USA > Texas > Governors who have been, and other public men of Texas > Part 12
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Judge Reagan was Postmaster General of the Confederate Gov- ernment from the inauguration of President Davis until just be- fore the surrender of the Confederate Army, when, I am under the impression, he was made Secretary of the Treasury. My im- pression is also that he accompanied President Davis when he
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left Richmond, and was capturd with him, and I believe was im- prisoned in Fortress Monroe, but do not state that to be a fact.
After he got back home I recollect, though I was but a boy, that he wrote a letter advising the people to accept the results of the war, and accord obedience to those in authority-that re- sistance was useless. It was good advice, but it aroused great feeling against the writer, as the people were so dumbfounded and disappointed by the result of the war, and so embittered by the treatment they had received, that they felt that Judge Reagan was trying to curry favor with the party in power, but they were grievously in error. He had a broader vision than did others, and was trying to serve his people.
They looked upon him as they did upon Sam Houston when, before the war began, he warned them that their defeat was inevitable, that though they might win victories at first, the strength of the North would be too great for the South to combat successfully, and that the grass would grow in the streets of their cities and towns, and sorrow fill their homes, but they mocked at his warnings and laughed him to scorn. In a few years they saw his prophecies fulfilled in ruin, desolation, suffering and sorrow.
His was a mind that forecast the future, just as he forecast the coming of the Texas Republic and his occupancy of the position of President of the young nation.
Judge Reagan saw that necessity existed for regulation of in- terstate commerce, just as James S. Hogg saw the same necessity for railroad regulation in Texas, and he was the father of the Interstate Commerce Act, for which he fought when the fight seemed hopeless and success impossible, but adherence to convic- tion and persistency in pursuit of what he conceived to be the right was an outstanding element in his makeup. I heard him say once that there was certain legislation he endeavored to en- act when he was a member of the House in the Texas Legislature in 1847, but failed in his purpose, but that he had never lost sight of the matter, nor let up, and when he was a member of the constitutional convention of 1875 he achieved his purpose. For twenty-eight years he had treasured a desire concerning a matter which he believed was right and just, and he realized his desire after a lapse of time, that in the case of the average man would have served to have banished the idea from his mind.
Governor Hogg appealed to him to resign from the Senate and take the chairmanship of the Railroad Commission in 1891, and with characteristic patriotism, he yielded to the call, and Gov- ernor Hogg appointed Hon. Horace Chilton as his successor-a selection that met statewide and deserved approval.
James Reagan as a public speaker never attempted any flights of rhetoric or wove any garlands of fancy, but he was a most forcible and interesting speaker, because he knew what he meant
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to say, and said it with luminous clearness, and he spoke the words of an honest man prompted by the impulses of an honest heart. Judge Reagan was a most ardent admirer and valiant champion of Jefferson Davis to the day of his death. The same was true of Governor Lubbock. Both men had been thrown into intimate contact with Mr. Davis, and not only admired, but loved him. Such seems to have been the case with every man who knew Mr. Davis intimately.
The attorneys general in his cabinet changed three times-Mr. Benjamin, Mr. Watts and Mr. Davis of North Carolina, having all filled that position, but my wife's father, who was Assistant Attorney General and frequently acting Attorney General, re- mained close to Mr. Davis during the entire war, and he, like Judge Reagan and Governor Lubbock, was his ardent admirer and devoted friend. There must have been those qualities in the chief executive of the Confederacy which challenged ad- miration and confidence. All intelligent men know that he was the most profoundly learned, cultured, and accomplished man ever in public life in America, but those who were not drawn into intimate association with him had the conception of him that he was autocratic, selfish, and cold, but the three men re- ferred to above resented vehemently that charge and declared that he was gentle, considerate, and in every way most lovable.
He had, of course, that measure of self-confidence which his wonderful learning and intellect justified, and he may have at times exercised his power in a way that was not the wisest as subsequent events proved, but no man who knew him doubted his patriotism or unselfish devotion to duty.
He was faithful in his conviction and to his people even unto death, and May 31, 1893, nearly four years after his death, and twenty-eight years after he had been shackled in a dungeon, he was laid in his final resting place in historic Hollywood amid such a demonstration of grief and love, and gratitude, and rever- ence, and devotion to a fallen cause as the world never saw be- fore-has never seen since-and will never see again. I know, because I was an humble constituent of the throng of 200,000 people that followed the catafalque on which the casket rested.
From New Orleans to Richmond, at noonday, and as the shades. of evening fell and "in the dead waste and middle of the night" and at early dawn, thousands gathered with uncovered heads to do reverence to the South's great son. I saw strong, stalwart, brawny men, with cheeks wet with tears, men who had faced death on a score of battlefields, lift their children in their arms and press their faces against the glass-covered sides of the cata- falque that they might look upon the flower-heaped casket which held the pulseless clay of a statesman, soldier, and patriot.
It seemed as if they were saying to their offspring: "Look upon
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him and learn what manhood meant, and learn that he was a true, brave, heroic servant of his people-a knightly son of a glorious race-a Christian gentleman, who loved duty and honor better than he loved life." "Twas such a man that John H. Reagan loved, and I believe they have met again, where there is no dark- ness or tears, but where for the faithful there remaineth rest eternal.
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CHAPTER XIX.
Charles A. Culberson was nominated at Dallas in 1894, and elected at the ensuing election. He entered public life dowered with gifts and advantages few young men have ever possessed. He had received the benefit of his legal training at the hands of his father, who, as a lawyer, stood second to no man of his day and time. His father's intellect was of the highest order, and his knowledge of the science of law was profound, and com- bined with such elements of success was great skill as a trial lawyer. I do not remember ever to have seen him, but believe from what I have heard that my statements are in accord with the facts.
He gave his son the benefit of a thorough education, and the son availed himself fully of the opportunity afforded him. He had inherited a clear, strong, vigorous mind, and he served no apprenticeship, and went through no "starvation period," but from the outset of his career demonstrated a marked ability, and as a lawyer "arrived" at an early age.
I for ten years represented the Western Union Telegraph Com- pany in many counties in Texas, and 1 very frequently ran upon a precedent in telegraph law that gave me much trouble, that was set by the Supreme Court in a case in which Governor Cul- berson was attorney for the plaintiff in the early days of his career as a lawyer. The holding in the case still remains as set- tled law, and perpetuates the fact that a lawyer of the first class was responsible for it.
I have seen it stated that he won a very notable professional victory attacking an act of Congress, which he asserted was un- constitutional-a contention which the court of ultimate resort upheld.
I have a friend, Hon. Frank Andrews of Houston, whose opin- ion as to any lawyer's professional ability is entitled to respect, for he is a lawyer of the first order of ability himself. He is a man that thinks before he speaks, and measures well his words when he speaks. He said to me on one occasion: "I was thrown in daily contact with 'Charley' Culberson for four years while he was Attorney General. When one man associates in a profes- sional way with another for that length of time, he is prepared to speak advisedly of his ability, because if his apparent ability is but a veneer of pretense, with no solid support, it will wear off. I thought at the end of four years, and I still think, 'Charley' Culberson is the best lawyer I ever saw."
Governor Culberson possessed also the advantage of a most attractive and impressive personality. He was educated at the Virginia Military Institute, and his training in the rigid discip- line of that great school gave him a soldierly bearing. He walked
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with a firm tread, held himself erect, and was besides the hand- somest man I ever saw when he became Governor, and was, if possible, even handsomer when he entered the Senate. Had he lived in the age of mythology, he would have been given a place among the gods.
His administration was marked by the ability and efficiency which might have been expected of him, and at the end of four years he was promoted, if it be a promotion, which I insist it was not, to the Senate. It was my pleasure as a member of the House to cast này vote as one which comprised a part of, if I am not mistaken, the unanimous vote he received.
While he was Governor I enjoyed, as I am sure he did, a little episode in which he was one of the dramatis personae. I was passing through the south corridor of the Capitol one afternoon and saw a group composed of two women and two men, apparently much interested in studying Huddle's great painting, "The Surren- der of Santa Anna." I knew one of the party, the late George Walker, who was for years manager of the leading theater in Austin. I was attracted by the beauty of one of the ladies, and stopped near enough to the party to discover that Mr. Walker was not suffi- ciently familiar with Texas history to very much enlighten his guests upon the meaning of the picture.
I stepped up and lifted my hat and said: "Mr. Walker, per- haps I can be of some service to you in the matter of interpret- ing the picture to your friends." He received my offer with evi- dent pleasure, and said: "Judge, allow me to present Mrs. Good- win, Miss Elliott and Mr. Goodwin," all of whom received the in- troduction most graciously.
Mrs. Goodwin was, on the stage, Miss "Maxime" Elliott, known to millions as one of the most beautiful women in the world. Miss Elliott was her sister, later the wife of Sir Forbes Robert- son, the distinguished Shakespearean actor, a charming woman of shrinking modesty.
After I had finished interpreting the meaning and historical significance of the painting, I said: "Now, Mrs. Goodwin, you must allow me the honor of presenting you to the Governor of Texas." "Oh, no!" she exclamed. "I could not think of in- truding upon the Governor." I said: "Madam, a pretty woman could never intrude upon the Governor of Texas. We don't elect that kind of Governors here." She still protested, because she doubtless never dreamed that she would be invited to meet the Governor, because, as I have said on a previous page, Gov- ernors in the Northern states are not as accessible to the general public as are Governors in the South.
She and her party at last consented to accompany me; and so sure was I that they, and especially the beautiful woman whom I most especially desired the Governor to see, would be received
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cordially, we sent in no cards, nor did we linger in the outer ante-room, but walked straight into the inner room, opening directly into the Governor's private office. The door was open, and as soon as his gaze rested on Maxime Elliott he called out: "Come right in, Judge, and bring your friends." I did so. He had been engaged in conversation with a lawyer from my home city, who kept his seat. The stately beauty said: "You are busy, Governor, and I will not intrude." But the Governor did not in- tend to have her leave, so he said: "Oh, he can wait-have a seat"; and with characteristic grace and elegance, placed a chair for her. She faced west, and he seated himself facing east, and I stepped into the inner ante-room, where I could see both of them, and I said to myself: "There is the handsomest pair of human beings that ever met," and I have never since changed my mind. They would have furnished a theme worthy of the brush of any artist, however talented or famous. The Governor, of course, received Miss Gertrude Elliott and Mr. Goodwin courteously, but the more famous lady caught and en- chained his attention.
Whether the Democrats were in control in the Senate when he entered that body, I do not recall; but, in any event, he soon rose to the chairmanship of the Judiciary Committee which, as I understand, is considered the highest honor among chairman- ships.
He was re-elected in 1905, 1911 and 1916, and if his life is spared, will have completed four full terms when his present term ends.
I am advised that his physical health is much impaired, but that his mental faculties function in all their normal brilliancy and strength.
I was asked on one occasion by a friend in Virginia if I knew personally the two men who then represented Texas in the United States Senate. I replied that I did, and that J. W. Bailey and Charles A. Culberson were the two youngest, two handsomest, and two ablest men in that august parliament; and I have not since changed my mind upon that point.
I have never taken any part in the attacks made upon Senator Bailey, because I have never believed that the business trans- actions which were so exploited in the press, had any relation whatever to his senatorial action. I believed, and said as much to his nearest friends, that there never was a man big enough or honest enough to be able to afford to ignore the apostolic in- junction about avoiding "even the appearance of evil," and that was, in my judgment, the height of Senator Bailey's offending.
I believe that as he was conscious that he meant nothing wrong, and had no untoward or sinister purpose in mind, he could not realize that anybody else could think to the contrary.
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He made a mistake, as the best of us are liable to do, and if when he attacked in a bitter speech individual members of the Legis- lature, he had instead frankly stated that he realized he had made a mistake in view of his position as a Senator, but that any man who believed any improper motive had actuated him, misjudged him, and did him an injustice, and he was willing to let the dead past bury its dead, and to forgive those who had wronged him, he would have been at once restored to, and immovably intrenched, in popular favor.
That he is a man of very high order of ability, no man can justly deny. He never hesitated to take the unpopular or weak side of any question; and while his judgment may often have been justly questioned, his courage cannot be doubted-and cour- age in modern-day politicians is a rare virtue.
Had I been disposed to align myself with the anti-Bailey men, there were personal reasons which imperatively forbade. The father of his wife and my father were devoted friends. Her mother, a cultured, queenly woman, and my mother were neigh- bors and friends of long standing. Her sisters and mine were schoolmates, and her brothers and myself were collegemates and friends, and I never yet saw or heard or read of any kind of political controversy that could cause me to forget the treasured friends and associates of my parents, or the friends of my boy- hood days.
Politicans come and go, and are forgotten. "The shouting and the tumult dies," often leaving nothing but regretful memories of bitter strife; but the friendships of early days are a treasure- house of pleasant memories which last until life ends.
It matters not what the enemies of any man may say of him, if he commands the friendship and devotion of thousands of honest men, who are ready to do political battle for him, work for him, spend and be spent for him, and who adhere to him and follow his fortunes at all times, there is in him those elements of man- hood which entitle him to respect, however widely we may differ with him as to his political or personal actions.
Charles A. Culberson was succeeded in the Governor's office by Joseph D. Sayers of Bastrop County. I was temporarily out of Texas when Governor Roberts was nominated the first time, but my recollection is that Governor Sayers was nominated for Lieutenant Governor at that time.
Later he was elected to Congress, and served, I believe, six- teen years, much of the time as Chairman of the Committee on Appropriations. Texas never had in Congress a more honest or more efficient a representative. He was, too, a gallant sol- dier, and was, I believe, in General Tom Green's command, and won the commission of Major by his gallant services.
He was very severly wounded in one of the battles in Louisiana.
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If his ankle was not broken, the wound at least was very severe and distressingly painful. He was hauled, as I remember, on a sugar cane cart to a point near the house of a wealthy planter who, as I recall, was, or had been, Governor of the State.
Some of the escort asked permission for him to be taken into the house, but it was denied; so Major Sayers lay all night out of doors, or perhaps under the sugar shed, suffering intensely. The next morning the proprietor of the plantation came down and saw him, and perhaps asked his name, or heard he was an officer, and at once said: "If you had let me know you were an officer, I would have had you brought into the house, and will take you there now." "No, sir," said the suffering soldier, "you will not. If the humblest private in my command would not be welcomed and cared for in your house, I will not enter it. I would lie here under this shed and die first." That incident reveals the man- ner of man he is.
During the convention at Galveston in 1898, when he was nomi- nated for Governor, I introduced him to a charming lady, whose father was his fellow soldier in Louisiana, and who fell in the forefront of the fighting. He received her with the utmost cor- diality, and when he discovered she was the daughter of his gallant comrade, he said: "Yes, madam, I knew your father. When I was wounded, or about that time, I entered a room where his body lay prepared for burial"-and he proceeded to pay an evidently heartfelt tribute to the hero who fell fighting thirty- five years before.
Those who know Governor Sayers best, esteem him most. I had never been intimate with him, nor have I ever been under any obligation to him-yet I know what those think of him who claim intimacy with him.
He vetoed the only bill drawn by me while in the House in which I felt any personal interest, and while I believed he made a mistake, yet I never doubted for a moment that he exercised his honest judgment.
He was, for many years, the law partner of that able and noble man, G. W. (Wash) Jones, but after he entered Congress, he had but little time to devote to his profession, and when he left the Governor's office, never resumed the practice.
It might have been supposed that after so long a time he would have grown rusty in the law, and his skill have somewhat abated, but a very able lawyer who had occasion to examine closely much of his work done only a few years ago, as Master in Chan- cery in the Federal Court in some very important cases involv- ing many complicated legal questions, told me the work was most admirably done, and evinced a very high order of legal ability.
In the winter of 1889 I spent an evening with Major Sayers in the hospitable home of a mutual friend in San Antonio, the
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late J. Harvey McLeary, who was elected Attorney General in 1880, when Governor Roberts was elected for the second time.
I asked Major Sayers about a number of prominent men, Re- publicans and Democrats, with whom he was then serving in the house, naming several of them. I did not chance to mention John G. Carlisle who, as I recall, was then Speaker of the House. Major Sayers said: "Yes, the men you name are all bright, capable men; but I have been in Congress about six years, and have had opportunity to judge of the intellectual caliber of all the men, Republicans and Democrats, in both branches of Congress, and I have never yet seen one who, in point of intellectual ability, was in John G. Carlisle's class. There is not one of them who, figuratively speaking, he could not lay across his knee and spank as a teacher could a school boy." The Major's opinion was shared by all men who knew John G. Carlisle well.
I was on one occasion talking with the Major's devoted friend, Harvey McLeary, a blunt, outspoken, apparently rough, but really kind-hearted and lovable man, devoted in his friendships and intense in his hatreds. He said: "Somebody asked me the other day why I was so devoted to Joe Sayers, and had so little confidence in - (naming a man I knew well); I replied: 'Because Joe Sayers was never faithless to a friend or a trust, and the other man was never faithful to one.'"
Governor Sayers carried into his retirement the confidence, re- spect and reverence of every man who is capable of appreciat- ing unselfish patriotism, unswerving integrity and fidelity to con- viction and duty.
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CHAPTER XX.
S. W. T. LANHAM.
The successor of General Sayers was S. W. T. Lanham. He was, as I have said, defeated in the convention of 1894 by Gov- ernor Culberson. He was, I am sure, disappointed and discour- aged, for on one occasion he referred to it, when talking to me, as the time "when the iron entered my soul."
He came to Texas shortly after the war an almost penniless ex- Confederate soldier, having gone into the army in South Caro- lina, his native state, when but little more than a lad, but he did a man's part. He long cherished the commendable ambition to be Governor, and risked the loss of a seat in Congress by offer- ing in 1894.
He was at an early age made District Attorney of a judicial dis- trict which stretched from Weatherford away up into the Pan- handle. It was called the "Jumbo District" and he made many friends who were scattered over that vast domain.
It rapidly filled up, and those friends served him a good part in later years. He was sent repeatedly to Congress, and after he was defeated at Dallas, the late Charles K. Bell, as I recall, took his place in Congress for four years. At the end of that time he was returned to Congress and was, I believe, a member when nominated for Governor in 1902. He had, if my memory serves me correctly, no opposition for the nomination. It took place at Galveston and Hon. John H. Reagan was on the stand of the presiding officer.
He and Governor Lanham had long served in the House to- gether, and he was, so to speak, the Governor's patron saint, po- litically. They were devoted personal friends, and the first act of the nominee after acknowledging the honor conferred on him, was to go to Judge Reagan and embrace him as if he had been his father. It was really a very touching scene, because it spoke the language of the heart.
Governor Lanham consecrated himself to the service of the State. He was never beyond the limits of Texas while in office. He was, I have heard, in large part self-educated, but he was cul- tured and familiar with the best literature, and was an eloquent speaker, and his record in public and private life was without a blot.
He related to me an incident that occurred while he was Gov- ernor, which interested me very much. He was my guest at breakfast one morning in my home in Houston, and we were dis- cussing after the meal was finished, a railroad consolidation bill he had been urged to veto. It consolidated several detached short lines which were operated by the Southern Pacific.
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I had no connection with that or any other railroad, but the bill was so manifestly wise, and just, that I wrote Governor Lan- ham a personal letter, in which I quoted from Judge Reagan when he was on the Railroad Commission, relative to the desir- ability of consolidation under such circumstances.
Just after the Governor had received my letter there came into his office a North Texas politician who had no special influence, but who had his ears always to the ground to catch what the "peepul" were saying and who thought to be "anti-railroad" was always safe. He came in, he said, to warn the Governor against approving the bill, because it was most dangerous. He was as much wrought up as if the welfare of the whole State depended upon the Governor's action. The Governor was a soft-spoken, unemotional kind of a man, who thought for himself, and never slopped over, but always tried to reach a right conclusion.
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