USA > Texas > Border wars of Texas; being an authentic and popular account, in chronological order, of the long and bitter conflict waged between savage Indian tribes and the pioneer settlers of Texas > Part 7
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Yoakum, however, tells us that "the In- dians along the Texan frontier were gener- ally mischievous-in fact there was scarce- ly a month that passed, but some murder or robbery was perpetrated by them." So we see that the year 1832 was not an exception. Hence it was some consolation to the Texans that, during this year, the different tribes had a good deal of fighting among themselves, especially a great battle between the Comanches and Shawnees, in which the former were badly defeated.
*But this year did not pass away without much apprehension of serious troubles with Indians. "This was a year of suffering for Texas; for no soonsr had they been relieved from the contest with the Mexicans, than they were still more alarmed by the ravages of the Indians, who were making continued depredations upon the frontiers. Their fears were not without foundation; for the powerful bodies of Indians in their vicinity were truly formidable." Against these savages their own moral and physical resources constituted about the sole means of defense, for at that time there were less than seventy Mexican sol- diers in Texas, and these were sustained by the citizens of Bexar. And too, the calamities of the settlers were still further increased by the appearance of the dreaded cholera, which had been long traveling westward, desolating hamlets, towns and cities, in its well marked course; and which reached Texas in the fall of this year, raging with fearful violence and claiming as its victims, many of the valuable and useful citizens of the struggling colonies.
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SHAWNEES OUTWIT COMANCHES.
In 1832 a party of five hundred Comanches came in- to San Antonio. At that time a party of Shawnees, twenty- five in number, were encamped in the hills, about thirty- five miles north of the town. A Comanche Indian attemp- ted to carry off one of the Shawnee women, who was in the town. She fled to her own people, gave them informa- tion of what occurred, and they prepared an ambush for their enemies at a point where they expected them to en- camp. The Comanches came as anticipated, and took off their packs. Just at this time, the Shawnees opened fire on them; and though they rallied often, so deadly was the effect and so secure the position of the attacking party, that the Comanches at last fled, leaving one hundred and seventy-five dead on the field. The discomfitted party returned to San Antonio, and the Mexican authorities sent out a force to assist them; but the Shawnees had made good their retreat, and thus far escaped the wrath of the exas- perated Comanches .*
It will be remembered that at this period, and perhaps during the next few years, the Comanches were on friendly terms with the Americans .** We have seen that a large
*Telegraph and Texas Register, Aug. 14, 1839.
* * Although the Comanches frequently raided the Mexican settlements along the Rio Grande, killing rancheros and capturing women and children, during the first years of the nineteenth century, they were all along friendly to the American settlers, and no serious hostilities can be charged to this tribe previous to about 1834-35. Ample evidence can be produced that these Indians maintained their friendship for the Americans till provoked to hostility. David G. Burnet, afterward prominent in the political affairs of Texas, lived with the Comanches from 1817 to 1819, and gives them a good reputation. Likewise, Gen. S. F. Austin had ample demonstrations of their honorable intentions and friendly feelings toward the American settlers. And it may be remembered that late as 1831, the people of Gonzales gave a barbecue dinner to about one hundred Comanches-the ladies of that then village as- sisting in serving the repast and entertaining their swarthy visitors: who after regaling themselves, mounted their horses and departed, with mutual expressions of good will. But this, in marked contrast with all that soon follows concerning the Comanches and their at- titude toward the whites. Once provoked to hostility, they commenced a most cruel, and bloody warfare-waged with relentless severity for nearly half a century against the settle- ments in Texas. Whether true or not, it is said the Comanches were first provoked to en- mity by a company of French traders from New Orleans, enroute to Santa Fe, and who gave poisoned bread to a begging party of Comanches. The fatal results following greatly incensed the Indians, who thereupon determined on revenge, and declared war upon the whites in general.
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delegation of this tribe met Sam Houston, as Indian agent of the United States, in friendly council at San Antonio dur- ing the last days of this year or the first of 1833. "Dur- ing 1833 and 1834," says Kenney, "their name does not ap- pear in the hostilities ascribed to known tribes, but In- dian hostilities in general, would blacken many pages."
BATTLE OF VELASCO.
Recurring to political affairs, and further noticing the warlike commotions of the Americans and Mexicans, in the colonies, during this year, it will be seen that Bradburn, the Mexican commandant at Anahuac, in violation of civil law, arrested and imprisoned, seventeen colonists, including Wm. B. Travis, Samuel T. Allen and Patrick C. Jack. The settlers flew to arms, hastened to Anahuac and demand- ed their release. This was promised in return for the sur- render of twenty of Bradburn's soldiers who had been cap- tured. The soldiers were delivered, the settlers meanwhile retiring to Turtle Bayou, where they held a mass meeting June 13, at which they passed resolutions denouncing Bus- tamente, and pledging support to the Mexican Constitution of 1824, and the "patriot Gen. Santa Anna." The commis- sioners sent to receive the Texan prisoners were denied ad- mission to the fort and were fired on. It was recognized that nothing further could be done without cannon and re- inforcements. John Austin, in command of a detail of men, was sent to Brazoria for both.
During his absence, Col. Piedras, commander at Nac- ogdoches and Bradburn's military superior, arrived at An- ahuac, set Travis and his companions at liberty, and re- moved Bradburn from office. Not knowing what was transpiring at Anahuac, John Austin, with one hun- dred and twelve men and a schooner, carrying can- non, started from Brazoria. When they reached Velasco the Mexican officer, Ugartechea, in command at that post, refused to permit the schooner to pass. Thereupon was fought the battle of Velasco, the first collision between the
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colonists and Mexican soldiery in which blood was shed in reg- ular warfare, much more of an actual conflict than the battle of San Jacinto, four years later, and one of the most bril- liant actions ever fought within the limits of the United States-equal in point of success to the exploit of Dick Dowling and his men at Sabine Pass during the war be- tween the States, and inferior only to the defense of the Alamo by Travis and his comrades in 1836.
False rumors of occurrences in Texas reaching Mexico, where Santa Anna was engaged in a struggle with the tyrant Bustamente for the supremacy, Santa Anna im- mediately despatched to Texas, Gen. Jose Antonio Mexia, with four hundred infantry and five armed vessels to learn what the intentions of the 'Texans were. Stephen F. Aus- tin, while at Victoria, the capital of Tamaulipas, learned of this expedition and hastened to Matamoras, where he joined Mexia and proceeded with him to the mouth of the Brazos. Mexia visited Brazoria, San Felipe and other places, and was thoroughly convinced that the Texans were loyal to the Republic and genuine supporters of the liberal cause. A banquet was given in his hcmor, at which speeches were made glowing with patriotic enthusiasm and toasts were drunk to Santa Anna. He then returned to Mexico, taking with him most of the troops stationed in the coast country and at San Antonio. Shortly thereafter James W. Bullock and three hundred men demanded that Piedras declare for Santa Anna. Piedras refused. A brisk fight ensued, with the result that Piedras retired with his forc- es, or rather retreated from his post at Nacogdoches during the night, to the Angelina River, where he was over- taken by a detachment of colonists, under James Bowie, to whom he surrendered his soldiers at once shouting, "Long live Santa Anna !"
These remarks make permissible, extracts from a re- cently discovered and highly interesting letter, penned by the empresario, Alex. S. Thompson, colleague and partner with Sterling C. Robertson of the famous "Nashville Com- pany," afterwards known as "Robertson's Colony."
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The organization of this company was fully perfected in 1830, and the following year Thompson came out to the colony bringing his family. Nashville subsequently be- came the capital of Milam County for several years, and a sen, W. D. 'Thompson, was the first county clerk in 1837. The ruins of his home may yet he seen on the site of this old town. Another son, "Mac" Thompson, was one of the seventeen unfortunate Meir prisoners who drew the black beans, and were shot. Alex S. Thompson lived many years in Burleson county, where he died in 1863, aged seventy- eight years. But to the letter:
Texas, Austin Colony, Aug. 5, 1832.
My Dear Son :-
I suppose you have seen in the public prints something of our commotions, and no doubt felt anxious for us. A few weeks ago the clouds of war hung thick over us, but now are all dispersed, and more prosperous times are approach- ing than ever have been seen in this country.
Our commotions in this colony arose from Colonel Bradburn having taken four or five Americans of the dis- triet in which he lived, and put them in confinement.
The alcalde of said district went to him and demand- ed them, wishing to have them tried by the civil authori- ties. He refused, but at length agreed that the Ayunte- mento might try them, which they did, and set them at liberty.
A short time afterwards, Bradburn had them again in confinement. This irritated the people of this colony, and a good many of them volunteered and went down to Brad- burn and demanded the prisoners. He required time to de- liberate, which they granted, but it is said he sent off for help, and then refused, after forfeiting his honor. Our men then sent on for all the cannon that was in the colony, which they got and put on board a vessel at Brazoria, but the Colonel that commanded at the mouth of the Braz- os, would not let them pass. They then attacked the fort and after a fight of eight hours the fort surrendered, hav- ing fired ninety rounds of artillery and 4,000 musket shots.
1
BOWIE'S FAMOUS INDIAN FIGHT-PAGE 76
MIN
JAMES BOWIE
PEZIN.P. BOWIE.
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Our vessel discharged 116 rounds of cannon. I have not learned how many rifle balls, but such bold militia I have never heard of before.
They stood in the open prairie and fought without cover, and even marched up in thirty-two paces of the mouth of the cannon and shot the Spaniards as fast as they approached to fire. It is said there were 150 in the fort and 190 of our men. They killed six of our men and we killed thirty four and wounded, I think about forty.
About that time Colonel Piedras, who commanded at Nacogdoches, went to our army on the Trinity and treated with them and went down to Bradburn and arrested him, and delivered all the prisoners to them, which they passed over to the civil power.
The men thus attained their object, and returned home peaceably, first showing the military that the constitution should be adhered to and the civil power rule.
Soon after this, Colonel Austin, who was in the in- terior, came on with a colonel in Santa Anna's service and was joined by the whole colony. 'They sent on expresses to the different garrisons, which had already consented to join them.
Austin says as soon as the legislature meets, the State will declare in favor of Santa Anna.
I do not suppose they will have any more fighting here. It is now past a doubt that Santa Anna will gain his point. General Teran has killed himself, and I have understood nearly all his army that were not killed have joined Santa Anna, who now holds all the ports of entry, and commands all the revenue. He has men and money plenty, while the other side is destitute of money, and their men are con- tinually deserting them and joining Santa Anna.
Santa Anna is said to be a true republican, and deter- mined not to lay down his arms without republicanism pre- vails. He has declared himself in favor of religious tolera- tion and free emigration, which are two things very desirable for this country, and so soon as that takes place, our coun- try will begin to flourish. We shall then have the right
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kind of people to settle our rich prairies, and bottom lands, and those of us who have ventured and suffered so much will then be repaid for all our toils and troubles. Alex S. Thompson.
AD LAWRENCE'S FAMOUS LEAP.
In the summer of 1832 occurred an adventure, that as told by the hero in his own homespun phrase, affords the mind's eye a glimpse of the Texas of old, and its inhabi- tants of renown. The hero ir questicm was Adam or "Ad" Lawrence, a gift of Tennessee to Texas, I believe, and who first settled near the headwaters of the Trinity River about 1829.
Certainly no man could have been by nature better adapted to the profession he had chosen. Though modest in manner, simple and unaffected in language, and of kind and gentle disposition, he was athletic in body, undaunted in spirit, and inured to hardships. He was especially fit- 1ed to risk the dangers of frontier life.
About 1838 or 1839 Lawrence settled on the south side of Brushy Creek, about four miles west from what was known as the "Hole in the Rock," in Williamson county, and where he died in 1880, at the ripe age of ninety years. A nephew, G. W. Lawrence, may still reside in the vicinity. Ad Lawrence is said to have been the first white man who crossed Brushy Creek at the place since known as "Law- rence's Crossing." He was not only a brave and daring Indian fighter, but one of the most expert mustang ropers that ever threw a lariat in Texas. On the occasion re- ferred to, Lawrence and three companions went out "mus- tanging." Far out into the broad prairie a herd of about one hundred mustangs was sighted, feeding on the tall, lux- uriant grass. As they cautiously approached, the horses showed no signs of flight. Coming nearer, the hun- ters prudently halted, being much surprised that the ani- mals exhibited no signs of alarm. An instant later and the anomaly was explained in rather a surprising manner. Says
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Ad: "The long grass of the prairie suddenly became alive with Indians. There was one to each pony, and they all mounted at a jump and made for us at full speed, coiling their lariats as they rode. There was no time for swapping horses, so we all turned tail and made a straight shoot for the nearest settlement on the Trinity, about ten miles off. Our animals were all fine, but the nag I rode was a black mare, a little ahead of anything in the country for speed and bottom. We rather left them the first three miles, but then their ponies began to show themselves. I tell you, you've no idea how much an Indian can get out of those mustangs. Instead of being a weight to them, they seem to help them along, and they kept up such a fearful yelling, 'pears like you might have heard them to Red River. We noticed that they divided, one half striking off to the left, and we soon found out the reason, for we quickly came to the bank of a deep gully or ravine, which had to be head- ed; it couldn't be crossed. They knew every inch of the ground, and one party made straight for the head of the ravine, while the balance struck in below to cut us off in that direction. 'Twas no use talking-we had to ride about a quarter of a mile to the left, right in their very faces, and head that branch. My nag was still tolerably fresh; the others were beginning to blow right smartly. I rode just fast enough to keep in the lead. I didn't care particularly about getting off without knowing what be- came of my companions. Just as I came to the head of the hollow, the Indians were within about a hundred yards, and yelling awfully.
"They thought they had us sure. I gave my mare the rein and just touched her with my spur, and turned the corner with about fifty arrows whizzing about my ears. One stuck in my buckskin jacket, and one in my mare's neck. You may believe she didn't go any slower for that- for a while I thought she cleared about twenty feet at a jump. Soon as I got headed right again, I looked around to see what had become of the others. One look showed me. They were all down. About half of the redskins had
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stopped to finish them, and the balance were coming for me like red hot lightning. I felt kinder dizzy-like for a minute, and then straightened up and determined to get away if I could. I hadn't much fear, if I didn't have to head another branch. I could see the timber of Trinity three miles away, and I gave my mare her own head. She had been powerful badly scared, and had been working too hard, and she was puffing a good deal.
"I managed to pull out the arrow which was sticking in her neck. Then I worked off my heavy buckskin coat, which was flopping about with the arrow sticking in it, catching a good deal of wind, and threw it away. I kept on about a mile further without gaining or losing much. Then I made up my mind to stop and let my nag blow a little, because I knew if I didn't she couldn't hold up much longer. So I pulled up, and alighted and looked around. Seemed as if the whole country was alive with Indians. About forty in a bunch a few hundred yards behind, and one not a hundred yards off. I loosened my saddle girth so she could breathe good, took my bridle in my left hand, and pulled my butcher knife with my right. It was the only weapon I had; I had dropped my rifle when I got dizzy. The Indian was game. He never stopped until he got within ten feet of me. Then he throwed away his bow, jumped off, and came at me with a long knife like mine. There wasnt time for a long fight. I had made my calcula- tions, and he was too sure he had me. He ran full against my knife and I left him laying there. I heard an awful howl from the others, and I pulled off my heavy boots, tightened my girth, and mounted. A few minutes more and I struck the timber of the Trinity, and then made the best of my way to the river.
"I knew that for miles, up and down, the banks were bluffs and fifteen or twenty feet high. Where I struck the river they were fifteen. I knew if my mare wouldnt take the leap I had to do it without her. She stopped an instant and snorted once or twice; but, hearing the sava- ges yell close behind, she took the jump. Down, down we
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went, full fifteen feet, plump into the deep water. We both went under for a second,then she rose, and struck out for the opposite bank with me on her back. Poor creat- ure, she got about two-thirds across, and then gave out un- der me with a groan. I tell you I fairly loved that animal at that moment, and hated to leave her as bad as if she had been human.
"I swam the rest of the way and crawled out on the bank pretty well used up. But I was safe. I saw the howl- ing and disappointed savages come to the bank I had left. But not one of them dared to take the leap. And the dis- tance was too great for them to shoot. So I rested awhile and then made the best of my way to the settlement."*
* Lawrence's leap is, perhaps, equalled in American annals only by that of Major Sam McCulloch down Wheeling Hill (West Virginia) in 1777.
CHAPTER VI.
HEN the sun rose New Year's day, 1833, it was confidently hoped by all, and be- lieved by most of the struggling colonists that it ushered in what was to be a new and brighter era for Texas. It was known that Santa Anna as President and Farias as vice President of Mexico, would be in- augurated in April as victorious champions of democratic-republican principles and pledged to the restoration of the federal constitution of 1824 in letter and spirit. It was thought that centralism had been trampled in the dust and blood of the battle field, never to arise again, that liberty was secure, and that all other good things would follow-including a separate state government for Texas. 'The people at this time, viewed the Mexican flag with real affection, indulg- ing the vain hope that it might forever remain their nation- al ensign, guiding the destinies of their descendants.
But alas! All was soon changed. The mask had now been so far removed from the face of Santa Anna, as to show him the arch-traitor he was, and every promise made to the people of Texas at the beginning of this year was broken before its close
And now it was that the spirit of revolution began to assume form. "About this time," says Burnet, "small clouds, the bigness of a man's hand, appeared, heaving up
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from the political horizon of Mexico, and portending chang- es which time alone could comprehend or develop. The little portentious clouds gradually expanded and gathered blackness, until the year 1835, when the storm broke violent- ly upon the confederacy; and Texas, resolute to resist the imposition of a military despotism, was driven to her final and well consummated declaration of independence in 1836.
Viewing the events of this period from the vantage point of today, they are seen to be the seeds from which sprang the wonderful future that followed.
Briefly noting the records of this year, we find that both the American and the Mexican population of Texas were clamorous for a separate state government: Jose de la Garza, Augel Navarro, Jose Casiano, Manual Ximenes, Jose Angel Seguin, Jose M. Zambrano, and Tignacio Ara- cha, all prominent and influential citizens of San Antonio, addressed a memorial to the Congress of Coahuila and Tex- as, in which they called attention to the necessity for a sep- arate state government for Texas, and reform of the land laws; and at some length reviewed conditions with regard to Indian hostilities. They said that Bexar (San Antonio,) was founded in 1693, and La Bahia (Goliad,) and Nacog- doches in 1717; that in the time that had elapsed, the presidics of San Saba, San Marcos, Trinidad and other military settlements on the rivers Brazos, Colorado, and Guadalupe, had been formed and later disappeared with the settlements that surrounded them, in some instances ev- ery soul being murdered by the savages, the Government having utterly failed to redeem its pledges to protect those who would undertake to people and civilize the wilderness; that since the year 1821 ninety-seven citizens of Bexar, LaBa- hia and the new town of Gonzales, had been killed by In- dians, exclusive of soldiers who perished in various expedi- tions; that further west, settlements had suffered more, and that all were threatened with destruction by the Coman- ches, who were taking advantage of all troops having been withdrawn from Texas, in consequence of military opera- tions in Mexico. 'The memorialists further said that the
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only body of soldiers in Texas consisted of seventy men sup- ported by voluntary contributions of citizens of San An- tonio.
The memorial to the Federal Congress drawn up and adopted by the American settlers of Texas in convention assembled at San Felipe de Austin, in April 1833, and for- warded to the capital by commissioner Stephen F. Austin, painted even a darker picture: "The history of Texas, from its earliest settlement to the present time exhibits a series of practical neglects and indifferences to all her peculiar in- terests on the part of each successive government which has had control of her political destinies. Bexar, the ancient capital of Texas, presents a faithful, but gloomy picture of her general want of protection, and encourage- ment. Situated in a fertile, picturesque, and healthful re- gion, and established a century and a half ago, (within which period populous and magnificent cities have sprung into existence), she exhibits only the decrepitude of age -sad testimonials of the absence of that political guard- ianship which a wise government should always bestow up- on the feebleness of its exposed frontier settlements. A hundred and seventeen years have elapsed since Goli- ad and Nacogdoches assumed the distinctive name of towns, and they are still entitled only to the diminutive ap- pellation of villages. Other military and missionary estab- lishments have been attempted but, from the same defect of protection and encouragement, they have been swept away, and scarcely a vestige remains to rescue their locations from oblivion.
"Bexar is still exposed to the depredations of her an- cient enemies, the insolvent, vindictive, and faithless Com- anches. Her citizens are still massacred, their cattle de- stroyed or driven away, and their very habitation threat- ned by a tribe of erratic and undisciplined Indians, whose long continued aggressions have invested them with a ficti- tious and excessive terror. Goliad is still kept in con- stant trepidation; is paralyzed in all her efforts for improve- ment; and is harassed on all her borders by the predatory
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