USA > Texas > History of Texas : from 1685 to 1892, volume 1 > Part 14
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REZIN P BOWIE
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gress was quite slow. On the 19th we met two Comanches and one Mexican captive ( the last acting as an interpreter ) at about seven miles northwest of the Llano River, on the road known as de la Bandera. The Indians, after having asked several questions in regard to the feelings of the Mexicans towards the Comanches, and receiving an assurance on my part that they were kindly disposed towards all peacable Indians, told me that their friends were driving to San Antonio several horses that had been stolen at Goliad. I promised them that they would be protected, and they continued on their way to the city to deliver the said horses to their proper owners or to the civil authority. On the following day at sunrise, we were overtaken by the captive, who informed us that 124 Tehuacanas were on our trail, and at the same time showing us the medal received this year by his captain from the authority of this city, which was sent to us to prove that the messenger was reliable. We were then apprised that the Tehuacanas had the day before visited the camping ground of the Comanches, and told them that they were following us to kill us at any cost. Ysayune (such was the name of the Comanche captain), having become informed of the determin- ation of the savages respecting us, tried first to induce them to desist from the prosecution of their intention, insisting that they should not take our lives, and telling them he would be mad with them if they went to attack us, but they separated, dissatisfied with each other. Ysayune sent us word that if we would come back he would do all he could to assist us, but that he had only sixteen men under his command, and thought that we could defend ourselves against the enemy by taking position on a hill covered by underbrush, which the captive was ordered to show us, adding that the houses on the San Saba were close by. The houses alluded to were the remains of those belonging to the San Saba mission, that had been long abandoned. We did not follow the Comanche's advice, thinking that we could reach our destination, as we
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did, before the enemy could overtake us. But once arrived we could not find the houses, and the ground upon the San Saba offering no position for our protection, we went about three miles to the north of the river, and there selected a grove wherein to encamp for the night. There was a smaller grove about fifty varas from the one chosen for our encamp- ment, and I caused it to be to occupied by three men, so as to prevent the enemy from taking possession of it, and thereby have an advantage over us. However, we passed the night without being disturbed.
On the 21st, at eight o'clock a. m., we were about to leave our camping ground, when we saw a large body of Indians close upon us, and at a distance of about two hundred varas. Several of them shouted in English: " How do you do? How are you? How are you?" We soon knew by their skins that they had among them some Caddoes, and we made signs to them to send us a man to inform us of their intentions. Just then we saw that the Indian, who was ahead on horseback, was holding up a scalp, and forthwith a volley of some ten or twelve gun-shots was discharged into our camp, but without effect. At the arrival of the Indians, my brother repaired with two men to the smaller grove which was between us and the Indians, but when I saw that most of them were withdrawing and sheltering themselves behind a hill about 100 varas northeast of our position, expecting that they would attack us in a body from that direction, I went to tell my brother to come back and on our return Mr. Buchanan was shot and had his leg broken. We had scarcely joined our camp when, as I expected, the Indians came from behind the hill to dislodge us, but as the foremost men, and among them the one who seemed to be the leader, fell, they busied themselves in removing their dead, and to do this they had to come closer and fight sharply, but it was at the cost of more lives on their part. This contest lasted about fifteen minutes; but when they perceived that
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they could not enter our camp they withdrew, screening themselves behind a hill and surrounding timber, and thence commenced firing upon us from every direction. While we were thus engaged, fifteen Indians, who, from the report of their firing, seemed to be armed with rifles, concealed them- selves behind some oaks in a valley about sixty varas to the northwest. These were the severest of our foemen, and they wounded two more of our men and several horses. At about 11 o'clock, a. m., seeing that they could not dislodge us with their fire-arms, they set fire to the prairie, hoping thus to burn us or compel us to abandon our camp. So soon as the prairie was on fire they loudly shouted, and, expecting their statagem would be successful, they advanced under pro- tection of the smoke to the position they had first been obliged to abandon; but when the fire reached the valley it died out.
Thinking the siege would be protracted, we employed Gon- zales and the boy Charles in making a breastwork of whatever they could lay their hands upon, such as boughs and our property. From that moment until 4 o'clock the fire slack- ened gradually, and the Indians withdrew to a considerable distance. But the wind having shifted from the southwest to the northwest, the Indians again fired the prairie, and the con- flagration reached our camp, but by dint of hard work in the way of tearing the grass, and by means of our bear skins and blankets, made use of to smother the flames, we succeeded in saving the greater part of our animals and other property. We expected a furious attack of the enemy under cover of the smoke, in order to penetrate our camp, but the greater part of them withdrew to a pond, distant about half a mile from the battle field, to procure water, and those of them that re- mained kept up firing and removing their dead. This work on their part went on until about 6:30 o'clock p. m., when the battle closed, only one shot being fired by them after 7 o'clock, which was aimed at one of our men who went to obtain water.
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We had agreed to attack the enemy while they were asleep, but when we reflected that we had only six men able to use their arms, and that the wounded would have to remain un- protected, we thought it more advisable to remain in our camp, which we had now fortified with stones and timber, so as to make it quite secure against further assault. On the 22d, at about 5 o'clock a. m., we heard the Indians moving towards the northeast, and at day-break none were to be seen. How- ever, about 11 o'clock we observed thirteen of them, who, upon seeing us, withdrew suddenly. Subsequently, in order to intimidate them and impress them with the idea that we were still ready for a fight, we hoisted a flag on a long pole, as a sign of war; and for eight days we kept a fire constantly burning, hoping thereby to attract the attention of any friendly Comanches that might be in the neighborhood, and procure some animals for the transportation of our wounded and our camp property.
On the evening of the 29th, the wounded being somewhat relieved, we began our march for Bexar, and on striking the Pierdenales we observed a large Tehuacana trail, and noticed several others between that stream and the Guadalupe, all seeming to tend in the direction of a smoke that curled upward from some point down the Pierdenales. Upon seeing these trails, we took a more westerly course, and after having crossed the Guadalupe, we saw no more signs of Indians, and arrived here on the night of the 6th inst. My only loss among my men during the battle, was by the fall and death of the foreman of my mechanics, Mr. Thomas McCaslin, from a bullet that entered below the breast and passed through the loin. He was one of the most efficient of my comrades in the fight. I had, also, three men wounded, five animals killed and several severely hurt. We could make no estimate of the loss of the enemy, but we kept up a continual firing during the day and always had enemies to aim at, and there were no intervening obstacles to prevent our shot from having
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their full effect. We saw twenty-one men fall dead, and among them seven on horseback, who seemed to act as chiefs, one of whom was very conspicuous by reason of the buffalo horns and other finery about his head. To his death I attribute the discouragement of his followers. I cannot do less than com- mend to your lordship for their alacrity in obeying and executing my orders with spirit and firmness all those who accompanied me. Their names are Robert Armstrong, Rezin P. Bowie, Mathew Doyle, Thomas McCaslin (killed), Daniel Buchanan (wounded ), James Coryell, Mateo Dias, Cephas K. Ham, Jesse Wallace, Senor Gonzales, Charles (a boy).
God and Liberty.
JAMES BOWIE."
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CHAPTER XIX.
Events in 1831-2 - Tyranny under Bustamente and his satraps-Occur- rences at Anahuac- Arrest of Travis, Jack and Others - Battle of Velasco - Names of its heroes.
Having thus digressed to give place to the thrilling narra- tive of Bowie, famed as one of the bravest and coolest of men and destined to become one of the martyrs of the Alamo, we turn again to the course of current events.
Here we arrive at an event which, had it stood alone, would have been sufficient to inspire revolution in the hearts of any high-spirited, liberty loving people, situated as were the colo- nists of Texas. In the language of David G. Burnet, the first President of Texas :
" In the compound organization of the State Legislature, Coahuila had ten delegates and Texas only two, a disparity which subjected the latter to an uncontrollable domination. In the executive department the colonists had no representa- tive. That the law-makers of Coahuila should contemplate the growing prosperity of her copartner with a jealousy not unmixed with envy, was natural. That they should wish to impede a progress they could not imitate was, perhaps, equally consistent. The first essay for that purpose was made, pend- ing the late disturbances, by repealing on the 28th of April, 1832, the State colonization law of 1825, and the substitution in lieu thereof of one founded on Bustamente's odious decree of the 6th of April, 1830. By the new law, empresario con- tracts were not to be made with any other than Mexicans, and foreigners not interdicted by this law-in others words not with North Americans. This was bringing home to the business and bosoms of the colonists, an abominable measure, which they (175)
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had regarded as impotent and impracticable, so long as it wore only the authority of a decree by the remote usurper, Busta- mente. But now that their own State should recognize and enforce it, was a harsh admonition, which made them feel that they were a small minority, writhing in the clutches of an unprincipled and reckless majority."
How - in view of the destructive edict of Bustamente and his coincident steps to rule Texas by a rod of despotism, through his military minions scattered over its territory, fol- lowed by this concurrent act of the Legislature - how, it is repeated, the colonists of the country could have any hope of a permanent and peaceful union with Mexico, short of a sur- render to prejudiced ignorance and a licentious soldiery, is what, at this day, with all the facts portrayed before him, no Anglo-American can comprehend. It can only be explained on the truthful hypothesis that the great heart of the colonists was law-abiding and peaceful, pulsating in the breasts of men whose wives and children stood around them, desiring only peaceful homes, and admonishing them against all intemper- ate acts calculated to bring devastation upon them and their country. Only on this and kindred grounds can the conserv- ative action of the colonists, through their delegates in two successive councils, be explained and appreciated.
The people of the Brazos, after consultation, deputed Dr. Branch T. Archer and George B. Mckinstry to proceed to Anahuac, represent the facts to Bradburn, and in the name of law and justice, demand a revocation of the order closing their ports. Waiting upon him in fulfillment of their mission, Bradburn assumed an imperious air and refused their request; but a few earnest words from Archer, indicating in the event of a refusal, an appeal to arms, changed the petty tyrant's tone and the order was rescinded. The ambassadors returned homeand it was hoped no further outrages would be attempted ; hence a partial calm succeeded. A careful reader of Ameri- can history must conclude that our countrymen, as a class, are
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prone to accept and rely upon the plausible promises of wrong- doers in authority. It was so between the British and the colonists preceding the dawn of the American revolution, but there was one man in Massachusetts and another in Virginia, who were not misled by specious promises and appearances. The first was Samuel Adams, the other was Patrick Henry. So in Texas, on a smaller field and in an humbler walk, there was at least one man who snuffed danger from afar and would not give his confidence to the seeming silver lining in the sky. This was Henry Smith of the Brazos, yet an unknown power in the counsels of the people. Robert M. Williamson, Branch T. Archer, William H. and John A. Wharton and others, to a greater or less degree, participated in these doubts as to the future.
In 1831 the Governor of the State had commissioned Don Francisco Madero as commissioner to issue titles to the set- tlers on and near the Trinity in the region of Liberty. Such commissioners were clothed with authority to organ- ize municipalities where none existed. Madero very justly exercised this power by organizing the municipality of Liberty (Libertad) with Hugh B. Johnson as Alcalde. The people were gratified at this recognition of their wants. But the mili- tary satrap, Bradburn, saw in this just act an obstacle placed in the path marked out for him by his master, Bustamente, and indorsed by General Mier y Teran. He arrested and imprisoned Madero, dissolved the municipality of Liberty, removed Johnson and appointed a new Ayuntamiento, intended to be composed of his tools, with its seat at Anahuac, under his immediate surveillance.
These measures, in the spring of 1832, spread alarm over the country. They were followed by the arbitrary arrest and imprisonment by Bradburn, in his fort, without authority of law, of a number of the most prominent, popular and useful citizens of Anahuac and Liberty, among whom were William B. Travis, Patrick C. Jack, Samuel T. Allen and fourteen
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others, who in vain demanded to be informed of the charges against them and to be tried by the civil authorities. The outrages of Bradburn and his soldiers were numerous, of almost daily occurrence, and alarm rapidly spread over the country. Private rights were trampled under foot and private property seized with impunity. In this alarming state of affairs William H. Jack of San Felipe, visited Bradburn and sought the release of his brother and fellow-prisoners, or their transfer for trial to the civil tribunals of the country. His only answer was that the prisoners would be sent to Vera Cruz to be tried by a military court. It must be understood that the only offense of these prisoners was their refusal to sustain Bradburn in his unrighteous course.
William H. Jack, chagrined but in nowise subdued, returned to the Brazos, reported the result of his mission, and raised his clarion voice for forcible intervention to rescue his brother and friends from their threatened doom. Messengers spread the news over the country, and men hastened to the suggested point of rendezvous, near Liberty. When a sufficient number had assembled, Francis W. Johnson was elected captain, Warren D. C. Hall first and Thomas H. Bradly second lieu- tenant. Just after the organization, Captains John Austin, Henry S. Brown (then of Gonzales), and Wm. J. Russell with George B. Mckinstry and a few men, arrived from Brazoria and joined the ranks. Austin was then Alcalde at Brazoria, or the second Alcalde of the jurisdiction of San Felipe de Austin, as the districts were then organized.
They took up the line of march for Anahuac. On the way they surprised and captured, without firing a gun, twenty of Bradburn's cavalry. They encamped for the night on Turtle Bayou, and while posting the guard, a hired miscreant named Hayden, shot and killed Sergeant Blackman, a most estimable man, and fled. Captain Henry S. Brown, standing near, attempted to shoot the assassin, but his gun missed fire. He then pursued him, bowie knife in hand, and, just as he was
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about to plunge it into Hayden's body, stumbled and fell, and the cowardly assassin, aided by darkness, escaped into the brush.
Arriving at Anahuac next day, John Austin, Hugh B. John- son, Geo. B. Mckinstry, H. K. Lewis and F. W. Johnson had an interview with Bradburn and after quite a discussion were informed that Souverin (a Mexican officer recently ex- iled to that place because he was a friend to Santa Anna), was in command. This was a mere dodge. Nothing was ef- fected and the gentlemen withdrew. Two or three days passed without results. Then an agreement was entered into for an exchange of prisoners and the retirement as a prelude thereto, of the Texians to Turtle Bayou. This was done, the Mexican prisoners were released, but early next day firing was heard at Anahuac. The command hastened down and two miles from the fort met their commissioners, who, with about twenty men, had been left to receive and conduct the Texian prisoners to their friends. Bradburn had refused to fulfill his promise and had attacked the Texians, who retreated in good order, defending themselves as best they could. On examining the position of the enemy, it was deemed imprudent to attack him without artillery. The command fell back again to Turtle bayou, resolved themselves into a mass meeting on the 13th of June, and passed a series of resolutions, drawn by Captain Robert M. Williamson, reciting the tyrannical acts of the usurper, Bustamente, at the Federal capital and his minions in Texas and the subversion of the free constitution of 1824, and pledging their adhesion to that instrument as then upheld by " el bueno merito," the well-deserving patriot, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna.
After these proceedings, Captains John Austin, Henry S. Brown, William J. Russell and Mr. George B. Mckinstry, were sent to Brazoria for the purpose of securing re-inforce- ments and three pieces of artillery at that place.
The command at Turtle Bayou was, in a day or two, re-
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inforced by Capt. Abner Kuykendall and about forty-five men, from the Brazos, and a smaller number, from Bevil's settle- ment on the Neches, and, but for the want of artillery, was not ready to take the offensive.
At this crisis, Colonel Piedras, with 150 men from Nacog- doches, approached, having been appealed to by Bradburn for aid. Omitting immaterial incidents and details, it must suffice to say that, after a full interchange of views and being informed of the tyrannies and outrages of Bradburn, Piedras agreed to release all the prisoners and to put Bradburn under arrest and send him out of the country - all of which was done - and the armed citizens returned to their homes. There had been no loss of life on the part of the Texians excepting Sergeant Blackman; and none on the part of the Mexicans, so far as positively known, excepting a sentinel shot by Captain William J. Russell.
The following persons in addition to those named, partici- pated in the incidents at Anahuac : Jacob H. Shepherd, Daniel Shipman, Daniel L. Kokernot (died in Gonzales County in 1893), Dr. George M. Patrick (died in 1889 in Grimes County ), Dr. N. D. Labadie, John Iams, Edward Miles ( died in San Antonio in 1891), Thomas H. Brennan (still living in Milam County), Dr. Charles B. Stewart (deceased in 1887), Wm. B. Scates, James S. McGahey, "Jawbone" Morrison, the Hardin brothers, of Liberty, Wm. B. Travis, Patrick C. Jack and fifteen others (the released prisoners ), Captains Johnson, Abner Kuykendall, Henry S. Brown, Wm. J. Russell, Robert M. Williams and Wm. H. Jack. The total number of Texians engaged in the enterprise was, perhaps, 130.
In the meantime, John Austin, Henry S. Brown, Wm. J. Russell, Dr. Charles B. Stewart and George B. Mckinstry had reached Brazoria, aroused the people, secured artillery and a vessel and were ready to sail for Anahuac to aid their friends. But when the crisis came Lieutenant-Colonel de Ugartechea peremptorily refused permission for them to pass his fort at
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the mouth of the Brazos. This presented a new aspect in the complications, gave additional grounds for dissatisfaction and brought on the first real collision in arms between the colonists of Texas and the military power of Mexico, in the bloody
BATTLE OF VELASCO, JUNE 26, 1832.
There was no authority to whom an official report of the battle could be made, and none was made, nor was any muster roll of the men who fought the battle and won the victory pre- served. It was a hasty assemblage of free citizens, leaving their daily avocations to discharge what they knew to be a perilous duty. They assembled and selected leaders in whom they had implicit confidence ; among others, John Austin and Henry S. Brown, men who had been tested as leaders many times, Austin in contests with Mexicans, and Brown with both Indians and Mexicans. William J. Russell, another of their commanders, also possessed their fullest confidence as a man clear of head and of fearless bravery.
The people assembled to the number of 112, and were organized in three companies, respectively numbering two of forty-seven men each, and one (marines) of eighteen men. John Austin, as senior officer, commanded the first, Henry S. Brown the second, and Wm. J. Russell the marines and the schooner Brazoria, impressed into service for the occasion. They marched down on the east side of the Brazos to within a few miles of the fort at its mouth, and there halted two or three days pending fruitless negotiations with Ugartechea and the collection of arms, ammunition and subsistence. In that time, the good Father Muldoon, an Irish priest, resident of Mexico, and held in high esteem by the colonists, was allowed to visit Colonel Ugartechea, both on private business, and to see if an adjustment could not be accomplished, but returned disappointed on the latter point, and reported to Austin that the Mexican commander was confident that ten thousand rifle-
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men could not dislodge him from such a position. Austin quietly replied : " Very well, padre, wait till to-morrow and you will see."
The fort at Velasco stood about a hundred and fifty yards both from the river and the Gulf shore which formed a right angle. It consisted of parallel rows of posts six feet apart, filled between with sand, earth and shells, for the outer walls. Inside of the walls was an embankment on which musketeers could stand and shoot over without exposing anything but their heads. In the center was an elevation of the same ma- terial, inclosed by higher posts, on which the artillery was planted and protected by bulwarks. Between the fort and the beach was a lodgment of drift logs, thrown out by the sea and about sixty yards distant. On the upper side of these were some slight elevations of land. With these exceptions the surface around the fort was perfectly flat.
The 25th of June arrived and the plan of battle was ar- ranged. Russell, on the schooner Brazoria, with two small cannons, a blunderbuss and eighteen riflemen, after night-fall, was to drop down abreast of the fort. Brown, with forty- seven riflemen, was to make a detour to the east, then move southwesterly and effect a lodgment behind the drift logs. Austin was to approach from the north and take position within easy range of the fort, each of his men being provided with a portable palisade, made of three-inch cypress plank supported by a movable leg to hold it.
When in position, Brown was to open fire and draw that of the fort, while Austin's men arranged their palisades. An accidental shot by one of Brown's men, while in motion, revealed their presence, it being then midnight, and the battle began ; the guns, large and small, of the fort, sending forth a blaze of light, the only light the assailants had, for other- wise the night was exceedingly dark. Brown's men were in a position to avail themselves of the flashes in the fort with- out corresponding exposure on their own part; but those
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under Austin soon realized that their portable cypress breast- works amounted to little, as the balls of the enemy riddled them with holes. After the battle 130 holes were couuted in one of these life-preservers. Austin's men, to escape annihi- lation, took position under the walls and could not be seen or reached by the enemy ; nor could they see the objects at which they wished to fire.
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