USA > Texas > Bastrop County > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of Milam, Williamson, Bastrop, Travis, Lee and Burleson counties. Pt.1 > Part 5
USA > Texas > Travis County > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of Milam, Williamson, Bastrop, Travis, Lee and Burleson counties. Pt.1 > Part 5
USA > Texas > Burleson County > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of Milam, Williamson, Bastrop, Travis, Lee and Burleson counties. Pt.1 > Part 5
USA > Texas > Lee County > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of Milam, Williamson, Bastrop, Travis, Lee and Burleson counties. Pt.1 > Part 5
USA > Texas > Williamson County > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of Milam, Williamson, Bastrop, Travis, Lee and Burleson counties. Pt.1 > Part 5
USA > Texas > Milam County > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of Milam, Williamson, Bastrop, Travis, Lee and Burleson counties. Pt.1 > Part 5
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a direct blow was struck at their prosperity. Withont slave-labor the colonization of Texas would have been retarded many years, as nearly all the colonies were established by men of means from the old South, and knew no other way of managing business than by slave labor. The immigrants would have been limited exclusively to the class of labor- ing farmers who, by their own hands, would have reclaimed some small portions only of uncultivated - wastes. No capitalist of that day, going to Texas, would have engaged in a venture which would reduce him and his family to the condition of laborers. But the labor system of Mexico, long established, was not affected by this legislation in regard to African slaves. It was indeed far less ex- pensive than that of African slavery. The peon, or Mexican laborer, was in perpetual servitude, practically, although he did not bear the name of slave. lle bound himself to his master by a written contract on enter- ing his service, and immediately became his debtor for money advanced, sometimes to the amount of a year's wages. The law did not permit an advance of more money than that. Rarely did the account with his employer show a balance in his favor. If he gave offense, committed a fanlt or failed in the fulfillment of his duties, confinement, shackles or the lash conld be meted ont to him; and should he desert his master's service he could be reclaimed through the alcalde, who had authority to compel him to return and punish him; in short, he was never ont of debt, and therefore ever a bondman, with but little more liberty than a slave. His wages varied from one to three reales per day, providing for himself; and as his working days were reduced by the numerous church holidays observed in Mexico to about 200, the average cost of a peon was about $50 a year.
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HISTORY OF TEX.IS.
Under this system it was not dithienlt for the Anglo- Americans to evade the law pro- hibiting the further importation of slaves; and under the appellation of indentured ser- vants they eontinned to introduce them into Texas. The negroes were apprenticed for a term of ninety-nine years. Arguments were brought to bear npon the Mexican govern- ment, indneing it to make an exception in favor of Texas, under the law providing for the immediate manmission of slaves.
RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL INTOLERANCE.
In legislation, as might have been expected, there was a eurious mixture of wise measures with unwise, the latter growing out of the old prejudices, and but a dim foresight of modern requirements. The restrictions on the sovereignty of the people laid down in the eonstitution, the intolerance of any re- ligion but the Roman Catholic, and the ex- cessive power vested in the chief of the de- partinent of Texas, were incompatible with free republiean institutions. In strong con- trast with the liberality manifested in the State colonization law was the persecution to which resident Spaniards were subjected. By a law, passed June 23, 1827, they were ex- eluded from all eivil and ecclesiastical office; until Spain should aeknowledge the inde- pendenee of Mexico; and, in November of the same year, all Spaniards, exeept those domi- ciled in the State thirty years, were banished; travelers of that nationality eould not remain more than three days in any town, except in ease of sickness or other recognized impedi- ment; those who remained were required to present themselves monthly to the local au- thorities, and were forbidden to earry arms, except those eustomarily worn for personal defense; and a strict surveillance was kept
over their conduct. During the invasion of Spanish forces in 1529. Coahuila and Texas displayed its patriotism by exacting a heavy foreed loan from the resident Spaniards, while the property still remaining in the State of those who had fled to other countries was confiscated. Unmarried Spaniards and wid- owers without children were called npon for one-third of their capital; those who were married and withont children, and widowers with only one child. for one-fifth; and those of both classes with more than one child, for one-eightlı.
EDUCATION
in Coahuila and Texas was at an extremely low ebb. Only in the town of Saltillo was there a fixed appropriation for the main- tenanee of a common schoolmaster, and that was a seanty one. The edneation of the chil- dren of servants to write was prevente l, on the fear that on growing up they would want higher position than that of servitnde. In 1820, the Congress endeavored to remedy this evil by enaeting a lax to establish schools of mutual instruction on the Lancasterian system, but the law did not establish the schools. In these schools were to be tanght reading, writing, arithmetie, the dogmas of the Catholic religion and Aekerman's eat- echisms of arts and sciences, the teachers' salary being fixed at $$00 a year. The next year another law was adopted, to establish primary schools on a similar plan, with a sim- ilar result. The people were indifferent to educational progress. Among the settlements of Austin's colony a few private schools were established, and, in 1529, the first Protestant Sunday-school in Texas was opened, at San Felipe de Austin, by T. J. Pilgrim, of the Baptist Church. It was soon interrupted,
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38
HISTORY OF TEXAS.
however, when fears were excited by a litiga- tion that the public would recognize it as a violation of the colonization law.
RELIGION.
In regard to religion, the Texas colonists at this carly date had neither the opportunity nor inclination to practice it. A traveler there in 1831 says: "The people of this country seem to have forgotten that there is such a commandment as . Remember the Sab- bath day to keep it holy.' This day is gen- erally spent in visiting, driving stock and breaking mustangs." Having furnished the required certificate of his Catholic faith, the Anglo-American eased his conscience by re- fraining from any practical expression of it.
In other respects than these already men- tioned, as cansing dissatisfaction between the State and the colonists, the government showed itself otherwise favorably disposed to- ward them. Hitherto they were left unmno- lested in the management of their internal affairs. In 1827 and 1828 parties were au- thorized to sink artesian wells, develop coal mines, navigate the Rio Grande by steam, etc.
THE FINAL REVOLUTION.
The first indication of the approaching crisis which resulted in the revolution for in- dependence, was in 1826, when the Anglo- American element of the population began to resist oppression. The entering wedge is thus very carefully described in Bancroft's history.
" Hayden Edwards, in 1825, after much trouble succeeded in obtaining from the Coa- huila and Texas government a contract to settle 800 families on lands surrounding Nacogdoches. Returning to the United
States he spared no pains in endeavoring to fulfill his contract, at the same time inducing his brother, Major Benjamin W. Edwards, to go to Texas and aid him in establishing his colony. Foote says that the latter visited Austin and had a long conversation with him on the subject of Texas colonization; that these two agreed that ' the firm establishment in this favored country of the institutions of civil and religious freedom, and the redemp- tion of a region from foreign rule which rightfully belonged to the United States, and of which they had been notoriously bereaved by fraudulent negotiations, was desirable and practicable; but that they also agreed that the colonies would have yet to suffer a great deal before they would be strong enough to throw off the yoke.' It is difficult, however, to be- lieve that Austin expressed any idea that frand had been practiced on the United States.
" In October, 1825, Hayden Edwards re- turned to Texas and took up his residence at Nacogdoches. IIe soon discovered that he had difficulties to contend with that had never troubled Austin. Portions of the lands conceded to him were already occupied by Mexican settlers, some of whom had been driven from their homes after the destruction of Long's expedition, and had recently re- turned. Nacogdoches had again about 100 inhabitants, and certain of the villainous class, formerly of the 'neutral grounds,' had taken mp lands. These latter, without regarding Edwards with any particular aversion, were wholly averse to subordination; while the Mexicans, jealous of his authority and angry at an American being placed over them, showed marked symptoms of unfriendliness. There were, moreover, among them many turbulent and bad characters, and not a few fugitives from justice. The result was that,
39
HISTORY OF TEXAS.
as Edwads' immigrants arrived, the colony was quikly divided into two hostile factions. Edward did what he could to preserve order and mentain his anthority, but several meas- ures aopted by him were far from politic. The spond article of his contract provided that Il possessions found in Nacogdoches and is vicinity, supported by the correspond- ing ttles, should be respected; and that in case any of the ancient possessors should clair preservation of their rights, it was the em resario's duty to comply therewith. This afforded a wide loop-hole through which to thust in claims to the most valuable lands, and old title-deeds were diligently searched for or manufactured.
" In order to ascertain the extent of these daims. Edwards, in November, 1825, called ipon all persons holding such land titles to produce them, in order that their legality might be decided upon according to law. In this there was no harm; but he gave further notice that the lands of those who failed to present their titles would be sold, and that claimants whose title were just would have to pay for any improvements that had been made on the lands by the present occupants. This cansed indignation to the Mexicans and gave great offense to the authorities, who could but regard his notification in respect to the sale of lands as an assumption of power that had never been given him.
" By the sixth article of the contract Ed- wards was authorized to raise the national militia within his colony, and was appointed its chief until further disposition should be made. Accordingly he gave notice for the election of militia officers to take place on December 15 of the same year. At the same time he proposed that the people should - cleet an alcalde. With the election of this magistrate the more serious troubles began.
Each party had its candidate for the office. Chaplin, Edwards' son-in-law, was put for- ward by the American colonists, and Samuel Norris, devoted to Mexican interests, by their opponents. The election decided in favor of the former, who took possession of the archives and entered upon the duties of the office. But Sepulveda, the ont-going alcalde, and his party disputel many of the votes as having been cast by settlers outside the limits of Edwards' grant, though under the alcalde's jurisdiction. Accordingly they represented the matter to Saucedo, the political chief at San Antonio. Already offended with Ed- wards, by reason of a report sent in by the latter giving an account of his official acts, and which was not deemed sufficiently re- spectful, Saucedo decided in favor of Norris, and instructed Sepulveda to install him by force of arms if any opposition was offered. No resistance was made, however, and on the exhibition of Norris' commission Chaplin surrendered up the archives of the office to him.
" And now commenced a system of petty tyranny and invidious distinctions which ex- asperated the colonists. Americans, who had wronght improvements on their lands, were ousted from them to give place to Mexi- cans, the favorites of Sepulveda and the alcalde. A band of ' regulators' was formed, under the command of James Gaines, the brother-in-law of Norris; and, backed by these ruffians and the official support of Sancedo, the Mexican party domineered as they liked. Moreover, accusations against Edwards were made to the political chief, who did not conceal his hostility to the em- presario."
Hayden Edwards and his brother continued their endeavors to save their fortunes and : people, but the Cherokee Indians, who had
40
HISTORY OF TEXAS
become their allies, abandoned them, the Mexican government grew more violent, and even Austin opposed any effort at revolution at that time, and the Edwardses in a few weeks altogether failed.
Anstin's colony continued to prosper. Austin himself, making himself a favorite of the government, was even promoted in his political powers. Other colonies also pros- pered to some extent. After the annulment of Edwards' contract, his territory was di- vided between David G. Burnett and Joseph Vehilein, and immigrants continued to flow into that portion of Texas. Dewitt, although his first settlers were temporarily driven off by Indians, had laid out the town of Gonzat. lez in 1825, naming it after Rafael Gonzalez, a temporary governor of the State, and dur- ing 1827-'28 he succeeded in introducing considerable numbers of colonists. In De Leon's grant the town of Victoria was founded, and La Bahia del Espiritu Santo had developed into a town of sueli apprecia- ble dimensions that in 1829 it was raised to the rank of a villa, and the high-sounding title of Goliad given to it. Filisola, in an endeavor to wreneli an anagram out of Hi- dalgo's name, spelled the name Golhiad. On the Brazos a flourishing settlement called Brazoria had also sprung up.
However, the experience which the Mexi- can government had with the Fredonians (Edwards' colonists) caused them to be more watchful of the movements of American in- migrants. Under the liberal and non-ag- gressive policy of Guerrero the colonists were left pretty much to themselves, and he even aided them in the abolition of slavery. But when he was overthrown, in December. 1829, and Bustamante seized the helin of goverment, the sleeping tiger of Mexican suspicion and belligerency arose and showed
his teeth. And at this time it regired but little foresight to see that the increasing American element within the domain of Texas would ere long attempt to ":lip the leash; " for even the government of the United States, and more especially he ex- pressions of many leading men withn .the Union, were indicative of a general nowe on our part to take a hand in the separat on of Texas from Mexico; but before the final form a preliminary gust made its appearane in the form of Texan independence as a sver- eign republic. As Bancroft says: .
"It was therefore natural that Mexco should entertain fears as to the future obeli- ence of the Texan colonists, and it was equaly natural that the latter would not tamely su - mit to the imposition of fetters similar 1) those which the fathers of most of them hai helped to break. Yet in its 'shortsightedness the government, under the despotic adminis- tration of Bustamante, thought to obviate a probable but not unavoidable contingency by adopting the very measures which were most calculated to provoke a spirit of antagonism."
Lucas Alaman, the minister of relations under the new government, has the credit (discredit) of inspiring the Mexican legisla- ture to make the fatal mistake of attempting to curb the designs of the United States by . the exercise of oppressive measures against the Texan colonists. On February 8, 1830, he laid a memorial before Congress, in which with just reason he calls attention to the danger that Texas was exposed to of being absorbed by the northern republic, and to the carelessness which the government of the State of Coahuila and Texas had shown in its neglect to see that the colonization laws were . properly carried out. Hle said that the orders providing that no more than the number of : families designated in a contract should settle
41
HISTORY OF TEXAS.
on the coesponding grant, and that colonies near the oundary line should be composed of settle, not natives, of the United States, had bee without effect; and he expatiated on the et that a large mimber of intruders had taln possession of lands, especially near the frotier, without any pretension of satis- fying te formalities of the colonization laws. To preserve Texas to Mexico, he insisted that the Mexican population in Texas should be incresed by making that country a penal settlement, the criminals transported thither to b employed in the cultivation of the soil; tla foreign colonists differing from Ameri- carinterests, habits and language should be introduced; that a coasting trade be estab- lised between Texas and other parts of the roublie, which would tend to nationalize the dpartment; that the colonization law of August, 1824, be suspended as far as con- erns Texas, and the settlement of that de- artment be placed under the direction of the general government; and that a commis- sioner be appointed to examine and report mpon the condition of affairs in the Texan colonies, ete.
The congress sympathized with Alaman's views so far as to prohibit the citizens of nations bordering on Mexico from colonizing any of her States or territories immediately adjacent to tlrem; to suspend forthwith all colonization contracts not yet fulfilled, and such as were in conflict with this law; to allow no foreigner, under any pretext what- ever, to enter the northern frontier unless provided with a passport from the Mexican consular agent at the place of his previous residence; and to make no further change with reference to slave laws.
Along with the immediate execution of this law, passed with the special and exclu- sive object of preventing the further immi-
gration of people from the United States, was the annulment of the exemption of the United States settlers already in Texas from taxes, which had been promised for the first. six years of their residence there. But it must be confessed that smuggling had been practiced to some extent by some of the colonists under that provision for exemption. Also, along with the execution of this odions law the government sent a large military force into Texas, under the command of Mannel Mier y Teran, commandant general of the eastern provinces, and he was also authorized to establish inland and maritime custom-houses. A military despotism was naturally inaugurated at an early period. The only colonies recognized were those of Instin, Dewitt and Martin de Leon; all other concessious were suspended until their contracts could be examined and their fulfill- ment verified. Titles were denied to a great number of settlers already domiciled, and in- coming immigrants from the United States were ordered to quit the country immediately mpon their arrival. A number of military posts were established, manned by convicts and other bad characters. A series of out- rages was directly begun. Military juris- diction was substituted for that of the local anthorities in many places; settlers were dis- possessed of their lands and property, inany of them were imprisoned, and no redress could be obtained for thefts and robberies committed by the troops.
During the year 1831 the local authorities and also the frequently changing administra- tion were at odds with each other, one party almost constantly colliding with another, and these in so rapid succession that the true interests of the masses were lost sight of. Ontrages increased as the military officers were angered by resistance or lack of respect,
42
HISTORY OF TEXAS.
until even the settlers in the Austin colony began to arise in arms. A spirit of rebellion began to spread like a prairie fire before a wind.
One John Anstin, not a relative of Stephen F., was an alcalde at Brazoria and a brave and influential citizen. On June 10, 1832. he joined the insurgents, and with about a linn- dred men demanded the release of certain prisoners at Anahuac, was refused, and some shots were fired. Bradburn, the Mexican offi. eer, agreed to release the men if Austin with luis foree would retire six miles away. Austin did this, but Bradburn broke faith, opened fire upon the insurgents remaining in Ana- huac and drove them from the place.
In January, this year (1832), Santa Anna at Vera Cruz prononneed against the govern- ment of Bustamante, and the usual war followed, a la Mexican. The colonists, being enraged by the latter's administration, a number of them met at Turtle bayon and drew mp a list of their grievances, June 13, and passed resolutions adopting Santa Anna's plan and pledged their support to the consti- tution and the leaders who were then fighting in defense of eivil liberty.
The first skirmish, June 13, 1832, resulted in the insurgents taking the fort at Velasco from the brave Ugartechea. Meanwhile, John Austin's meu around Anahnac successfully ent off supplies and communication. Pied. ras, commanding at Nacogdoches, hastened hitherward to aid the Mexicans, but before arriving fell into the hands of the insurgents. and was coverted to their canse. By his as- sistanee Travis and other prisoners were re- leased. Piedras appointed another man to succeed Bradburn at Anahuac and started back to Nacogdoches; but as soon as he turned his back the garrison at Anahuac mutinied in favor of Santa Anna. Bradburn was per.
snaded by some of the officers tee-assume command, but he immediately fom so many of the men committed to Santa Am that he quit in disgust and went to New Orans, ac- companied by only one man, as guide On his journey he escaped molestation by sang that he was going to the United States , seek for aid in driving the Mexicans ont ofTexas. Considering Santa Anna's future caer, it is interesting to notice the praise giver that treacherous Mexican by S. F. Austin : this time. Said he, in an address delivered o the day of jubilee, July 25, 1832:
" Fellow Citizens, and Soldiers of the un- ta Anna Volunteer Company: I have not he words duly to express my grateful feelings and unfeigned thanks for the kind welcome with which you have honored my returu to tls colony. In all iny acts, as far as they hay been connected with the advancement of Texa: I have been governed by the most sineere de sire to promote its prosperity and the perman- ent happiness of its citizens. My leading motto has been aud is, Fidelity to the constitution of our adopted country. The same has been and is the governing principle of the inhabit- ants of this colony. I thank my fellow citi- zens for their approbation; it is the highest reward that can be offered to me for my hmmble services as their public agent.
"I accord with you in the opinion that the present is an important epoch in the political march of our adopted and beloved country. With institutions founded on the broad basis of representative democracy, the general government of Mexico has, for the last two years, been administered, in many particulars, on principles which more properly belong to a military despotism than to a free republic. A great and glorious regeneration is taking place; the free democracy of the nation, the people, have asserted their rights under the
HISTORY OF TEXAS.
banner of that distinguishel patriot and leader, General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna. The cause of constitutional demo- cratic liberty is abont to triumph throughont the whole of this vast republic.
"Borne down, in this remote section of the nation, by military oppression, and by the most shameful violations of the rights of the State of Coalmila and Texas, you believed that all the guarantees of the constitution and laws were disregarded and trampled upon. Patience itself was exhausted. and you had recourse to arms, this esponsing that cause of the constitution and of the people which is so bravely advocated by General Santa Anna. In doing this, yon have not for one moment lost sight of your duty as Mexican citizens, but have defended the trne dignity of the national flag, which had been insulted by the violators of the constitution. In the course you have taken you will be sustained by Colonel Mejia, who has come to Texas with fleet and forces under the order of Gen- eral Santa Anna, to protect the rights of the nation and of the State; and you will receive the support and approbation of General Santa Anna himself, of General Montezuma and of all liberal and enlightened Mexicans. In snehi a canse yon have nothing to fear. It is just, and I will give it my hearty co-operation so far as my feeble services can avail."
In the Southern United States the opinion began to prevail that the colonists in Texas were attempting to separate from Mexico and annex themselves to the Union. On this account. Montezuma, commanding at Tam- pico, and having declared in favor of Santa Anna, sent a force into Texas to reduce the insurgents. His colonel, Mejia, on entering Texas, first had an amicable conference with the leader of the Bustamante party, so as to prevent interruption, and proceeded to the
month of the Brazos, taking with him Stephen F. Austin, who was on his return from the State legislature. Consulting John Austin, the latter professed perfect loyalty and said that the insurgents had no intention to sepa rate from Mexico; they were only rebelling against certain tyrannical acts of some of the officers. Mejia went on to Galveston, where he was similarly received, and he returned to Tampico. He actually advocated the cause of the insurgents, and the seed he had sown in Texas, in so doing, bore rapidly. Piedras. at Nacogdoches, being opposed to Santa Anna, was onsted by the Mexican -. By the end of Angust not a Mexican soldier remained in the Texan colonies, the victory over the Bradburn party was so complete. A troop of about seventy men was stationed at San Antonio, seareely a sufficient number to keep the Indians in check in that vicinity. Peace was restored. This victory of the Texan colonists would have been far more costly, if not indeed impossible of attainment, had there been no revolution going on beyond the Rio Grande.
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