USA > Vermont > History of the state of Vermont; for the use of families and schools > Part 12
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16. At this session of the Legislature Major Joseph Fay was appointed " commissioner of prisoners," and in July, he went on board the Royal George on lake Champlain, and obtained the exchange and a further extension of the armistice. About this time a corres- pondence was carried on between Ethan and Ira Al- len on one part and the British on the other, by means of a British guard of a sergeant and eight men. This guard conveyed the communications from the British officers to Sunderland, where they were received by one of the Allens personally in the dusk of the eve- ning, who, the next evening, returned an answer.
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LORD GERMAIN'S LETTER TO SIR H. CLINTON. 153
which was conveyed by them to lake Champlain. And it is worthy of remark, that communications were frequently interchanged in this manner, during the years 1781, and 1782, without discovery, notwithstand- ing Sunderland was more than 60 miles from the fron- tier.
17. While this friendly intercourse was thus main- tained between the British and a few of the leading men in Vermont, the people generally were very inveterate in their hatred towards the British and to- ries. A person in Arlington, being supposed to en- tertain friendly feelings towards the British, a party collected in Manchester and wore proceeding to tear down his house. In sunderland they were met by the Messrs Brownsons and Ira Allen who, with much difficulty persuaded them to return. That very night Colonel Allen received a packet from a British guard upon the same ground where this party were per- suaded to go back, and returned an answer the next evening.
18. Jonas Fay, Bezaleel Woodward, and Ira Allen were appointed agents to Congress by the Legisla- ture at their session in Jume. About the time of their arrival at Philadelphia, a letter from Lord Germain to Sir Henry Clinton, commander of the British forces in America, and which had been intercepted by the French, was published in the Pennsylvania Packet. It was dated Whitehall, February 7th, 1781, and among other things contained the following para- graph. "The return of the people of Vermont to their allegiance, is an event of the utinost importance to the king's affairs; and at this time, if the French and Washington realy meditate an irruption irto Canada, may be considered as opposing an insur- mountable bar to the attempt. General Haldimand, who has the same instructions with you, to draw over those people and give them support, will, I doubt not, push up a body of troops, to act in con- junction with them and secure all the avenues
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HISTORY OF VERMONT.
through their country into Canada ; and, when the season admits, take possession of the upper parts of the Hudson and Connectient rivers, and cut off the communication between Albany and the Mohawk country. How far they may be able to extend themselves southward, or eastward, must depend on their numbers and the disposition of the inhabi- tants."
19. The information contained in this letter was calculated to confirm the suspicions which the friends of American liberty had entertained with re- gard to the negotiations between Vermont and the British, and did more towards disposing Congress to recognize the independence of Vermont and to gain her an admission into the union, than all her sacrifi- ces and services in maintaining the war. This letter also shows that not only the British generals in America were deceiving themselves with the idea that Vermont was about to return to her allegeance to the king, but that the British ministry were also deceived ; and supposed that the people of Vermont were generally desirous that their state should be made a British province, when perhaps not more than a dozen individuals within the state had ever thought or spoke of such an event; and these had only countenanced the idea of it, when urged to such a measure by the British agents, and then only for the purpose of keeping the northern British army inactive upon their frontiers and affording the pro- ple protection by their management when they could not do it by force.
20. In September, 1781, Colonel Allen and Major Fay, had another interview with the British agents, at which a plan of government for the colony of Vermont was discussed and agreed upon by the par- ties. It was to consist of a governor, appointed by the king, but who should be a citizen of ' ermont ; a lieutenant governor and 12 councillors, who should be chosen by the people; and a house of representa-
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ARRANGEMENTS WITH BRITISH AGENTS.
tives, the members to be chosen by the respective ¿ towns. The British agents then insisted that Ver- mont should immediately declare herself a British province. The vermont commissioners represented that matters were not yet sufficiently matured for such a declaration-that the inhabitants in some parts of the territory were not yet sufficiently brought over to the British interests, and, until that was effected, and means provided for the purpose, it would be extremely difficult to defend their exten- sive frontiers against the United States.
21. The British agents yielded this point with re- luctance ; but suggested another proposition, which they said must be complied w h, or the armistice must be ended, which was, that a proclamation should be issued by the British general in October, during the session of the Vermont Legislature, declaring Vermont a colony under the crown, and confirming the plan of government which they had agreed on ; and that the Legislature of Vermont must accept the same, and take suitable measures for carrying it into effect. After some farther discussion, the Ver- mont commissioners judged it better to accced to this unpleasant proposition, than that the armistice should be discontinued in the present defenceless state of the frontiers; after which, the commissioners and agents separated on friendly terins.
22. The Legislature of Vermont met at Charles- town early in October, and about the same time Gen. St Leger ascended lake Champlain with a pow- erful British army and landed at Ticonderoga. The Vermont troops were then at Castleton, under the command of Gen. Enos. Gen. Enos and Colonels Fletcher and Walbridge were now well acquainted with the negotiation with the British, but the army and the inhabitants of the country knew nothing of it ; and hence it was necessary to keep up appear- ances by frequently sending out scouts to observe the movements of the enemy. One of these scouts, commanded by Sergeant Tupper, fell in with a
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HISTORY OF VERMONT.
party. of the British and some shots were exchanged. Tupper was killed on the spot, and his men retreat- ed. Gen. St Leger ordered Tupper's body to be decently buried, and sent his clothing with an open letter to Gen. Enos, in which he expressed his re- gret for the death of the sergeant. This comuni- cation and the apparel were publicly delivered to Gen. Enos, and were the occasion of much mur- muring among the troops.
23. Letters were immediately written by General Enos and Colonels Fletcher and Walbridge, and for- warded by express to Governor Chittenden at Charles- town. The bearer, Mr Hathaway, not being in the secret of the negotiation with the British, proclaimed the extraordinary message of General St Leger in the streets of Charlestown, in consequence of which the: pecple followed him in crowds to the governor's apartment to hear the news. In the room with the governor were several persons, some of whom were in the secret, and some, who were eager after infor- mation that they might make an ill use of it. On opening the letters, they were found, besides an- nouncing the arrival of General SSt Leger, to contain information respecting the negotiation which it was not deemed prudent to make public.
24. While these letters were pasing round among those who were in the secret. Major Runne Is entered the room and demanded of' Colonet Allen why Gen- eral St Leger should be sorry Tupper was killed. Allen said he would not ell. Runnels repeated the question ; and Allen replied that good men were sor- ry when good men were killed, which might be the case with st Leger. This answer enraged Runnels, and he again loudly demanded what reasons could possibly induce a British general to be sorry when his enemy was killed and to send his clothes to his wid- ow. Colonel Allen then requested Major Runnels to go to his regiment, and, at the head of that, demand of St Leger the reasons of his sorrows ; and not stay
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there asking impertinent questions and eating up the country's provisions, when the frontiers were invaded. Some high words followed between them, which called the attention of those present from the letters, and Runnels soon after left the room.
25. The governor then convened the board of war, all of whom were in the secret, and Hathaway was left to detail the news to the populace. New letters were then made out from those received, in which every thing relating to the negotiation and armistice was suppressed. These were substituted for the original, and were publicly read before the council and assembly for the satisfaction of the people. In the mean time Colonel Allen and Major Fay, wrote to the British agents that matters were going on fa- vorably to their designs, but as a report prevailed, that Cornwallis and his army had surrendered to the Americans, which was doubtless unfounded, they thought it inexpedient to publish the proposed proc- lamation till more favorable news should remove all doubts with regard to the ability of the British to sustain Vermont in the measures which she should adopt.
26. About an hour after this communication was delivered at Ticonderoga, an express arrived there from the south, with the news of the capture of Cornwallis and his whole army, and before night the British embarked all their troops and stores, and returned to Canada. Thus were the negotiators in Vermont relieved from their embarrasment and dan - ger, which would have been much increased by the publication of the proposed proclamation ; and thus was terminated the campaign of 1781, in which a few sagacious and daring individuals, secured, by their negotiations and management, the extensive frontier of Vermont, which was exposed to an army of ten thousand of the enemy.
27. In the winter of 1782, the British in Canada were extremely anxious to ascertain how the people
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INSTORY OF VERMONT.
of Vermont were affected by the capture of Corn- wallis. Their agents wrote, on the 28th of Feb. and again on the 224 of April, in the most pressing terms for information, and stating that the commander in chief had full powers to confirm every article which had been agreed upon at a former interview for the es-' tablishment of Vermont as a royal goverment. Im- patient at not receiving an answer, they wrote again on the 30th of April, making new offers and promises, and designating several individuals in Vermont for whom his excellency was authorized and disposed to provide in the distribution of the royal favors, and in several cases assured them what commissions they should receive.
28. In July, Colonel Ira Allen was again sent to Canada with a letter from Governor Chittenden to General Haldimand, requesting the release of two officers, belonging to Vermont, who were then pris- oners in the hands of the British. The British agents thought this a favorable opportunity for bringing the negotiations with Vermont to a decision, and used every art to persuade Vermont immediately to decla- re herself a British province. Allen employed every argument to justify Vermont for delaying ti, and to prevent the renewal of hostilities. Haldimand was finally prevailed upon to continue the armistice and to liberate the prisoners above mentioned. He then wrote to Governor Chittenden, announcing his pa- cifie disposition towards Vermont in the most une- quivocal terms, and requesting the people of Vermont, without apprehension, to encourage and promote the settlement and cultivation of the coun- try for the interest and happiness of themselves and their posterity.
29. With this year terminated the war and the negotiations, leaving favorable impressions on the minds of the British towards Vermont. Of the ben- oficial effects of the policy pursued, to Vermont and to the union, there can be no doubt, but of the jus-
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DEPREDATIONS OF THE INDIANS.
tice of this course there may be some question. On the part of the British the negotiation consisted of repeated endeavors to persuade the leading men in Vermont, to abandon the American cause and de- clare the state a British province. To these, the leaders in Vermont returned evasive and ambiguous answers, calculated indeed to keep alive the hopes of the British, but not in any way to pledge the govern- ment of Vermont. The leading ment in Vermont were known to be as firm friends of American inde- pendence, as any individuals on the continent ; but, abandoned as Vermont was by Congress, and expos- ed to the overwhelming force of the enemy, no other means of scenrity remained but that artful policy, which we have just described; and which kept a powerful British army inactive on the northern frontier of the union during three successive can- paigns.
1.
SECTION VII.
Indian depredations upon the settlements in Vermont.
1. Having now completed our account of the civil policy of Vermont during the war for independence, excepting such parts as relate particularly to the admission of Vermont into the federal union and which are referred to the next chapter, we shall here give a brief account of the depredations of the Indians upon our settlements, and notice some other things which have been omitted in the preceding narrative. Previous to the conquest of Canada, in 1760, the French and Engilsh nations were enga- ged in almost perpetual war, and in these wars their colonies and Indian allies were always involved. During their continuence the frontier English setile-
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HISTORY OF VERMONT.
ments were frequently broken up and the inhabitants either massacred or carried into captivity. Some account of these transactions in the vicinity of Ver- mont, has already been given in the first chapter. But as very few settlements were made within our limits while Canada was in possession of the French, the first settlers of Vermont suffered less from the incursions of the Indians than those of some of the other states.
2. We have already mentioned that the inhabitants of Vernou were attacked and several of them slain by the Indians, in 1746, and that Bridgeman's fort was taken and destroyed by them the next year. This place again received a hostile visit in 1755. On the 27th of July, of this year, Caleb Howe, Hilkiah Grout, and Benjamin Gaffield were way-laid and fired upon by a party of Indians, as they were returning from their labor in the field. Howe was killed, Gaffield was drowned in attempting to ford the river and Grout escaped unhurt. . The Indians then pro- ceeded to Bridgeman's fort, which had been repair- ed, where they made prisoners of the families of these three men, consisting of their wives and eleven children, being all the persons in the fort. These were all carried to Canada where they were doomed to suffer a long and cruel captivity. Most of them, however, were afterwards redeemed and returned to their friends.
3. In 1756, as Captain Melvin at the head of about 20 men, was marching through the wilderness from Charlestown, New Hampshire, to Hoosuc fort, and when in the southerly part of New Fane, which was then uninhabited, he was fired upon by a large party of Indians, who were lying in ambush. A severe conflict ensued, in which both parties suffered con- siderably in killed and wounded. Melvin's party was at length overpowered by numbers and was obli- ged to leave the field in possession of the enemy. Melvin and several of his number made their escape
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DEPREDATIONS OF THE INDIANS.
and arrived safely at fort Dummer. The next day he returned to the battle ground, with a party from fort Dummer. The Indians were not to be found, but the bodies of those who were slain, were collec- ted and buried.
4. At the time of the American revolution the number of Indians residing in the vicinity of Ver- mont, was greatly diminished ; and as the Americans, at the commencement of that struggle, got possession of the military posts along lake Champlain, these few, had, for a while, no opportunity to molest our settlements. But when the American army retreat- ed from Canada in 1776, and the British had attain- ed he command of lake Champlain, our western borders were wholly at the mercy of the enemy, and continued so during the remainder of the war. All the settlements in the vicinity of the lake were bro- ken up, and the settlers retired with their families to the southward. The frontier military posts were at Castleton and Pittsford, on the west side of the mountains, and at Barnard, Corinth, Newbury, and Peacham, on the east side.
5. During the last French war a military road had been opened from Charlestown to Crown Point, which was now very beneficial to the Americans, and early in the spring of 1776, General Bailey was ordered to open a road from Newbury, through the wilderness, to St Johns, for the purpose of facilitating the conveyance of troops and provisions into Canada. He had opened the road six miles above Peacham, when the news arrived that our army had retreated from Canada, and the undertaking was abandoned. But in 1779, General Hazen was ordered to Peach- am with part of a regiment, for the purpose, as was said, of completing the road begun by Bailey, so that " an army might be sent through for the reduction of Canada. But this was probably only a feint for dividing the enemy and preventing them from send- ing their whole force up the lake. Hazen. however,
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HISTORY OF VERMONT.
continued the road fifty miles above Peacham, through the towns of Cabor, Walden, Hardwick, Greensborough, Craftsbury, Albany and Lowel, and erected block houses at several places along the route. 'This was a great convenience to the settlers who came into these parts after the war, and is known at this day as the " Hazen Road." It termi- nated near a remarkable notch in the mountain in Westfield, and which has since been called Hazen's Notch.
6. During the continuance of the war, the frontier towns were frequently alarmed by the appearance of Indian scouting parties in their neighborhood, but the inhabitants were seldom molested. Their dwellings . were, however, occasionally plundered and some- times men were taken prisoners and a few, at differ- ent times, were killed, but the women and children were not usually injured, and never massacred as in former wars. In 1777, the Indians killed two men in Brandon, took several of the inhabitants prisoners and burnt their dwellings. On the 9th of August, 1780, they took three men in Barnard, whom they carried to Canada ; and in October, of the same year, they made a successful expedition against Royalton, a thri- ving settlement on White river, which then consisted of about 300 inhabitants.
7. This expedition was designed against Newbury on Connecticut river, for the object, as was supposed, of capturing a Lieutenant Whitcomb, who in July 1776. while on a scont, had wantonly shot General Gordon, a British officer, between Chamblee and St Johns, and robbed him of his watch and sword. The British deeply resented this attack as unworthy of an officer, and were desirous of getting Whitcomb into their power. The party consisting of about 300 men, mostly Indians, was commanded by Horton, a British Lieutenant. While proceeding up Winooski river, they fell in with several hunters, by whom they were told that the people of Newbury were expecting an
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BURNING OF ROYALTON.
attack, and were well prepared for defence. This information induced them to turn their attention to- wards Royalton.
8. They accordingly proceeded up Stevens' and jail branch, and down the first branch of White river, to Tunbridge, where they lay in their encampment during the sabbath, and on Monday morning, it being the 16th of October, they commenced their depreda- tions, at the house of Mr John Hutchinson who lived near the line between Tunbridge and Royalton. Af- ter making Mr Hutchinson and his brother Abijah, prisoners, they proceeded to the house of Mr Robert Havens, where they killed Thomas Pember and Elias Button. They then went to the house of Joseph Kneeland, took him and his father, and Simcon Belk- nap, Giles Gibbs and Jonathan Brown. Proceeding thence to the house of Mr Elias Curtis, they made him and John Kent and Peter Mason prisoners.
9. Thus far the business was conducted with the greatest silence, and the prisoners were forbid making any outcry upon pain of death. They at length ar- rived at the mouth of the branch, where they made a stand, while small parties proceeded in different di- rections to plunder the dwellings and bring in prison- ers. By this time the alarm had become general, the inhabitants were flying for safety in every direction and the savages filled the air with their horrid yells. One party extended its ravages down the river into Sharon, took two prisoners and burnt several houses and barns. Another party proceeded up the river, made prisoner of David Waller, a young lad who lived with General Stevens, plundered and set fire to the General's house, and advanced in that direction about three miles, killing the cattle, and plundering and setting fire to the buildings as they passed.
10. After completing their work of destruction, they returned with their booty to the place where they commenced their attack in the morning. From this place they proceeded across the hill to Randolph,
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HISTORY OF VERMONT.
where they encamped for the night on the second branch of White river. In the course of the day they had killed two persons, taken 25 prisoners, burnt upwards of 20 houses, and about the same number of barns, and killed about 150 head of cattle, and all the sheep and hogs that fell in their way ; having suffered no loss themselves and scarcely met with any oppo- sition. "Supprised, affrighted, and scattered from one another, the inhabitants could take no steps for their defence; the alann however soon spread, and a number of men immediately marched from Connecticut river, and the adjacent towns By eve- ning they amounted to several hundreds, and were collected at the place where the attack was first , commenced. Here they organized themselves, and, chose for their commander a captain John House, who had served several campaigns in the continenta army.
12. Early in the evening, House began his march with this undisciplined but brave corps, in pursuit of the savages, who were at this time encamped seven or eight miles ahead. The night was dark and he was guided amidst the logs, rocks and hills with which the wilderness abounded only by a few marked trees. When they supposed themselves near the In- dians, they proceeded with caution, but as they were passing over a stream which was crossed upon a large log they were fired upon by the enemy's rear guard, which had been posted behind some trees near the place and one man was wounded. House's party returned the fire, killed one Indian and wound- ed two others. The guard then retreated to the In- dian camp and House advanced within about 300 yards of the same where he waited till day light with- out commencing an attack.
13. Fatigued by the business of the preceding day, and now suddenly awakened from profound sleep, the savages were at first filled with consternation and thrown into the utmost disorder. They, however,
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ALARM IN WINDHAM COUNTY.
soon recovered from their fright, and were not long in concerting measures for their own safety. They sent out an aged prisoner to inform the Americans, that, if they proceeded to make an attack, they should im- mediately put all the prisoners to death. The pro- ceedings thus far had caused two to be put to death ; one to retaliate the death of the Indian, who had been slain and the other for refusing to march, in the expectation that the Americans would relieve them. These were tomahawked as they lay bound upon the ground. Having placed their warriors in the rear to cover their retreat they silently left their encampment, proceeded to Randolph, where they took one prison- er, passed through the west part of Brookfield, and, by the way of Winooski river and lake Champlain, to Montreal.
14. House and his men were waiting for the dawn of day and deliberating upon the message brought them by the prisoner, till the Indians had departed and were far beyond their reach. . They, however, followed upon their trail as far as Brookfield and then returned, having lost the opportunity of attacking the enemy by their caution and delay. On their way to Canada, the prisoners were well treated, and with respect to provisions, fared as well as their masters. Of the twenty six who were carried away, one died in captivity, and the rest were liberated the next sun- mer and returned to their friends.
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