USA > Vermont > Early history of Vermont, Vol. III > Part 13
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His last letter from Boston to the Gov .- General Craig was dated June 25, 1809, in which he says, "The unexpected change that has taken place in the feelings of political men in this country, in con- sequence of Madison's prompt acceptance of the friendly proposals of Great Britain has caused a temporary suspension of the conflict of parties. * * * I beg leave to suggest, that in the pres- ent state of things in this country, my presence can contribute very little to the interest of Great
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Britain." H. W. Ryland wrote Henry from Quebec, May 1, 1809, in which after stating he expected him to arrive at Montreal by the middle of June and that he had the whole of his correspondence transcribed for the purpose of being sent to the home government where they could not fail of doing him great credit and eventually contribute to his permanent advantage, said "I am cruelly out of spirits at the idea of old England truckling to such a debased, and accursed government, as that of the United States."
Henry returned to Canada and made applica- tion to the British authorities for reward for his services and expenses and to receive some lucrative employment under the English government, but he failed to get either from Great Britain. Hethen, voluntarily disclosed to President Madison not only the nature of the plot and intrigue by the ac- tual correspondence relating thereto, for which he received fifty thousand dollars. Afterwards the British officials undertook to deny that the gov- ernment had any hand in the intrigue. Augustus J. Foster, the British Minister at Washington, March 11, 1812, wrote to James Monroe disclaim- ing, on his own part of having had any knowledge of an existence of such a mission, and expressed his conviction that no countenance was given by his associate British officers to any scheme hostile to the internal tranquility of the United States, and requested the American government and Con- gress to suspend any further judgment on its merits until the circumstances shall have been known to his majesty's government. It is difficult
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to believe that the English government were not concerned in the scheme.
The letters of Mr. Erskine the British Minister written about the time that Henry received his commission, as related by James Fisk, one of Ver- mont's members of Congress, showed he had en- deavored to assertain the views and strength of the Federal party, and to what extent they would be willing to resist the measures of the party in power; and also stating in his letters that he had heard that a dissolution of the Union "had been seriously contemplated by many of the leading people in the eastern district." This attempt to dismember the Union by a secret mission adds to the list of British wrongs and another well ground- ed cause for a declaration of war against Great Britain.
The year of 1812, when the United States de- clared war against England, was aneventful period in the history of the American Union, Nathan Hoskins in his history of Vermont, says, it was a time when "faction and its concomitant evils had disordered the Union of society-war and its de- vastating consequences destroyed the subjects and resources of the government-commerce was driven from the ocean, and peace from the hallowed sanc- tuary of freedom. Rulers were distrusted by the people, and the people in return were charged with infidelity to the government. Silence was con- strued into disaffection and loyalty into oppres- sion." Vermont stood in the very forefront of danger laying on the frontier, where in case of war with Great Britain the heaviest blows would be struck.
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Before the declaration of war Governor Jonas Galusha in his speech to the Legislature in Octo- ber 1811, stated the situation as follows: "At no period since the commencement of the differ- ences has appeared to me so portentious as at pres- ent. Great Britain seems not inclined to relinquish her offensive orders in council, surrender up our impressed seamen, or permit us to enjoy the com- mon and legal rights of a neutral nation-but as- sume the attitude of a threatening invader, al- though France has mitigated the rigor of her hos- tile measures, and so modified her Berlin and Milan decrees that they have ceased to operate against the United States. Let us as far as possible, be prepared for any event which may occur. To be united is indispensably necessary to be prepared either for a state of war or for the full enjoyment of peace."
CHAPTER VIII.
VERMONT IN THE WAR OF 1812-1814.
It seems that the British government had failed to observe the terms of its treaty with United States. Its conduct had become so obnoxious and overbearing towards the United States government it hastened a conflict with the latter. The perni- cious effect of the orders of the British government against our commerce, the arrogance of the British Navy on the sea, "the right of search," the utterly unreasonable character of their claims of dominion, their repeated seizure of men-American citizens at that-from the decks of our ships on the plea that they were British subjects, their entire disregard of our flag, their contempt for America and Ameri- cans, finally led to a declaration of war against England by Act of Congress on June 18, 1812. In preparation for the expected bloody conflict, Con- gress, on April 10, 1812, authorized the President to detach one hundred thousand militia, to be or- ganized and held in readiness to march at a minute's notice, and to serve six months after arriving at the place of rendezvous.
On May 28, 1812, the Secretary of War appor- tioned three thousand of the number to Vermont. and thereupon Governor Galusha as Commander-in . Chief of the militia of the State ordered that Ver-
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mont's detachment should form one brigade to consist of four regiments of ten companies each- eight of infantry, one of artillery and one of cavalry, and to be taken from the four divisions, command- ed respectively by Major General Lewis R. Morris, William Cahoon, David Robinson and Hezekiah Barnes, and directing them to take special care that the men detached from their divisions be promptly organized, and completely equipped, with arms and accoutrements fit for actual service, including blankets and knapsacks. The Governor closed his general order in the following patriotic and determined language :
"The Commander-in-Chief views it of the great- est importance, at this momentous crisis, that we should be prepared to defend our sacred rights and dear bought liberties, and protect the honor and independence of the nation, against the invasion of any foreign power: he, at the same time, pos- sesses the highest confidence in the patriotism, zeal and bravery of the officers and soldiers of the militia of this State, and is fully persuaded, that on the present occasion, they will by, a speedy and cheerful compliance with these orders, evince to the world, that they are ready to meet any exigency that may occur, and have but one mind when their country calls."
The order was responded to promptly, and the Vermont troops were at Plattsburgh as early as Sept. 21, 1812, or at least a part of them. General Jonathan Orms was in command of all the militia in Vermont during the war and had his headquart- ers at Burlington.
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The causes for a declaration of war against Great Britain had existed so long before the dec- laration was issued and the parties differing as to the policy of declaring war, a large portion of the people had concluded there would be no war and were unprepared for it. The official return of the militia of Vermont in 1809, showed 15,543 rank and file, with 11,523 muskets, 5,273 bayonets, 6, 302 cartridge boxes, 5,657 steel ramrods. No rifles were returned and only 1,041 pairs of pistols and no canons, but in 1812, the United States added 2,500 muskets. The declaration of war aroused the people to action, especially along the northern border of the State, through patriotism and to secure their own safety from British and Indian attacks. The nursery tales of Indian havoc and warfare were rehearsed, the people seem to have been seized with a sort of panic, and supposed that hordes of Canadian Indians would be let loose upon them. The northern counties of Vermont were sparsely settled in 1812, and were actually exposed to attack from their neighbors in Canada, and the consequence was that a great part of the people abandoned their farms and houses, but some only for a short time. The Selectmen of Troy warned a town meeting to be held on May 12, 1812, in anticipation of war, to see what method the town would take in the important crisis to furnish the militia of the town with arms and ammunition, the result of which was an order to the Selectmen to borrow twenty muskets and bayonets on the credit of the town, and to pur- chase twenty-five pounds of powder and one hun-
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dred weight of lead, if it could be purchased on six months credit. This shows the people were not prepared for war. Immediately after the declara- tion of war had been promulgated the Selectmen of many of the northern towns of the State fur- nished and supported a small namber of men as guards at the frontier towns of Troy, Derby and Canaan. The Selectmen of the following towns especially took those precautionary measures : viz, Irasburgh, Craftsbury, Greensboro, Hardwick, Walden, Cabot, Peacham, Troy, Canaan, Morris- town, Kelleyvale [Lowell,] and Glover; and for the services of the men and expenses of their support the State allowed and paid $1,188.80. Palisades were constructed at Troy and Westfield.
On Oct. 13, 1812, Charles Rich of Shoreham in- troduced into the Vermont House the following :
"Resolved, That the constituted authorities of our country have declared war between the United States and Great Britain and her dependencies, it is our duty as citizens to support the measure, otherwise we should identify ourselves with the enemy with no other distinction than that of local- ity. We therefore pledge ourselves to each other, and to our government, that with our individual exertions, our examples, and influence, we will sup- port our government and country in the present contest, and rely on the Great Arbiter of Events for a favorable result."
This resolution was disliked by the Federalists and they offered another as a substitute which was rejected by a vote of 129 to 80, but on November 2nd the following were adopted by a vote of 116 to 40 : viz.,
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"Resolved, That this assembly have the fullest confidence that the constituted authorities will at all times be anxious to bring the said war to a close, when it can be done consistently with the honor and interest of our country.
2. "Resolved, That although this assembly deem it their duty to give to the general govern- ment every aid in their power in the prosecution of the present just and necessary war, yet they will with pleasure hail the happy day when the war shall be brought to an honorable conclusion."
Governor Galusha in his annual speech to the Council and House of Representives in 1812, re- commended the united support of the war meas- ures of the government against England and to enter the contest with patriotic zeal for the protec- tion of its own citizens, and to save the nation from dishonor. After stating that all honorable negotiations were exhausted to preserve the State of peace with England without success, the cup of our sufferings was full, Congress had resorted to the last remedy of an injured nation-an appeal to arms, he said :
"Although some doubt the propriety of the measure adopted, yet war being declared by the constituted authorities of our country, it ought no longer to remain a question of policy, but it has become the duty of the state governments, and of every individual, with promptitude to espouse the sacred cause of our injured country, second the measures of our general government, provide for the defence and safety of our citizens, and with zeal pursue such measures as will tend to procure an
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acknowledgment of our national rights, a release of our impressed seamen, remove the encroach- ments on the great highway of nations, put a final period to the calamities of war, and establish. a permanent and honorable peace. Atso important and interesting a crisis as the present, it is expedi- ent that we lay aside all party prejudices and unite in one common cause to maintain our independ- ence, and transmit to posterity those invaluable rights which were sealed to us by the blood of our heroes, and by our example invite every citizen and friend of liberty to divest himself of all selfish and local policy, and with patriotic zeal embrace the cause of our common country, a country abound- ing with every necessary of life and in the full tide of civil and religious liberty.
"It is expected that the general government will direct all the important operations of the war, and provide means of defence in the several parts of the Union. But situated as this state is, con- tiguous to the populous settlements of the enemy and exposed to the whole military force in Lower Canada, I should be deficient in my duty if I did not recommend to you in the most pressing man- ner, by every means in your power to put this state in the best possible posture of defence; to have the militia properly equipped, ready to take the field, and provide for their speedy and effectual movement to any place of danger whenever occa- sion requires. The militia law will need a thorough revision, and many additions to render it efficient for the exigencies of war. A committee was ap- pointed at our last session for that purpose, and I
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trust a report will be seasonably made, that there may be a full investigation of the system. The promptitude with which the detatched militia, in most of the towns, have marched to the defence of the frontier, has exceeded my highest expectations. Such a patriotic and military ardor pervades the state, that many thousands of the inhabitants, who were by law exempt from military duty, have enrolled themselves, elected their officers, and ten- dered their services to support the laws and gov- ernment of their country, suppress insurrections and repel invasions."
On Nov. 6, 1812, the Legislature passed an act to provide for the raising of a volunteer corps, for the service of the United States, consisting of sixty- four companies of infantry, two of artillery, and two of cavalry, to be divided into two brigades, for which the Governor and Council appointed the necessary officers. It was intended by this act that this corps was to consist of persons who were exempt from military duty and organized to sup- press insurrection, to repel invasion, and in short to prevent any of those wanton acts of riot, per- sonal abuse, and disturbance of the peace, that were liable to arise in trying times. This force was to take the field at a moments warning, and to serve in the army of the United States until the first of May 1813. The writer is not certain that this corps was ever fully raised. An Act of Con- gress of Jan. 20, 1813, provided that any person might enlist into the army while "performing a tour of military duty," and it is probable that many volunteers, and many of the detached mili-
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tia enlisted into the army of the United States. It is certain, that several of the officers, appointed by the Governor and Council for the proposed volun- teer corps, were officers in the 30th and 31st Regi- ments of the United States Army, organized Feb. 23, 1813; and all of the officers of those two regi- ments were Vermonters.
The Legislature of 1812, passed several other acts having special relation to the war. The first was an act to prevent intercourse with the enemy of Vermont and the United States on the Northern Frontier; the act forbid under severe penalties, any person passing from or through Vermont into Canada or from Canada into Vermont, without a permit from the Governor or some person author- ized. And second an act forbidding the moving, any horses, cattle or other property into Canada, and authorized the inspection of trunks, or papers by any justice of the peace without warrant, and the detention of letters and papers at the discre- tion of the justice. All officers of the State, civil and military, were required to aid in the execution of the act, and in some instances it was rigorously enforced so as to provoke complaint and censure ; questions involving the right were taken to the State and United States Courts for Vermont, when the act was condemned, and the officers who had enforced it, were mulcted in damages and costs, that the State ultimately refunded. The sum of $1,112.23 was refunded to Lieut. Colonel Edward Fifield for losses sustained by him in consequence of his faithful enforcement of the non-intercourse act on the Northern Frontiers. judgments were
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rendered against him both in the Federal and State Courts; Col Isaac Clark who was very efficient in executing the act and arresting smugglers was joined with Fifield as defendant.
The Council of Censors of 1813, composed of Federalists, recommended the speedy and unquali- fied repeal of the act, as it was in violation of the Constitutions both of the United States and of Vermont, and it was repealed Nov. 16, 1813. Al- though the House was nearly equally divided politically, the repealing act passed by a vote of 118 to 27. There was another act passed Nov. 6, 1812, suspending civil process against the persons and property of the officers and soldiers of this State while in service, which was also condemned by the Council of Censors, as being unconstitu- tional; this act was also repealed, Nov. 15, 1813, except as to non-commissioned officers and sol- diers.
There was an act passed Nov. 9, 1812, direct- ing the mode of detaching the militia for service in the war and by which the Selectmen of each town were required to furnish the non-commissioned offi- cers, musicians or privates of their respective towns in the State with arms and equipments, knapsacks, blankets, camp utensils, cartridges, flints, rations, and transportation for their necessary baggage; and also pay each non-commissioned officer, musi- cian, and private $3.34 per month ; and the same amount be paid by the State to the militia detached previous to the date of the act-this was in addi- tion to their regular monthly pay. This left it to the towns to raise the extra pay for all
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militia detached subsequent to Nov. 9, 1812.
But after this the large . additional force raised in 1814, mainly consisted of enlist- ments in the regular army and volunteers. A report of the Paymaster of the United States Army showed that between Jan. 27, and Sept. 24, 1814, out of $1,944,828.98 disbursed for bounties and premiums to recruits $109.300 was disbursed in Vermont.
The Vermonters, for the most part, who served in the regular army, were in the 11th, 26th, 30th, and 31st Infantry. The 11th was organized in 1812, and served during the war. The 26th, 30th and 31st were organized in the Spring of 1813, to serve one year; a remnant of the 30th and 31st was in the Battle of Plattsburgh in September, 1814. The year for which the 26th Infantry had engaged to serve having expired, orders were issued to convert it into a rifle regiment, and in May 1814, a recruiting office was opened in Burlington by Col. Isaac Clark, originally of the 11th Infantry. and by September 292 men had been enlisted, but the writer is not aware that the regiment was filled or that it ever commenced any actual service. After the 26th Infantry was originally organized in May 1813, it was in 1814, consolidated with the 48th Infantry, and was armed with rifles, and hence was sometimes called the 26th Rifle Regi- ment.
It is not the purpose of the writer to go into the history of the entire war, but to present enough of it to give an intelligent view of the part that Vermont took in it. The plan of the cam-
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paign was to garrison the coast fortifications with the local militia, assisted by some regulars, while the remainder of the regulars, volunteers, and militia, were to be employed in invading Canada, particularly from Detroit, and the Niagara frontier in New York. The army gathered at Plattsburgh numbered about eight thousand men, one-half of whom were Vermonters; these were designed to protect northwestern New York, and the frontier of Vermont, and threaten the Canadians in Lower Canada to prevent the transfer of British troops from Lower to Upper Canada. But little was done in northeastern New York and in Vermont during the summer of 1812, but to organize and get ready for the expected conflict.
On Nov. 16, 1812; a large portion of the army at and near Plattsburgh under the immediatecom- mand of Major General Henry Dearborn of Massa- chusetts, then the senior officer of the army, moved north and about five thousand of them on the 1Sth encamped about a half mile south of the Cana- dain line near the British force that did not exceed three thousand. When Dearborn was prepared to cross the line the British Major Salaberry was prepared to meet him. On the morning of the 20th a detachment of Dearborn's army forded the La- colle river and surrounded a British guard house which was occupied by Canadian militia and a few Indians who broke through the American lines and escaped. In the meantime a second party of Americans advanced and commenced a sharp fire on those in possession of the ground, not know- ing they were the first American detachment,
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mistaking them for the British pickets, This fire continued for nearly half an hour before the mis- take was discovered, after having killed five and wounding several of their own number; they then retreated to Plattsburgh, when the militia were disbanded and the 11th Regiment sent to Burlington, with the 9th, 21st and 25th Regiments under the command of Brig. General John Chan- dler of Maine, Col. Zebulon M. Pike, a good of- ficer, commanded the advanced party, and would, doubtless, have performed his duty creditably, had Dearborne persisted in the invasion. Government did not regard Colonel Pike deserving of censure as in March following he was selected to command the expedition for the capture of Toronto in which he was killed.
On Feb. 10, 1813, the Secretary of War ordered Gen. Dearborn to move the two brigades at Platts- burgh, numbering 2,480 men to Sackett's Harbor, leaving no troops at Plattsburgh, and only Col. Clark's regiment of infantry and a company of artillery at Burlington and on May 13th five hun- dred men from Clark's 11th regiment were also ordered to Sackett's Harbor and left Burlington for that point on May 31st under the command of Lieut. Timothy Upham of New Hampshire.
In June of 1813, the United States suffered a loss of two of the three sloops of war which com- prised the nation's force on Lake Champlain under the command of Thomas Macdonough, then a Lieutenant. in the Navy. The three vessels were the President. commanded by Lieutenant Mac- donough; the Growler, by Lieutenant Sidney Smith;
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and the Eagle, under the sailing Master, Loomis. Capt. H. A. Sawyer of Burlington was a midship- man on the Eagle, in the engagement resulting in the loss of the Eagle and the Growler. The princi- pal part of the crew were Capt. Herrick's company of McCobb's Maine regiment and some volunteers from Col. Isaac Clark's 11th United States regi- ment of infantry. The following account of this engagement taken from "Paluser's Lake Cham- plain," viz :
"About the first of June Macdonough received information of an attack, by several British gun- boats, upon some small craft at the lower [north- ern] end of the lake. In consequence of this intel- ligence he ordered Lieutenant Smith to move towards Rouses Point with the Growler and Eagle, in orderto attack the gun-boats should they again make their appearance. Lieutenant Smith left Plattsburgh harbor with his vessels on the morn- ing of the 2d of June, and about dark cast anchor within a mile of the lines. The next morning about daybreak, he got under way, and proceeded down the Richelieu as far as Ash Island (Isle au Tetes), where he discovered and gave chase to three British gun-boats. The wind was blowing fresh from the south at the time, and soon brought the sloops, the Growler leading, within sight of the works at Isle aux Noix. The sloops now tacked and began to beat back towards the open lake, having the wind against them, with a slight ad- verse current in the river.
"As soon as the British were aware of the ad- vantages these circumstances gave them, three of
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their row-galleys came out from under the works at Isle aux Noix, and opened a brisk fire upon the sloops. As the galleys carried twenty-fours, while the largest guns on the sloops were eighteens, the former were able to select their own distance, nor could the latter come to close quarters without running within range of the fire of the batteries on the island. To render the situation of the sloops still more critical, the British now lined the woods on each side of the river, and opened upon them with musketry. This fire was returned with constant discharges of grape and canister, and, in this manner, the contest was continued for several hours with great gallantry on both sides. About four hours after the commencement of the action, a shot from one of the galleys struck the Eagle under her starboard quarter and passed out on the other side, ripping off a plank under water. The sloop went down almost immediately, but fortun- ately in shoal water, and her crew were taken off by boats sent from the shore. Soon after this ac- cident the Growler had her fore stay and main boom shot away, when she became unmanageable and ran ashore.
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