USA > Texas > Tarrant County > Fort Worth > History of Texas : Fort Worth and the Texas northwest edition, Volume II > Part 3
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Another grievance against the railroads is tersely stated in the following words, taken from Governor Culberson's message, January 16, 1895 :
"Every act of the Legislature which authorized a donation of land to corporations required its alienation in good faith within stated periods of time, in default of which the land became for- feited to the state. These provisions were wisely intended to prevent and discourage perpetuities and land monopolies and should be effectually executed. In unmistakable evasion of the law railroad companies have frequently transferred the land color- ably only, sometimes directly to individuals, sometimes through simulated foreclosure proceedings and sometimes through forma- tion of new corporations by stockholders, bondholders or directors of the old companies, in efforts to avoid forfeitures. By this means the policy of enforced alienation is thwarted and the land held in practical perpetuity for speculative purposes in obvious dis- regard of the growth and development of the state."
Reference has elsewhere been made to the good work of the Rangers in affording protection to the frontier. In this work they were heartily seconded by the cattlemen, who spread out over the plains as rapidly as conditions of safety would warrant. Free grass was the rule, whether the lands belonged to individuals, to the school fund or was public domain. Free grass was regarded as one of the perquisites of the frontier. The small expense involved and the good prices prevailing up to 1882, made the cattle business as profitable as it was attractive to a large element that naturally gravitated to the West. The legislation recommended by Governor Roberts, provid-
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ing for the sale of the public and school lands, proceeded on the assumption that it was better to sell them to cattle and land corpora- tions than to donate them to railroads. The rapidity with which they were seized surprised the warmest advocates of this policy. It was never popular with the people who demanded that the lands be sold to settlers.
STOCKMEN AND PUBLIC LANDS
"Next to the introduction of railroads," said Roberts, "barbed wire has done the most to develop the agricultural and pastoral pursuits of the state." As if by magic it transformed the open country of the West into a series of pastures, and put a stop to settlement. The very existence of those men was threatened who owned cattle but no lands. Small stock men generally fared little better. Sometimes the only water holes in extensive dry areas were fenced in. In other cases school lands and private lands were inclosed without the consent of the owners. The first lease law enacted in 1883 proved more favor- able to the large cattlemen than to the small ones and actual settlers. The population divided into free grass and pasture men .- the former representing free grass for the many, the latter free grass for the few. Great bitterness arose between them, outbreaks of violence occurred, developing finally into a mania for fence-cutting. Governor Ireland regarded conditions so grave that he convened the Legisla- ture in special session in January, 1884.
Fence-cutting was made punishable by imprisonment in the peni- tentiary, but those who unlawfully enclosed public and private lands were punishable by fine only.
Fence-cutting had some points in common with labor strikes. Both were due to oppressive conditions created in defiance of law. In each case remedial measures were much more effective in dealing with the aggrieved than with the aggressor. The punishment of the fence-cutter was much easier than to compel the cattle companies to take down their fences from around school and private lands, or even to make them pay a just rental for their use. In an address delivered in April, 1886, two years after the above named law had been passed, A. W. Terrell said,
"I hold in my hand a map copied from one made by a grass commissioner of the land board, which shows twenty counties of the Panhandle in one block, wired in, every acre of them, in pas- tures built generally by corporations. Inside of those pastures are millions of acres of unrented and unsold school land, which are appropriated in defiance of law."
The chartering of cattle and land corporations was stopped in 1885.
The refusal of the cattle corporations to pay "for the children's grass" was deeply resented by those residing in the thickly settled portion of the state. The Westerners, on the other hand, contended that the lease law ought to be repealed, because it furnished to the pasture men the chief support for their monopoly, and by so doing placed an embargo upon the further settlement of the West. "You have given one-half of this country (the West) to corporations for
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building railroads, not one mile of which was ever built west of Fort Worth. You have endowed your blind, lunatic and deaf asylums out of the lands of that country and have given 3,000,000 acres to erect a state capitol, and now you demand that the balance be leased out to educate your children." (M. A. Spoonts' address to democratic state convention, 1886.)
The building of pastures had much influence upon the cattle indus- try. Better control of the herd resulted in improved stock. The uncertainties of the range during drought or winter turned the atten- tion of the stockmen to agriculture as a source for additional feed supply. The ravages of Texas fever paved the way for live stock sanitary regulations. As the cost of production increased the decline of prices caused no little dissatisfaction among the stockmen. The settlement of Kansas and Nebraska closed the "trails" over which great droves of cattle had formerly been driven to market. The sub- ject of railroad rates, and the combinations of packers to control prices caused the cattlemen much worry. They readily joined the farmers in their demands for regulation of freight rates and for anti-trust laws.
THE GRANGE
The business of no other class of population in the South suffered greater change through the war than the agricultural. The accumu- lated savings of several generations of the planters were swept away when the slaves were set free without compensation. The recent immigrants as a rule were poor. In his address to the second annual meeting of the Texas State Grange, 1874, Master W. W. Lang described conditions in the following words :
"The planters of the state generally are in debt. * Cotton planting for several years has been attended with actual loss of money. The effort of the Southern agriculturists to produce cotton to the exclusion of all other crops has brought distress upon the country. It is a sad condition. The question then comes to the planter with terrible earnestness: What shall I do? How can I rid myself of the galling slavery of debt? One of the primary purposes of the order of Patrons of Husbandry was to bring the farmers to a cash basis-to buy for cash and to sell for cash: it will be your duty to inaugurate some system which will tend to aid the farmer to bring about this happy condi- tion, and if you succeed in breaking up the great cotton monopoly in our agricultural system by diversifying our pursuits and filling our storehouses with bread and provender for man and beast. von will have accomplished a great blessing for our country. Our tillers of the soil have to unlearn many habits of planting under the system of slave labor; they have to forget they ever were planters and learn to be independent farmers."
The Texas State Grange was organized at Dallas, October 2, 1873. Within two years after organization its membership was 40,000. In 1884 the membership was about 14,000, and thereafter it gradually declined through the rapid growth of the Farmers' Alliance. The Grange did not originate in Texas as did the Farmers' Alliance and
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the Farmers' Union. It had passed its experimental stage before entering this state. Its advent marked a new era in farming. For the first time Texas farmers banded themselves together to improve their social, educational, and material condition. The activities of the order included many matters non-political in their nature, but some of the changes it sought to bring about required legislation and, there- fore, involved more or less political activity.
To elevate the farmers "out of the old paths, where they have been so long journeying," the lever of education was selected. The educa- tional scheme embraced the entire farm population : for the adult the Grange, for the youth the A. & M. College, and for the children the public free schools. When the Grange was organized in this state the free schools were viewed with little favor by many. In each annual address from 1877 to 1890, the Master of the Texas State Grange called attention to the public free schools and the A. & M. College. The introduction of the principles of agriculture in the rural schools was advocated from 1877 forward; more liberal support, local taxa- tion, and longer school terms were also urged. For several years after it was opened the A. & M. College gave little attention to agri- culture and the mechanic arts. This condition the Grange deplored and gave assistance in securing larger appropriations, until the school became what its name implied. Farmers were urged to give their sons the advantages it offered. A demonstration farm was suggested in 1877, and an experiment farm was recommended the next year. The need of a school where girls could be taught domestic science and all arts that adorn the home was set forth in 1881 and kept on the program thereafter.
"The Grange is our school, where we are to discuss all important questions that affect the public welfare, and to the extent that we are enlightened will intelligent action follow." A vigorous protest was made against the levying of a tax on land and an additional tax on the products arising from that land before such products had been placed upon the market. A constitutional amendment, adopted in 1879, exempted from taxation farm products in the hands of the producer. Marketing farm products engaged much attention. The collection of agricultural statistics for the information of the farmer, fraudulent weights by cotton factors and others, the selection of public weighers, and the prohibition of speculation in cotton futures were some of the problems dealt with. The reduction of freight rates and the improve- ment of Texas harbors were advocated many years before important results were obtained.
The one thing that loomed largest in the Granger's horizon was the railroad. He wanted the railroad, but he wished to curb its inroads on his profits. As early as 1875 complaint was made about "the fearful rate of freight we have to pay upon all the implements of husbandry imported into this state." The farmers early put them- selves on record as being opposed to profligate and greedy misman- agement of railroads, and "to any and all efforts on their part to control the legislation of the country, to influence the courts or to override law and justice." Taking time by the forelock, a resolution
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was adopted calling upon the constitutional convention to "insert a clause in the constitution binding the Legislature to regulate the charges of freight and fare on railroads." This was done, but it was many years before any Legislature attempted to carry out this com- mand. In his annual address in 1882, Master A. J. Rose said,
"The subject of regulating the charges of railroads by law has been continually agitated by our organization from its early his- tory. * * * It took the initiative step against the tyranny of Monopolies. * * The constitution of Texas declares that `the Legislature shall pass laws to correct abuses and prevent unjust discrimination and extortion in the rates of freight and passenger tariffs on the different railroads of the state, and shall from time to time pass laws establishing reasonable maximum rates of charges for the transportation of passenger and freight on said railroads, and enforce all such laws by adequate penal- ties.' * * Nearly seven years have expired since its adop- * tion and no law regulating freight charges as contemplated by the constitution (has been passed). * *
* It is of common occurrence for them to charge more for a short haul than for a long one, thereby damaging one section for the benefit of another, and charge one citizen more for the same service rendered than another."
Each year the Grange returned to this subject with greater earn- estness. In 1884 a resolution was adopted, declaring "that the Texas State Grange will not directly, nor through its officials, from this time forward ask the railroads for any reduction of fare." Another resolu- tion stated that, "Believing it to be wrong and corrupting in its prac- tice for any legislator or judge to accept free passes from railroad corporations, we respectfully ask that our next Legislature pass a law making it a high misdemeanor for any officer of any corporation to offer, or for a judge or legislator to accept a free pass from any rail- road." In 1885 Master Rose said,
"Texas has given sixteen sections of land per mile for the con- struction of her railroads. This land was the property of her citi- zens, which at present prices would more than build all the roads in Texas. * Notwithstanding this they will bring freight from points hundreds of miles beyond our border to the most distant points in the state for less than they will from one point to another within the state. * * The roads of the state are * dependent upon the farmers for an existence, and yet the farmers cannot get the advantages even equal to those who live out of the state."
Congress passed the interstate commerce commission law in 1887. John H. Reagan, the author, was a Texan and a member of the Texas State Grange. The next year the order declared for a railroad com- mission for Texas.
Railroads, however, were not the sole cause for complaint by the farmers. There were many other subjects that received attention. Speaking of the existing agricultural depression, Master Rose in his address, 1891, said :
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"There are many things which contribute to this depression, viz : The contraction of the currency, the protective tariff, high rates of interest, high salaries, unequal taxation, the surplus mid- dlemen who stand between the producer, consumer and manufac- turer, trusts that depress the markets of agricultural products while in the hands of the producers, the credit and mortgage system as now generally practiced, the thousands who live in idle- ness at the expense of labor, the heavy outlay by farmers for articles of consumption that could and should be raised at home- these all help."
FARMERS' ALLIANCE
The Farmers' Alliance was started in Lampasas County, Texas, in 1875, by a number of farmers as a defensive league against the encroachments of land sharks.
"The history of the move, from its inception to 1886, was not attended with much interest. It had grown by August, 1885, to the number of about 700 sub-alliances, and had changed its objects and workings until they resembled very closely those of the present. From August, 1885, to August, 1886, a most pro- digious growth was recorded; the increase was about 2,000 sub- alliances. Among the reasons for this rapid growth, and probably one of the more potent, was the fact that all other occupations were either organized or were rapidly organizing, and the farming interest was unable to cope with them unorganized. * *
* Again, the results of combination had reduced the price of all products the farmer had to sell to such an extent that in many cases they would *
not pay hirelings' wages. * * The rule was that a year spent in the most vigorous labor and rigid economy would, with good man- agement, yield a bare subsistence, and in many cases it yielded less ; and would finally result in a surrender of the farm to the mortgagee merchant, and the addition of one more family to the army of renters." (Annual address of President C. W. Macune, 1887.)
At the annual meeting of the State Farmers' Alliance at Cleburne, August, 1886, the following demands of the state government were adopted: The sale of all public and school lands in small tracts to actual settlers on easy terms of payment; taxation at market value of all lands held for speculation by individuals and corporations; prohibition of alien ownership of land; the prevention of dealing in futures of all agricul- tural products; the removal of fences from public and school lands unlawfully enclosed by cattle companies, syndicates or other corpora- tions; the enforcement by the attorney general of the payment of all state and county taxes from corporations; the assessment of railroad property for taxation at an amount equivalent to that on which divi- dends are based; the regulation of freight rates, the prevention of re- bates and pooling of freights; and compelling corporations to pay their employes according to contract in lawful money. These demands were advocated with much fervor, and the Alliance grew with astounding rapidity. By June, 1888, there were 3,673 sub-alliances, 143 county alli- ances, with a membership of 225,000.
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Neither the Grange nor the Alliance were political parties, but they exerted an influence on existing parties in the shaping of their platforms and in the selection of their candidates. The discontent existing in poli- tical ranks manifested itself by the appearance of a "third" party and independent candidates. The republican party had a very small follow- ing in this state, partly because of its bad record, but chiefly on account of the measures supported by the national organization-contraction of the currency, strengthening of the national banks and protection to man- ufacturers-matters regarded as inimical to the prosperity of the South- west.
In 1878 W. W. Lang, who had been Master of the State Grange since 1874, became a candidate for the democratic nomination of gov- ernor, but was obliged to give way to a compromise candidate. The Greenback party perfected a state organization in March, when a plat- form was adopted which set out by saying, "Whereas both the old poli- tical parties have [ failed to give equal protection to every individual,] have encouraged sectionalism, fostered monopoly and carried on a finan- cial system so radically wrong as to pauperize the masses to support a chosen few in idleness and luxury," therefore, this new party. In the declaration of principles, after disposing of the financial measures, it declared for equal taxation of property of individuals and corporations ; universal manhood suffrage without property qualification; an efficient system of public free schools; a graduated income tax; opposition to grants of public land to railroads or to other corporations ; efficiency and economy in the administration of the government. At a convention, held in August, candidates were nominated and the following additions made to the platform: "We demand the passage of such laws as will prevent all combinations, discriminations and granting of rebates by any transportation companies, and compelling common carriers to furnish the same facilities and perform the same service for the same price to all men." O. M. Roberts, the democratic nominee for governor, and the Texas congressman made a thorough campaign through North Texas. where the Greenbackers were thought to be strongest. They polled 55.000 votes.
The Texas State Grange met at Austin in 1880. Governor Roberts delivered an address before the farmers, and in other ways conciliated them and invited their co-operation. The Roberts' policy of retrench- ment and reform was indorsed. The Greenback candidate received only 22,500 votes.
The Greenback platform of 1882 was the most sweeping of all in its criticism. "We declare that the democratic party was put into power to right the wrongs inflicted upon us by the republican party, which wrongs consisted in part in involving the state in debt and in granting enormous subsidies to corporate monopolies. We declare that the democratic party has betrayed its trust. It has doubled the debt. It has exempted the lands of the International Railroad from taxation. * *
* It has issued land certificates to railroads, irrigating companies and pretended canal companies to the amount of many million acres in excess of the public domain. It has robbed the public school fund and our people of homes ; established gigantic land monopolies in our midst by granting to
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four Chicago capitalists 3,000,000 acres of public domain to build a state house. It has inaugurated a system of class legislation in favor of the rich by refusing to sell the public domain in tracts less than 640 acres, thus depriving her men of the opportunity to acquire homes in our state. It has sold bonds at eight-five cents, and bought them back at $1.40. It has persistently refused to exercise the constitutional prerogative of state control over railroads. It has withdrawn from circulation in this state over $1,500,000 and piled it up in the treasury as useless cash balance, save for electioneering purposes, and at the same time has refused to make the constitutional appropriation for the support of the public schools upon the false plea of insufficient revenue. It refused to submit to a vote of the people the question of prohibition, though petitioned to do so
* by a large and respectable portion of the citizens of this state. * * Under a pretense of favoring the laboring men it has exempted from taxation the cotton and sugar crops of the wealthy and at the same time has taxed the mechanic's tools. In redistricting the state it resorted to shameless and outrageous gerrymandering. *
* In short, the demo- cratic party of Texas has ceased to be democratic, but has become a close corporation run by and in the interest of a syndicate of machine poli- ticians." No candidates for state offices were nominated, but the sup- port of the party was pledged to independent candidates, endorsing the above principles. The democrats trimmed their platform to meet some of the charges. George W. Jones, the independent candidate for gov- ernor, received 102,501 votes : Ireland, the democratic candidate, received 150,891 votes.
The democratic platform of 1884 showed even a greater desire to take the wind out of the sails of their opponents and to meet the demands for reform. It declared for a free ballot and a fair count ; an efficient system of public free schools; leasing of the school lands until pur- chased by actual settlers ; greater protection for mechanics and laborers through liens : limiting the amount of land owned by corporations and the prevention of landed and other monopolies ; and for immediate regu- lation of the transportation of freight by common carriers. The Green- backers thereupon denounced the democratic platform "as being every- thing to everybody and nothing to anybody." The vote in 1884 showed that the Greenbackers had again lost ground, and thereafter this party disappeared from Texas politics.
POLITICAL ISSUES AND REFORMS
The disappearance of the Greenback party after 1884 did not mean that the causes of dissatisfaction with political conditions had been re- moved. There were still more than 100,000 discontented, independent voters in Texas. The phenomenal growth of the Farmers' Alliance and the Knights of Labor during 1885 and 1886 promised to give greater unity and effectiveness to the demands of the plain people. To the con- sternation of politicians these organizations plunged into the campaign of 1886 with the ardor of new converts. "These orders know their strength, and knowing it will certainly take advantage of the power it gives them." A prominent knight was quoted as saying, "It has been demonstrated that strikes are failures : we must try something else. You
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may look for us at the ballot-box and in the primaries." An effort to organize an anti-monopoly or people's party was made. A prohibition party was formally launched. And within the democratic ranks numer- ous candidates offered for the various offices. Candidates and news- papers discussed the lease law, regulation of freight rates, control of corporations and other practical, current state questions.
The legislature is the most important branch of our government. Except where inhibited by the constitution, it wields the sovereign power of the people. When impelled by the will of the people its acts can produce the greatest good. In the House of Representatives of the Twentieth Legislature more than one-half the membership served for the first time; the farmer element predominated and held the balance of power. "The present legislature was elected as a reform body. The people cried out against the politicians, and filled the lower house with hayseed." (Fort Worth Gazette.) The new governor and attorney general, too, as their records soon showed, were the right men in these offices at this time.
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