USA > Virginia > Augusta County > Augusta County > History of Augusta County, Virginia > Part 15
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The African, finding it impossible to communicate his history without a knowledge of English, applied himself, with remarkable success, to acquire it. In the course of a few months, being aided by the Colonel and his family, he so far mastered our language as to be able to communicate his ideas, and repaid the kindness of his friends by giving them an affecting narrative of his various unparalleled misfortunes. He said his name was Selim ; that he was born of wealthy and respectable parents in Algiers ; that when a small boy his parents sent him to Constantinople for educa- tion, and that after he had spent some years in that city, he returned to Africa. His visit over, he reembarked for Constantinople, to complete his education. The ship was captured by a Spanish man-of-war, and Selim was taken prisoner. Spain was at the time an ally of England and France, and the Spaniards, falling in with a French ship bound for New Orleans, transferred Selim to the vessel, and he was landed in New Orleans (and most probably sold into slavery, though this is not stated). After being some time in that city, he was sent up the Mississippi, to Ohio, to a Shaw- anese town, and left as a prisoner in their hands. The Indians held a prisoner at this time, a white woman from the frontiers of Virginia, and he, by signs, learned from her whence she came. The woman pointed to the rising sun. Selim was sufficiently acquainted with history and geog- raphy to know that there were English settlements on the eastern shore of America, and resolved to escape to them. With no pilot but the sun,
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no provisions for the journey, and no arms to kill game, he eluded the vigilance of the Indians, and set forth on his journey and traveled through the wilderness, subsisting on nuts and berries and other wild fruit, until his clothes were torn from his body, and, almost famished and dying, he was found by Mr. Givens near Staunton. The Colonel was so much moved by his tale of woe, that he supplied his every want, made him his companion, and introduced him to his friends and neighbors. Taking him to Staunton on court-day, Selim there saw Rev. Jno. Craig who attracted his particular attention, so much so, that Selim addressed him and asked to accompany him home. Mr. C. consented, and gave him a warm welcome. He afterwards asked Selim the cause of his wish to live with him. Selim replied : " When I was in my distress, I once, in my sleep, dreamed that I was in my own country, and saw the largest assembly of men my eyes ever beheld, collected in a vast plain, dressed in uniform, and drawn up in military order. At the further side of the plain, and at an immense distance, I saw a person, whom I under- stood to be a person of great distinction ; but the distance prevented my discerning what sort of a person he was. I only knew him to be a person of distinction. I saw, every now and again, one or two of this large assem- bly attempting to cross the plain to this distinguished personage ; but when they had got about half over, they suddenly dropped into a hole in the earth, and I saw them no more. I also imagined I saw an old man standing by himself at a distance from this assemblage, and one or two of the multitude applied to him for direction how to cross the plain, and all who received and followed his advice, got safely over." " As soon as I saw you," added Selim, " I knew you to be the man who gave these directions, and this has convinced me that it is in the mind of God that I should apply to you for instruction in religion. It is for this reason I desire to go home with you. When I was among the French, they endeavored to prevail on me to embrace the Christian religion ; but as I observed they made use of images, I looked on Christianity with abhorrence, such wor- ship being, in my opinion, idolatrous."
Mr. Craig cheerfully undertook the agreeable work he seemed called to by an extraordinary Providence. He soon found Selim understood the Greek language, which greatly facilitated the business. He gave him a Greek testament. Selim spent his time in reading it, and Mr. C. his leisure hours in explaining to him the Gospel of Jesus Christ. In a fort- night he obtained what Mr. C. considered a competent knowledge of the Christian religion, and was baptized in Mr. C.'s church. Some time after this, Selim expressed a wish to return to his native country. Mr. C. sug- gested that he might be ill-used by his friends and countrymen, now that he was no longer a Mohammedan, and asked if it would not be better to remain in Virginia, where he might enjoy his religion without disturbance.
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To this Selim replied that his father was a man of good estate, and he was his heir; that he had never been brought up to labor, and knew no possible way in which he could obtain a subsistence; that he could not bear the thought of living a life of dependence; that he was sensible of the strong prejudices of his friends against Christianity, yet could not think that, after all the calamities he had undergone, his father's religious prejudices would so far get the better of his humanity as to cause him to ill use his son on that account, and that, at all events, he desired to make the experiment. Mr. Craig urged his temptations to return to Moham- medanism, to which Selim said he would never deny Jesus.
Finding him resolved, Mr. C. and his friends supplied him with money and a letter of recommendation to Hon. Robert Carter, of Williamsburg. Mr. C. gave Selim further aid, and he sailed for England with the flatter- ing prospect of once more seeing his parents and native land. Some years later, Selim reappeared in Virginia, at Mr. Carter's, in a state of insanity. His constant complaint was that he had no friend, and where could he find a friend ? From this complaint, and his pitiable condition, it was conjec- tured his father was not his friend. In lucid intervals, Selim gave some account of his life after leaving Virginia. He arrived in England, and proceeded to Africa. He found his parents alive ; on learning that he had become a Christian, his father disowned him as a child, and turned him out of doors. Broken-hearted, he returned to England, but finding no way to earn a support there, he set sail for America, and during the voyage such was his grief that he sank into madness. He wandered from Williamsburg to Staunton, and thence to Col. Dickerson's, thence to the Warm Springs, where he met a young clergyman, Rev. Mr. Templeton, who, hearing something of his history, asked him if he was acquainted with the Greek language, to which he modestly replied that he understood a little of it. Mr. T. handed him a Greek testament, and asked him to con- strue some of it. He opened the book, and when he saw what it was, in a transport of joy he pressed it to his heart, and then complied with Mr. T.'s request. He left the Warm Springs, and returned to Mr. Carter's, who was now in Westmoreland, and was finally consigned to the lunatic asylum in Williamsburg. Selim was inoffensive in his behavior, grateful for favors received, always manifested a veneration for religion, and was often seen engaged in prayer. He died with great composure. His por- trait was taken for Gov. Page by Peale, of Philadelphia, and long hung on the walls of Rosewell.
MASSACRE AT SEYBERT'S FORT.
The fatal talent of the Indian for strategy is well illustrated by the cap- ture of Fort Seybert, which stood about twelve miles west of the present town of Franklin, in Pendleton county, and about fifty miles from Staun- ton. This rude fort, composed of log huts enclosing a hollow square, if
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properly manned, could have resisted any attack of savages. It was the strong place of the surrounding settlements, and into it the people gath- ered in times of threatened danger. In 1758, a party of Shawanese invested the fort, and demanded a surrender. Finding neither threatening words nor bullets of any avail, the cunning savages, after two days' trial, resorted to strategy, and unhappily, with success. They made various proposi- tions to the besieged to give up, promising to spare their lives ; but if not, and the siege continued, and the place was taken, they said every soul would be murdered. The promise of safety lured the unfortunate whites from the line of security, and they surrendered the fort. There were thirty- six persons in the work, and these the savages proceeded to secure. Instantly the whites realized the horror of their situation, and foresaw the fate which awaited them. Of the whole number, all were massacred but eleven. Ten, whom the Indians wished to save, were secured and removed from the fort ; the others were tied hand and foot, and seated in a con- tinuous line upon a log. Behind each of the unfortunates stood a stalwart savage, who, at a given signal, sunk his tomahawk through the skull of his quivering victim. The work finished, the fort was destroyed. This hor- rible scene was witnessed by a boy named Dyer, who was spared, although not of the number removed from the fort. He was led into captivity to the Shawanese towns on the Scioto. After nearly two years captivity, he escaped and returned home. Nothing was ever known of the fate of the ten borne off as prisoners.
BINGAMON AND THE INDIANS.
In 1758, near the present village of Petersburg, Hardy county, lived a giant by the name of Bingamon, whose house was broken open by the Indians at night. Before Bingamon was aware of the danger, the savages were in the house. Bingamon got his parents, wife and children, beneath a bed, and then prepared for action. The hired man was called down, but refused to come. The room was dark, and having discharged his rifle, he clubbed it and beat about at random. He fought with desperation, killing seven men. The eighth rushed from the house, and escaped, telling his tribe he had met a " perfect devil." In the morning, Bingamon could scarcely be prevented from killing his cowardly hired man. Bingamon was greatly distinguished for his firmness and strength.
FURMAN'S FORT, ON THE SOUTH BRANCH OF THE POTOMAC.
In 1764, eighteen Delawares killed Wm. Furman and N. Ashby, who had gone hunting near the fort. They then passed on to Frederick county, and killed D. Jones and his wife and Mrs. Thomas, capturing Miss Thomas. They also killed Mr. and Mrs. Loyd and several of their children, and several others. These are only a few of the murders and captures of this party.
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INDIAN FORAYS AND MASSACRES IN SHENANDOAH.
In 1764, a party of eight Delaware Indians, with a white man who had joined their tribe, by the name of Abraham Mitchell, advanced into the present county of Shenandoah, and near Strasburg killed George Miller, his wife and two children. They also, the same day, killed John Dellin- reg and took his wife and infant child prisoners. In crossing the moun- tains the child, who probably retarded the retreat, had its brains beaten out against a tree. A party of white men pursued them, overtook them in the Southbranch Mountains, fired upon them, killing one, when the others fled, leaving everything behind.
In the Autumn of 1765, the savages reappeared in Shenandoah, near Woodstock, and killed George Sigler and some women and children who were with him. Shortly before Sigler's murder two Indians were discov- ered lurking in the neighborhood of Mill creek. Three whites went in pursuit-M. and John Painter, and Wm. Moore. They had not gone far before they approached a fallen pine tree, with a very bushy top. As they neared it, M. Painter observed, "We'd better look sharp ; it is likely the Indians are concealed under the tops of this tree." The words were scarcely spoken before a savage rose up and fired. The ball grazed the temple of J. Painter. Moore and Painter returned the fire. One of their balls passed through the Indian's body, and he fell, as they supposed, dead. The other fled. The whites pursued some distance, but the fugi- tive was too fleet for them. They gave up the chase and returned to the pine tree ; but, to their astonishment, the supposed dead Indian had moved off with both rifles and a large pack of skins. They followed his trail, and when he found they were gaining on him, he got into a sink-hole, and as soon as they approached, commenced firing upon them. He had poured out a quantity of powder on dry leaves, filled his mouth with bullets, and, using a musket which was a self-primer, he was enabled to load and fire with astonishing quickness. He thus fired thirty times before they got a chance to dispatch him. At last Moore got an opportunity, and shot him through the head, and Moore received the premium allowed by law for Indian scalps. The fugitive who made his escape met a young white woman, Miss Sethorne, near the present town of Newmarket, whom he pulled from her horse, and forced off with him. After travelling twenty miles, it is supposed the young captive broke down from fatigue, when the savage beat her to death with a pine knot. Her screams were heard by some whites living two miles from the scene of horror. On going, next day, to ascertain the cause, they found her dead body, naked, and covered with blood and bruises.
RAID ON JACKSON'S RIVER AND CATAWBA.
In 1764, a party of forty or fifty Mingos and Delawares came up Sandy to New river, where they separated, one party going towards Roanoke
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and Catawba, the other in the direction of the Jackson's river settlement. The party for Jackson's river traveled down Dunlap's creek and crossed the river, and killed a Mr. Carpenter, took his son, two young Browns and a woman, all of whom were working in the fields, prisoners. They then robbed the house and fled. Capt. Paul and twenty men went in pursuit and accidentally fell upon the first party, who had gone towards Roanoke. The savages were discovered about midnight, and were all lying round a small fire wrapped in their skins and blankets. Paul's men fired upon them, killing three and wounding others. The rest fled and escaped. Sev- eral captives, taken on the Roanoke, were liberated, and considerable plunder recovered. The deadening effects of these terrible scenes may be derived from the reply of a prisoner rescued at this time, a Mrs. Glass, of English birth. She had known Capt. Paul, and recognized his voice. She called his name just as one of his men, supposing her to be a squaw, was about tomahawking her. She made no resistance, and, when asked the reason, replied : " I would as soon die as not ; my husband is murdered, my children slain, my parents are dead. I have not a relative in America ; everything dear to me is gone. I have no wishes, no hopes, no fears; I would not rise to my feet to save my life." Such were some of the hor- rors experienced on the frontier.
The British Government, anxious to secure peace on any honorable terms, directed Col. Bouquet to issue a proclamation forbidding the whites to settle or hunt west of the Alleghanies. In accordance with these in- structions, Col. B. issued the following proclamation, which was posted against the trees, on the booths at the trading points, and on the trails or road sides leading to the west :
"Whereas, by a treaty at Easton, in the year 1758, and afterwards rati- fied by his Majesty's ministers, the country to the west of the Alleghany mountain is allowed to the Indians for their hunting ground; And as it is of the highest importance to H. M.'s service, and the preservation of the peace and good understanding with the Indians, to avoid giving them any just cause of complaint : This is, therefore, to forbid any of H. M.'s sub- jects to settle or hunt west of the Alleghany Mountains, on any pretense whatever, unless such have obtained leave in writing from the general or governors of their respective provinces, and produce the same to the com- manding officer at Fort Pitt. And all the officers and non-commissioned officers, commanding at the several posts erected in that part of the coun- try for the protection of the trade, are hereby ordered to seize, or cause to be seized, any of H. M.'s subjects who, without the above authority, should pretend, after the publication hereof, to settle or hunt upon the said lands, and send them, with their horses and effects, to Fort Pitt, there to be tried and punished, according to the nature of their offence, by the sentence of a court martial."
In October, 1764, a similar proclamation was issued by the government, and in 1765, to accomplish the object in view, two movements were made into the Indian territory. The first, under Gen. Bradstreet, who proceeded
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to Lake Erie, and the second, under Col. Bouquet, who marched to the Muskingum. Bradstreet had a grand council, at Niagara, with twenty tribes, in June, who had sued for peace, and concluded a treaty. Bouquet proceeded, at the head of a force, from Fort Pitt, in the Autumn, and, reaching the Muskingum, convened in council the Delaware and Shawa- nese, negotiated and signed a peace with them, and received from them two hundred and six prisoners, ninety of whom were Virginians, or West Augusta people, and one hundred and sixteen Pennsylvanians. He also received from the Shawanese hostages for the delivery of other captives, who could not be brought in at that time. A number of distinguished chiefs united in forming this treaty, among them Kyashuta, Red Hawk, Custaloga and Captain John.
THE HORSE'S SAGACITY AND HATRED OF THE SAVAGE.
Not only the people but their domestic animals, at least the horse, de- tested the savages, and many a pioneer owed his life to his sagacity. The animal snuffed the presence of the Indian in the tainted air, and neither whip nor spur could urge him to the dreaded spot. Many instances could be cited to prove the intelligence and fidelity of the horse. The following will suffice : A gentleman, riding home through a wood at night, struck his head against the branch of a tree and fell stunned from his horse. The steed immediately returned to the house which they had lately left, and which was now closed and the family in bed, but he pawed at the door until some one arose and opened it. He turned about, and the man, won- dering at the affair, followed him, and the faithful animal led him to the .place where his master lay senseless on the ground.
CHAPTER IX.
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The affairs of the people of Augusta, and more particularly of the district of West Augusta, were further complicated for over twenty years previous to the Revolution. This was caused by a disagreement between the colo- nies of Virginia and Pennsylvania as to their boundary line, a question in which the Indians were also deeply interested, and which intensified their hostility to the Augusta or Virginian people, who were settling on their lands without purchase. We purpose now giving a brief history, derived from Dr. Creigh's interesting and valuable work, of this controversy, and of Mason & Dixon's line, by which, in 1784, the matter was forever settled.
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As far back as 1752, a controversy existed as to the boundary line be- tween Virginia and Pennsylvania-Virginia relying upon the charter of James I, and Pennsylvania claiming under her charter from Charles II, in 1581. The Pennsylvanians contended that their line extended several miles beyond Pittsburg or Fort du Quesne, while Virginia claimed all the territory between the parallels of 36° 30' and 39º 40' North latitude, from the margin of the Atlantic due west to the Mississippi. Settlements had occurred on the Monongehela, the Youghiogheny and on other tributaries of the Ohio for one hundred and twenty miles south of Fort du Quesne, as well as on the Greenbrier, the Elk and the Little Kanawha, or in the whole region of Northwestern Virginia and Southwestern Pennsylvania, and were claimed by Virginia as part of Augusta County, including Pitts- burg, a frontier town, where, as will appear later on in this chapter, the County Court of Augusta was often held before the Revolution. The Pennsylvanians appealed to history in support of their rights, and quoted the instructions from George II to Penn, Lieutenant-Governor of Pennsyl- vania in 1765, in which H. M. said : "Whereas, it hath been represented unto us that several persons from Pennsylvania and the back settlements of Virginia have emigrated to the westward of the Alleghany Mountains, and there have seated themselves on lands contiguous to the river Ohio, in ex- press disobedience of our royal proclamation of October 7, 1763, it is, there- . fore, our will and pleasure, and you are enjoined and required, to put a stop to all these and all other the like encroachments for the future."
On December 11, 1766, the Governor of Virginia wrote the Governor of Pennsylvania : "No regard is paid to the proclamation of October 7th and April, 1766, by you. But the commander-in-chief has taken a more effectual method to remove these settlers by giving orders to our officer and party to summon the settlers on Redstone creek to warn them to quit these illegal settlements, and, in case of refusal, to threaten military execution."
And in July, 1766, Gen. Gage wrote to Gov. Penn : "The garrison of Fort Pitt shall assist to drive away the settlers," (the settlers on Redstone creek, near Brownsville.)
In May, 1766, the chiefs of the Six Nations held a council at Fort Pitt, and said, as soon as peace was made, in 1765, contrary to their engage- ments, many white people came over the great mountains and settled at Redstone creek and on the Monongehela. George Croghan, the Indian agent, wrote to Gen. Gage: " If some effectual measures are not speedily taken to remove these people, till a boundary line can be settled, and the governors pursue vigorous measures, the consequences may be dreadful, and we be involved in all the calamities of another general war."
In consequence of this state of affairs, Gov. Penn issued a proclamation warning the settlers of the Indian complaints that they had settled on their
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lands without purchase and contrary to the King's proclamation ; ordering them to assemble to be told of their lawlessness, and, in case they refused to collect or leave, directed the commander-in-chief to seize and make prize of their goods ; after which they would be driven from " the lands to the westward of the Alleghanies, the property of the Indians."
Gov. Fauquier at the same time, July, 1766, ordered the same people to evacuate the lands, and if they failed to do so, "they must expect no protection or mercy from the government, and be exposed to the revenge of the exasperated Indians."
In September, 1766, the Speaker of the House of Delegates of Penn- sylvania acknowledged that " the boundary has not been exactly ascer- tained." In October, Gov. Penn asked the aid of Virginia in removing the settlers, and the Governor of Virginia replied that he had already issued three proclamations to these settlers, and had given orders on the subject to the military, but that a large majority of the families remained. Gov. Penn now acknowledged that the boundary line between the two colonies, near their western limits, had not been made, and that the set- tlers would shelter themselves under a disputed jurisdiction, which subse- quent events fairly demonstrated. Gov. Penn, in 1768, issued a procla- mation denouncing death without the benefit of clergy against the settlers who remained on the lands thirty days after the Ist of May, 1768. In addition, he sent commissioners to read the proclamation to the people, and to expostulate with them on the folly and injustice of their settling on the Indian lands, etc. The commissioners reached Redstone March 23d, 1768, read the proclamation, etc. A meeting of the people took place, and while in progress a number of Indians arrived. The business was explained to all parties, and they agreed, both whites and reds, that no- thing should be done as to the removal of the whites until after the con- clusion of a treaty then in progress between Geo. Croghan and the In- dians. In these settlements there were only about one hundred and fifty families, or, say, seven hundred and fifty persons.
George Croghan, J. Allen and J. Shippen were appointed commissioners to meet the chiefs of the Six Nations and form a treaty, and they accord- ingly met in conference at Pittsburg, May 9, 1768. The result of the con- ference was that two messengers were sent to the settlers to signify to them the great displeasure of the Six Nations, and that the Indians expected them to remove without further notice. These two deputies were to be accompanied by the White Mingo and the three deputies sent from the Six Nations' country ; but, when the time of their departure ar- rived, they refused to go, saying that their instructions were only to attend to making a treaty, and that driving the white people away from these set- tlements was a matter which no Indian could with any satisfaction be con-
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