-trading business. Hoping to discover a new route to China, he came down Mississippi river, land- ing at mouth of same 'April 16, 1682-140 years ahead of De Soto. La Salle took possession of land on both sides of the river in name of his King, Louis XIV. Returning to France, he was received by the King and populace with interested acclaim, and pictured his discoveries, new possessions and additional power to his government with glowing colors. Obtaining an endorsement of his plans by the King, he was fitted out with an expedition of four ships ; cannon, guns, ammunition and huge supply of provisions and three hundred people-among whom were women, priests, soldiers and mechanics. They set sail July 24, 1684, and had a stormy voyage, during which one of their ves- sels was captured by the Spanish near Santo Domingo. While seeking the mouth of the Mississippi river. in strange waters, the fleet landed too far south, and came into Matagorda Bay in February, 1685. The Colonists built Fort St. Louis on Lavaca river, and erected the cross and arms of France in defense of their discoveries. La Salle made several expeditions into the interior to dis- cover the mouth of the Mississippi river, but without results, and was finally murdered by his fellow-colonists, who had become dissatisfied, in January, 1867. The Priest buried his remains where the murder was committed, and so far as is known his grave has never been marked and honored. In La Salle's native city. however-Rouen, France-there stands today a grand statue of him, where his memory is respected with reverent affection. On
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La Salle's expedition, the first European settlement in Texas, rested the claims of France to all lands between Mexico and Louisiana,
Upon La Salle and his colony passing out of existence-which they event- ually did through disease and Indian warfare-began the rule and power of Spain over Texas territory, which continued until Mexican Independence in 1823. Following La Salle's landing at Matagorda Bay a number of individual expeditions, with varying forces of men and supplies, were attempted with more or less snecess-accompanying which there were disputes, skirmishes and battles with the Indians, and opposing Spanish and French colonies. Some were made under eloak of treachery for purpose of individual gain; others based upon what purported to be conquest governmental claims. One of the first, and one, too, that encountered the most desperate hardships, was that of the Megee expedition from New Orleans, which finally captured Fort Goliad in 1813, where Megee, as a brave commander, died in siege. Moses Austin was the first to obtain an official permission from the Spanish Governor at San Antonio to settle 300 families. Upon approaching the governor on the sub- ject he was peremptorily ordered from the Province, but soon afterwards meeting a soldier friend who happened to be attached to the governor's staff, the complexion of matters changed and Austin's demands were granted. Returning to his home in Missouri to carry out his plans, he soon afterwards died. His dying request was that his son, Stephen F. Austin, then at New Orleans, should carry ont and develop his plans-which he afterwards did with considerable success; beginning in 1821 he finally settled abont 1,200 families. The conditions prescribed by the Spanish government, then in con- trol of Louisiana territory. werc; "Subjects must be Roman Catholics, citi- zens of Louisiana, take oath to support Spanish Monarchy, and be of exemplary character. Each man was to receive 640 acres of land; his wife 320, and each child 160 acres. To heads of families 80 acres were given for each slave brought. The land was to be paid for at rate of 121/2 cents per acre. First six years all were exempt from taxes, tithes, etc. From that time until his death Stephen F. Austin was one of the most beloved and conspicuous public men of Texas. While a member of the Mexican Congress he was thrown into prison at Coahuila for his bold defense of liberty and righteousness, and kept in a dark dungeon for several months-depriving him of all comforts, writing materials, books, and communication with friends. In 1836, while on a later official mission looking to the relief of American colonies, he was treacherously murdered by Mexicans. A monument now stands in lobby of Capitol Build- ing at Austin commemorative of his many deeds of valor. It was in' 1825 that Texas began to receive a noticeable influx of immigrants from the states, and this was called "The immigration period." Encouraged by this, more liberal immigration laws were enacted, and the Mexican officers were so well pleased with Austin, De Leon and others that they wished to extend the impresario system in order to prosper the country. De Leon was one of the pioncer and more prominent Spaniards in mission-field work, and as a colonist manager first settled forty families on Guadalupe river, and 150 families on coast land,
In 1690, at request of Indians, the Mission of San Francisco de los Texas
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was founded in South Texas. The following year the Governor of Coahuila received orders from the King to establish eight more Missions in Texas ter- ritory, but on account of drouth and weak faith on part of the "pale faces" none of them prospered, and they were abandoned in 1693, only to be rehabili- tated again at beginning of seventeenth century. A number of these missions are yet in a splendid state of preservation, and as relies of an interesting past are regarded as valuable possessions by our state-most of them being sit- uated in South and Southwest Texas the more interesting of which are in and around San Antonio. During Spanish rule, in line with old-world cus- tom, slaughter was indulged in as a pastime; more especially the lower sec- tions of the state with San Antonio as the objective point, which was the ostensible seat of state government. As a result of the battle of Rosillo (March, 1813) the Spanish marched their captives to an obscure place, tied their hands and cut their throats. The battle of the Alazan (June, 1813), near San Antonio, and that of Medina (August, 1813) were especially marked with savage and disgraceful treachery on part of the Spanish, whose number of forces and equipments were far superior to opposing forces.
In 1819 the United States agreed to relinquish claims on Texas if Spain would sell to her Florida. Spain complied and Texas was abandoned by our government. But Americans questioned the authority of congress to exchange any portions of our possession, petitioned it accordingly, and some of our wisest statesmen opposed the course of the government. Incoming and local American colonies held a convention at Nacogdoches, and declared Texas a free and independent Republic, chose Dr. James Long, from Natchez, Miss., as President, with full staff of officers, and the turbulent times continued. Fields that before had borne abundant harvests, were now waste and barren. Population did not amount to more than 4,000 civilized persons. Pirating on high seas, the coast was seething with smugglers, and freebooters spread throughout East Texas.
In answer for relief, Santa Anna announced that he would send 4,000 soldiers to Bexar "for the protection of the country." Here Austin inter- rupted him as President of the assembled congress by saying that Texas had no need for these Mexican troops; that if Mexico would only permit, Texas would pay her taxes and duties and guard her frontier without cost to the central government. The soldiers were sent. The decision of Santa Anna was a bitter disappointment to all Texans. Matters again began to foment into a revolution in Coahuila; there were rival governors, rival legislatures, rival military factions, and strife, tumult and confusion was the order of the day. Texans looked on with disgust, and longed for the day when they could strike the fatal blow and free themselves from such expensive and farcical connections. Santa Anna, the Despot, became absolute ruler, but he was keen enough to see that Texas was settled with a superior class of men, and though he held Austin as a prison hostage for the good behavior of Texans, he otherwise put his artful treachery to a test to get them on his side. Hear- ing that Texas was not disposed to yield to his power. Santa Anna decided to crush this dangerous spirit of revolution. His first attempt to carry out
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these plans proved to be the spark that was needed to set ablaze the long smouldering fires of the Texas revolution, which later broke loose in all its fury. The period from 1830 to the battle of Goliad. Texas was likened unto a volcano approaching eruption. On April 6, 1830, the President of Mexico had issued a decree prohibiting inhabitants of the United States from settling in Texas; other nationalities being extended a cordial welcome, with the dis- pensation of paying their especial taxes, as an inducement. This gave Mexi- cans an opportunity to fix prices on all goods. In 1833 the Mexican Congress passed a law settling colonies of convicts and deserters in Texas. This, abetted by the method of collecting taxes by military forces, added more oil to the fire. In 1835 the outlook for Texas was indeed gloomy-state govern- ments being abolished, and the territory was put under absolute military rule.
In September, 1835, Gen. Santa Anna sent increased military forces into Texas under his brother-in-law, Gen. Cos, to overrun the people and "punish the Rebels." Austin had returned from his Mexican imprisonment. One hundred and sixty-eight Texans had captured Gonzales in battle. Texans being aroused to action, Houston was made commander-in-chief of all forces in East Texas, and Austin commander-in-chief of all volunteer troops. Goliad was next captured from Mexicans. Austin, with 700 men, moved to capture San Antonio, and within nine miles of town, sent 92 men to demand surrender. Next morning they were surprised to find themselves surrounded by large force of Mexicans. Texans won battle and captured 400 Mexicans. Much encouraged, a general consultation was held at San Felipe, Nov. 3, 1835, and a temporary government formed. Harry Smith was chosen President, Sam Houston commander-in-chief of army, and Branch T. Archer, Wm. H. Whar- ton and Stephen F. Austin were chosen to appeal to the United States for aid- which was, in due course of time; given with liberal hands. Beginning early on morning of Dec. 5th Texans stormed the city of San Antonio for five days, and finally took the town garrison and the Alamo Mission, defended by 2,000 Mexicans under Gen. Cos. During first day the Mexicans floated a red and black flag, which meant, "Death to every Texan." Mexicans lost 150 killed and large number wounded; Texans had two killed and twenty-five wounded- taking twenty-one pieces of artillery, 500 muskets and large supply of army stores. Austin's army then left San Antonio, and the Alamo in charge of seventy men in charge of Col. Neill. This force was later increased to 140 men, including the brave Bowie, Crockett and Bonham. When Santa Anna received news of Cos' surrender he was wild with rage, raised army of 6,000 men, and reached San Antonio Feb. 23. Besieging the Alamo, day by day the Mexicans poured their murderous fire into same, Santa Anna finally using his cavalry to press forward additional Mexican forces, as they were being slaughtered in relays by the Texans, to scale the walls of the Alamo. The Texans were hourly expecting re-enforcements. On March 1st thirty-two brave spirits came from Gonzales, increasing number to 182 men, including sick and wounded. After ten days' fighting, exhausted and sleepy, Travis exhorted his men that escape was impossible. With sword in hand he drew a line in front of his men and cried : "Those who wish to die like heroes and patriots, come
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