USA > Texas > The Confederate capital and Hood's Texas brigade > Part 24
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A commission of three persons, prominent in position and in- tellectual capacity, was appointed to visit Canada to confer "with such persons in the North as might be rel'ed upon to ald the attainment of peace." These commissioners, Messrs. Clay, of Alabama: Holcomb, of Virginia, and Thompson, of Mississippi. went to Niagara Falls and, on July 12th, canned a correspond- ence with Horace Greeley, of New York. Mr. Lincoln refused them an interview, and sent them the following announcement:
"To whom it may concern: Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery, and which comes by and with the authority that can control the armies now at war against the Uni- ted States, will be received and considerei by the Executive Government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms and other substantial and collateral points, and the bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both ways.
"ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
"WASHINGTON, July 18, 1864."
Simultaneously with this effort was the appearance at Rich- mond of Colonel Jacques, of the 73d Illinois infantry, and Jas.
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R. Gilmore, of Massachusetts, who were brought through the lines by Colonel Ould, Commissioner of Exchange, to whom General Grant had written a letter asking permission of the Con- federate authorities for them to visit Richmond.
They were accorded an interview with Mr. Davis. They came under a pass from President Lincoln, and professed to be familiar with the views of the Washington authorities, although disclaim- ing to be authorized commissioners.
They submitted they had come under the impression that the Confederate government would accept peace on a basis of recon- struction of the Union, an amnesty to the people as repentant criminals, and the abolition of slavery by general vote of the peo- ple, North and South, with the ruling of the majority.
Mr. Davis courteously declined to discuss the matter, and they withdrew with Mr. Benjamin, Secretary of State, who had con- ducted them to the President.
A few weeks before the Jacques-Gilmore mission, the Confed- erate Congress had published a manifesto, stating the terms of peace that would be acceptable to the South, and explaining the demands of the Richmond government.
"In a few sentences, it was pointed out that all we asked was immunity from interference with our internal peace and prosper- ity, and to be left in the undisturbed enjoyment of those un- alienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, which our common ancestors declared to be the equal heritage of all parties to the social compact. Let them forbear aggressions upon us, and the war is at an end. If there be questions which require adjustment by negotiation, we have ever been willing, and are still willing to enter into communication with our adversaries, in a spirit of peace, of equity, and of manly frankness."
The democratic party of the North was almost a unit for peace, and the Chicago convention warmly advocated measures looking in that direction. There had, however, been a revulsion of feel- ing in the minds of the Northern people. Sheridan's success iu the valley, and Sherman's campaign in Georgia, had inflamed the North with new hopes, and they now clamored for uncondi- tional war, when a little while before they had thought it in the last stages of defeat.
The condition of the South was certainly critical. Many of the people, who had endured so much, were becoming tired of the incessent strain upon brain and nerve; an army of grumblers set themselves up as critics of the administration, arraigned members of the cabinet for all deficiencies, and looked upon the secret sessions of Congress as the cowardly machinations of men afraid of allowing the real status of affairs to be made public. They longed for the "fesh pots of Egypt," and were weary with
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the hardships of their four years wandering in the desert of un- certainty.
Many of this class, a curse to any people, sought bomb-proof situations, got detailed on any pretext, and would have been willing to accept peace on any terms.
Amid all these difficulties, the question presented itself, how much more of physical and mental endurance could the people and army stand? Would the end of independence ever be reached, with so many barnacles clinging to the ship of State? Another appeal was to be made to their resolution.
In December, President Davis received a request frori Mr. Francis P. Blair, a distinguished citizen of Maryland, for per- mission to visit Richmond. As he came on President Lincoln's pass, much curiosity was expressed as to the result.
After an interview with the President, in which he expressed a desire that hostilities should cease and an amicable adjustment of difficulties be reached, and after discussing the best means for such a course, he returned to Washington with a letter, wherein President Davis stated that Mr. Blair was at liberty to say to Mr. Lincoln that Mr. Davis was willing to send commissioners to confer with the Northern President, with a view to the restora- tion of peace between the two countries, if he could be assured they would be received.
Mr. Blair suggested that Generals Grant and Lee enter into negotiations with a view to the cessation of hostilities. Mr. Davis responded, he "would willingly trust to General Lee such negotiations as was indicated."
On Mr. Blair's return from Washington, he reported that a military commission was not favorably entertained at the seat of government, so Mr. Davis decided to act upon a note from Mr. Lincoln to Mr. Blair, in which he stated that he "was willing to receive any agent Mr. Davis, or any other influential person now actually resisting the authority of the government, might send to confer informally with him, for the restoration of peace to our common country."
President Davis then decided to send commissioners to this in- formal conference, and appointed Messrs. Alex. H. Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter, and John A. Campbell.
The wording of the commission to each was in this form: "In conformity with the letter of Mr. Lincoln, of which the foregoing is a copy, you are requested to proceed to Washington City for an informal conference with him, upon the issues involved in the existing war, and for the purpose of securing peace to the two countries."
Armed with these documents, the commissioners proceeded down the James river, under a flag of truce, to go to Washing-
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ton, but were met at Hampton Roads by President Lincoln and Mr. Seward, and after a lengthy discussion, they returned, mak- ing the following report:
"To the President of the Confederate States:
"SIR :- Under your letter of appointment of the zoth ult .. we proceeded to seek an informal conference with ibraham Lincoln, President of the United States, upon the subject mentioned in your letter.
"The conference took place on the 30th ult., on board a steamer anchored in Hampton Roads, where we met President Lincoln, and the Hon. Mr. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States.
"It continued for several hours, and was both full and explicit. We learned from them that the message of President Lincoln to the Congress of the United States, in December last, explains clearly and distinctly his sentiments as to terms. conditions and methods of proceeding by which peace may be secured to the people, and we were not informed that they would be modified or altered to obtain that end.
"We understood from him that no terms or proposals of any treaty, or agreement, looking to an ultimate settlement, would be entertained or made by him with the authorities of the Con- federate States, because that would be a recognition of their ex- istence as a separate power, which under no circumstances would be done; and, for a like reason, that no such terms would be en- tertained for the States separately; that no extended truce or armistice (as at present advised) would be granted or allowed. without a satisfactory assurance, in advance. of the complete restoration of the authority of the constitution and laws of the United States over all places within the States of the Confed- eracy; that whatever consequences may follow from the re- establishment of that authority, must be accepted, but that indi- vidaals subject to pains and penalties under the laws of the United States, might rely upon a very liberal use of the power confded to him to remit those pains and penalties. if peace be restored.
"During our conference, the proposed amendment to the con- stitution of the United States, adopted by Congress on the 3ist ultimo, was brought to our notice.
"This amendment provides that neither slavery shall exist within the United States, or any place within their jurisdiction, and that Congress should have power to enforce this amendment by appropriate legislation.
"Very respectfully, etc., "ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS, "R. M. T. HUNTER, "JOHN A. CAMPBELL."
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Mr. Hunter, in an article referring to Mr. Blair's visit to Rich- mond, says: 'He saw many old friends and party associates who had been in the habit of taking counsel with him on public af- fairs. He revealed dangers of such overwhelming disaster as to turn the thoughts of many Confederates more seriously to thoughts of peace."
Mr. Davis says: "That Mr. Blair saw and noticed this serious inclining of many to the thoughts of peace, scarcely admits of a doubt; and if he believed Congress to be affected by a cabal undermining the executive in his efforts, successfully, to prose- cute; the war, Mr. Lincoln may be naturally supposed thence to have reached the conclusion that he should accept nothing but an unconditional surrender, and that he would not allow a com- mission from the Confederacy to visit the United States capital."
After the result of the peace commission was made known, mat- ters assumed a more serious aspect. A mass meeting was called, and held at the African church (the largest building in the city), where addresses were delivered and appeals to the patriotism were made. Mr. Davis exhorted the people to the resolution of endurance and continued devotion to the cause.
Many thought it too great a concession, allowing commission- ers in such an ninceremonious manner to come into the capital of the Confederacy, be permitted an interview with the President, receive old friends, talk over differences, and all the while be tak- ing notes of the situation, to report on their return, when no agent of the Confederacy was ever allowed to enter Wash- ington.
The proud Southern spirit chafed under this conservative course, but, to Mr. Davis' everlasting honor, it was an evidence that he was willing, as the head of the army and also the chief executive, to use all means offered to secure peace.
The grumblers were content to fold their hands and let mat- ters drift, as they sat in abject inertia beholding the situation.
The army, poorly clothed and unfed, still stood brave and un- daunted, under the terrible pressure, its faith in General Lee a sublime inspiration, its courage "without variableness of shadow of turning."
General Lee had favored the Hampdon Roids conference and was anxious for honorable terms of peace. After that bad failed. he determined, himself, to address a personal letter to General Grant and see what could be done, -- which we present before we leave this subject, that the idea may be clearly presented to our readers of his desire of a satisfactory settlement of the trouble, · which has been denied by some:
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Mr. Hunter, in an article referring to Mr. Blair's visit to Rich- mond, says: ' He saw many old friends and party associates who had been in the habit of taking counsel with him on public af- fairs. He revealed dangers of such overwhelming disaster as to turn the thoughts of many Confederates more seriously to thoughts of peace."
Mr. Davis says: "That Mr. Blair saw and noticed this serious inclining of many to the thoughts of peace, scarcely admits of a doubt; and if he believed Congress to be affected by a cabal undermining the executive in his efforts, successfully, to prose- cute; the war, Mr. Lincoln may be naturally supposed thence to have reached the conclusion that he should accept nothing but an unconditional surrender, and that he would not allow a com- mission from the Confederacy to visit the United States capital."
After the result of the peace commission was made known, mat- ters assumed a more serious aspect. A mass meeting was called, and held at the African church (the largest building in the city), where addresses were delivered and appeals to the patriotism were made. Mr. Davis exhorted the people to the resolution of endurance and continued devotion to the cause.
Many thought it too great a concession, allowing commission- ers in such an unceremonious manner to come into the capital of the Confederacy, be permitted an interview with the President, receive old friends, talk over differences, and all the white be tak- ing notes of the situation, to report on their return, when no agent of the Confederacy was ever allowed to enter Wash- ington.
The proud Southern spirit chafed under this conservative course, but, to Mr. Davis' everlasting honor, it was an evidence that he was willing, as the head of the army and also the chief executive, to use all means offered to secure peace.
The grumblers were content to fold their hands and let mat- ters drift, as they sat in abject inertia beholding the situation.
The army, poorly clothed and unfed, still stood brave and un- daunted, under the terrible pressure, its faith in General Lee a sublime inspiration, its courage "without variableness or shadow of turning."
General Lee had favored the Hampdon Roads conference and was anxious for honorable terms of peace. After that bad failed. he determined, himself, to address a personal letter to General Grant and see what could be done, -- which we present before we leave this subject, that the idea may be clearly presented to our readers of his desire of a satisfactory settlement of the trouble, · which has been denied by some:
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' "HEADQUARTERS, March 2, 1865. "To General Grant, Commanding United States Armies:
GENERAL :- Lieutenant-General Longstreet has informed me that in a recent conversation between himself and Major-General Ord, as to the possibility of arriving at a satisfactory adjustment of the present unhappy difficulties by means of a military con- vention, General Ord stated that, if I desired to have an inter- view with you on the subject, you would not decline, provided I had the authority to act. Sincerely desiring to leave nothing untried which may put an end to the calamities of war, I pro- pose to meet you at such convenient time and place as you may designate, with the hope that upon an interchange of views it may be found practicable to submit the subjects of controversy between the belligerents to a convention of the kind mentioned. In such an event I am authorized to do whatever the result of the proposed interview may render necessary or advisable. Should you accede to this proposition, I would suggest that, if agree- able to you, we meet at the place selected by Generals Ord and Longstreet for the interview, at Ir a. m., on Monday next.
"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"R. E. LEE."
Dr. Jones says: "When these overtures failed, there was no man more determined to fight it out to the end than General Lee. He said to a Southern Senator: 'For myself, I intend to die, sword in hand, rather than to yield,' and went to. work to make the best possible disposition of his little army."
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CHAPTER XXI.
President Davis Recommends to Congress the Employment of Slaves in the Southern Army -- General Lee Declines Being Made Commander-in-Chief of the Armies of the Confederacy-Wrangling in Congress Over General Johnston's Removal-Gloom Hanging Over the Confederate Capita :- Death of President Davis' Son -- Administration Criticised-Humorous Remarks of General Lee-Dress of the Period -- Woman's Fancy Work and Amusements-Women Ever True-Colonel Powell's Romantic Mir. riage-Subsistence of the Ariny -- Love and Confi lence for General Lee- His Peculiarities -- Declines the Offer of City Council of Richmoni to Purchase for Him a Home.
When the Confederate Congress assembled in December, 1854. the President advocated in his message the repeal of all laws granting exemption from military service. He said:
"No position or pursuit should relieve any one who is able to do active duty, from the enrollment in the army. The military authorities should have the power to exempt individuals only whose services may be more valuable out of than in the army.'
He also recommended "the employment of slaves in the army ; that "the number of 40,000 be acquired by the general govern- ment, who should be employed, not merely as cooks, laborers and teamsters, but as engineer and pioneer laborers." He recom- mended "that these slaves should be liberated on their discharge. after faithful service, rather than that they should be manumitted at once. He was opposed to arming the slaves: but the subiect must be viewed solely in the light of policy and our social econ- omy. Should the alternative ever be presented of subjugation, or of the employment of the slave as a soldier, there seems to be no reason to doubt what then should be our decision.'
Congress proceeded to set themselves to rectify some of the serious aspects of the situation, by passing a law creating General Lee commander-in-chief of the armies of the Confederate States, instead of President Davis. This responsibility that distinguished soldier declined practically to undertake.
There had always been a warm friendship between himself and the President: they had acted in unison, and now he did not wish to sever those ties by any act of personal aggrandizement.
He made known to Congress his views of placing the negro in the army on the basis of a general emancipation; that the ::::::- tution of slavery had been so broken up, by the invasions of the enemy, as to make its practical value of small consideration.
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A committee of members of the House of Representatives took occasion to administer a rebuke to Mr. Davis, with regard to the incapacity of members of the cabinet, blaming them for some of the evils of the situation.
They also demanded the restoration of General Joseph E. Jolin- ston, and held lengthy debates with regard to the Johnston-Davis imbroglio, accusing the latter openly of persecuting General Johnston. This discussion was principally led by Senator Wig- fall, of Texas, a man of brain, who was considered the best orator in the Sonth. He dealt sledge-hammer blows against Mr. Davis, and hurled such phillipics as were dreadful in their sarcastic abuse.
This culminated in General Hood's request to be relieved from the command of the Tennessee army. January 13, he says: "As the opposition of our people, excited by the Johnston- Wigfall party, seemingly increased in bitterness, I felt my services could no longer be of benefit to that army; having no other aspiration than to promote the interests of my country, I again telegraphed the authorities at Richmond, stating that the campaigns to the Alabama line and into Tennessee were my own conception; that I alone was responsible; that I had striven hard to execute them in such manner as to bring victory to our arms, and, at the same time, repeated my desire to be relieved.
"The President finally complied with my request, and I bid farewell to the Army of Tennessee on the 23d of January, 1865, after having served with it somewhat in excess of eleven months, and having performed my duties to my utmost ability."
The question of arming the slaves divided public opinion, and was freely discussed, many of the slave-holders in Congress, and the newspapers, openly proclaiming the use of negro soldiers but the eutering wedge of abolition.
Many doubted the capacity and fidelity of the negro as a sol- dier, but the Confederate generals were known to advocate their enlistment.
General Ewell, who commanded in the "Department of Heni- rico," declared that the employment of negroes in the trenches around Richmond would relieve fifteen thousand white soldiers who could be used on the enemy's front, and thus make an im- portant accession to our force actually in the field.
Pollard says: "The majority of the Confederate armiy were probably in favor of the experiment of negro soldiers; and many who doubted their efficiency at the front, were persuaded they might be made useful in other parts of the military field."
The subject was discussed so much, so timidly, and worn so thread bare, that nothing practical was evolved until March,
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COL. A. T. RAINEY. First Texas Regiment.
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when the President was authorized "to ask and accept from the owners of slaves as many able-bodied negroes as he might deein expedient, to perform military service in any capacity he might direct, and providing that nothing in the act should be construed to alter the relations existing between master and slave."
This only resulted in raising two pet companies in Richmond, which was then too late for military service. They only paraded in the capitol square to "'induce other sable recruits."
As late as April 2nd, General Lee wrote to the President: "I have been willing to detach officers to recruit negro troops, and sent in the names of many who are desirous of recruiting com- panies, battalions, or regiments, to the War Department. After receiving the general orders on that subject, establishing recruit- ing depots in the several States, I supposed that this mode of raising the troops was preferred. I will continue to submit the names of those who offer for the service, and whom I deem com- petent, to the War Department; but among the numerous appli- cations which are presented, it is difficult for me to decide who are suitable for the duty. I am glad your Excellency has made an appeal to the governors of the States, and hope it will have a good effect. R. E. LEE."
The belief now became firmly fixed in the minds of all, after the failure of the "peace commission," that if the South was sub- jugated, not only the negroes would be freed, but the lands of Southern men would be confiscated. The idea now was a des- perate resistance, not only against the armed invader, but for the possession of home and all most sacred to all classes.
At the capital there was much gloom and despondency. The doors of the executive mansion were not opened for receptions, at stated periods, as before-where soldiers from the field, citizens and ladies all lent their presence to the social life, and Mrs. Davis dispensed the hospitality of the Southern "White House" with grace and dignity.
Not only public calamity had followed the events of the war, but affliction had invaded the home-circle of President Davis, and he mourned the death of his son who had been suddenty killed by a painful accident, which drew forth the sympathy of the people. In the midst of young life and boyish play his foot had slipped, precipitating him down a flight of stone steps, pro. ducing concussion of the brain, and unexpectedly closing a life, in the opening of existence, so dear to the hearts of parents and friends.
Bowed with anguish, smitten with grief, the President, with noble self-abnegation, stifled the cries of his own agony, and bravely went forth amongst his people, a model for all to copy-
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his hand still steady, holding the helm of State, still striving th steer their bark amid the troubled waters which threatened to engulf all.
The grandeur of his character seems to neel no other witness than the fact that his public duties were not neglected at this critical hour. He never took time to indulge the luxury of sor- row for his lost boy, In his sad, pale face could be read the tale of his gnawing misery, coupled with the sublime uplifting of his nature above earthly things, and a fixed reliance upon the God he so humbly worshiped.
The newspapers were, some of them, filled with bitte: denun- ciations of the acts of the administration, and criticisms on the military situation. They were ever ready to denounce a meas. ure or a campaign after it had failed of its object, and frequently by their gratuitous advice about undefended postions. revealed much of our weakness to the enemy, giving information on points they could not otherwise have obtained.
The President chafed under this, but treated it with lofty con- tempt. General Lee expressed himself in this manner in conver- sation with a Southern senator:
"We made a great mistake in the beginning of our struggle. and I fear, in spite of all we can do, it will prove a fatal mis- take."
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