USA > Alabama > History of Alabama, and incidentally of Georgia and Mississippi, from the earliest period. v. 2 > Part 6
USA > Georgia > History of Alabama, and incidentally of Georgia and Mississippi, from the earliest period. v. 2 > Part 6
USA > Mississippi > History of Alabama, and incidentally of Georgia and Mississippi, from the earliest period. v. 2 > Part 6
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Indian Affairs, vol. 1, pp. 19-20.
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THE SPANIARDS IN ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI.
silver in their saddle-bags. Arriving within a mile of a large CHAPTER creek, which flows into the Conecuh, they met a pack-horse XX. party, about sun-set, going up to the nation. They had been to Pensacola, on a trading expedition. This party consisted of a Hillabee Indian, who had murdered so many men, that he was called Istillicha, the Man-slayer-a desperate white 1788 man, who had fled from the States for the crime of murder, and whom, on account of his activity and ferocity, the Indians called the Cat-and a blood-thirsty negro, named Bob, the property of Sullivan, a Creek trader of the Hillabees. As soon as Colonel Kirkland and his party were out of sight, these scoundrels formed an encampment. The former went on, crossed the creek, and cacamped a short distance from the ford, by the side of the trading-path. Placing their saddle-bags under their heads, and reclining their guns against a tree, Kirkland and his party fell asleep. At midnight, the bloody wretches from the other side, cautiously came over, and, seizing the guns of Kirkland and his men, killed every one of them, except three negroes, one of whom was the servant of the great Chieftain, as before stated. Dividing the booty, the murderers proceeded to the Creek nation, and, when the horrid affair became known, Colonel McGillivray sent persons in pursuit of them. Cat was arrested ; but the others escaped. Milfort was directed to convey the scoundrel to the spot where he had shed the blood of these men, and there to hang him, until he was dead. Upon the journey to that point, Milfort kept him well pinioned, and, every night, secured his legs in temporary stocks, made by cutting notches
VOL. II.
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XX. CHAPTER in pine logs, and clamping them together. . Reaching the creek where poor Kirkland and his men were murdered, Cat was suspended to the limb of a tree, the roots of which were still stained with the blood of the unfortunate colonel and his companions. While he was' dangling in the air, and 1788 kicking in the last agonies, the Frenchman stopped his mo- tions with a pistol ball. Such is the origin of the name " MURDER CREEK."*
* Conversations with Lachlan Durant, and two old traders, named Abram Mordecai and James Moore.
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THE SPANIARDS IN ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI. 83 -
CHAPTER XXI.
THE DEEP INTRIGUES OF McGILLIVRAY.
OCCASIONALLY, the Spanish authorities at Pensacola and CHAPTER Mobile were guilty of consummate folly, in imposing restric- XXI. tions upon the Creeks, which frequently offended them, crea- ting a prejudice, which it required the compromising spirit of Panton and the authority and ingenuity of McGillivray to remove. We will here introduce a letter of the Chief, in relation to the Spanish outrages. It was written to Panton, and dated at little Tallase.
" I had written to you, during the great hubbub at Pensa- cola, by Frank Leslie. I gave, then, a sketch of my idea of the times. The sudden flight of Curnells and Walker ought not to surprise you. The cowardice of the former is prover- bial, and Walker fled, being my servant. When Linder and the others were taken up, a little Irishman, living at Tensaw, was in Pensacola. He became frightened, ran out to Walker, and informed him that the governor, in very severe terms, threatened to seize him, understanding that he was recruiting men for my service. Upon which, says Curnells, 'I am his interpreter, therefore my chance to escape is small.' The
1788 September
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CHAPTER idea of the mines operated so strongly upon their imaginations, XXI. that they precipitately fled. This custom, of taking up tra- ders ignorant of the language, laws and customs of Spain, upon frivolous reports, if persevered in, will have effects of the most pernicious tendency. You were lucky that the American stores were broken up by us, upon the Altamaha ; or else, after paying you some part of their skins, the whole of the Lower Creeks and part of the Upper Towns would have, in future, gone to them for supplies, so greatly have the traders been alarmed by the late proceedings at Pensacola. If our friends, the Spaniards, knew how very delicate it was to awaken the suspicions and fears of my people, by harsh measures, they would use none in future. All the traders that have already gone to you, I was posi- tively obliged to drive down, or you would not have seen one, for they would rather have gone to St. Marks or St. Johns. I hope all this is now subsided in Pensacola, for I am ashamed and sorry for it. I can see no reason for all this bustle. If the Grand Turk, or any other power, chooses to make me a present, provided they are not at war with Spain, they cannot be reasonably offended with me for accepting it. We are a
free people, and mean to continue so. * * Your let- ter of the 2d runs in the same strain of advice as your others, advising and exhorting me to be guarded in treating with the
1788
September
Americans, and to reserve our trade wholly to Spain. Gover- nor Miro has instructed me to the same purpose, and which I am fully resolved to do, that is, if I have power to offer and insist upon any stipulations, and so I have answered his Ex-
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cellency. But I was apprehensive that our late royal orders, CHAPTER (concerning our treaty with the Americans,) now strictly XXI. operating, would embarrass our affairs, if not altogether frus- trate our intentions, regarding trade : because, if I compre- hend the order right, it is that I must treat of peace, and measures which I have found fault with, to enforce it. It must be, of course, allowed that every power to insist upon an article of that kind, or, indeed, any other, is wholly taken from me-for experience has proved that such matters are only to be attained by the longest fire and point of sword, parti- cularly with the Americans. So, as our affairs now stand, I cannot see a chance of our resisting any conditions which they may choose to dictate to us, and we all can foresee these will be no means favorable to our present condition. In the meantime, I have thrown some obstacles in the way of the present treaty, and have written to Governor Miro, stating these matters in a strong point of view, which he mentions he has referred to the Captain-General Esplelata, of Havana. The letter is dated 28th August, and sent by one Nolen, a genteel young Irishman, whom the governor desired me to forward to Cumberland, with some propositions towards a . commercial treaty.
"The present interregmun in the American government, and the commissioners putting off the treaty until the next' spring, will afford us all time to look around us. White- field's letter will show you the dispositions of the Georgi- ans. The United States commissioners wanted the As- sembly to co-operate, in a tresty of peace, and the House
1783 September -
1
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CHAPTER would not assemble. The Georgians proclaimed a truce of XXI. arms with us, on the 31st July. A Coweta Indian gave me, 1788 September lately, a wretched, dirty and scandalous scrawl, on foul paper, which he found on a tree, near Flint river. It proved to be a threatening talk to me and my savage subjects ; that we (the Creeks) should have no establishment of peace until they (the Georgians) shall have full satisfaction of all their desires, etc. Signed, James Alexander, the 15th August. The chap that signs is Colonel Alexander, who murdered the Cussetas. He and Clarke sway Upper Georgia.
" The impolicy of certain late measures, in tieing us up, is evident. If we could have followed up our blows, those fel- lows, ere this time, would have been effectually humbled ; but we have all our work to do over again.
" I observe, with much satisfaction, that the Governor and Intendant of New-Orleans have relinquished their claim, of one-fourth of the profits of your trade. Such a procedure is extremely generous, and, as for my part, I now repeat to you what I told you more than twelve months ago, when we were talking upon the subject of the trade. I then observed that my nation was much benefited by the honorable and liberal manner in which you supplied them with goods ; that, as my attention was wholly occupied about my people, it could not be in my power to be of any essential service to your business : therefore I could not, and ought not, to claim or hold a share of your industry and risks. * * In the meantime, I am thankful for the generous credit of ne- cessaries which you offered me, and if I conclude a peace with
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the Americans, which I expect to do, it will be in my power CHAPTER and ability to settle my account with you. These gentry XXI. will probably restore me my property now among them.
"Our Indian news is in the old strain. The Congress, on the one hand, pretends to hold out the white wing to all the Southern nations ; on the other, the back settlers of North- Carolina are overrunning the Cherokees, driving them into the woods, murdering women and children, as if they wished to extirpate these poor wretches. A party of my warriors lately went among the Cherokees, collected some of them from their hiding-places, and attacked a body of the Franklin troops, that were laying all waste before them, and completely routed them. Only three Americans escaped. This is the first check they ever got in that country, and it has revived the drooping spirits of the Cherokees.
" During our present suspense and half truce, I have en- couraged a considerable party of the Upper Creek warriors to go to the assistance of these poor devils, for a few more checks will be of great service to their affairs with the Ame- ricans. * I have instructed Daniel MeGillivray concerning the skins he carries down, of the Wewocoe store. This specimen of the troubles of trade has sickened me with it. Farewell, my dear sir, may every good attend you,
Yours, most truly, ALEXANDER McGILLIVRAY.
To WILLIAM PANTON, Pensacola."
The perusal of this letter has revealed the motives of its
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1788 September
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CHAPTER author. McGillivray had offended the Spanish authorities, XXI. 1788 September
and this letter appears to have been written chiefly for their eyes. He affects, also, to be under great obligations to Pan- ton, and of little service to him in their commercial connec- tion, which he pretends to desire shall terminate. This was all done for the purpose of alarming Panton, whom he in- forms he hopes to be able to pay up, if he should make a favorable treaty with the Americans. The wily Chieftain well knew that both Spain and this distinguished merchant would make any sacrifices, before they would permit him to be bought up by the Americans, and that his letter would go to extort from them further favors and emoluments.
1789
During the succeeding twelve months, the Federal Govern- ment seized upon every occasion to gain the friend-hip of McGillivray, and to put an end to the excitement in Georgia. II. Osborne and Andrew Pickens were all the time upon the frontiers, representing the General Government, and writing to McGillivray to meet them, with a delegation from the entire Creek nation, at Rock Landing, upon the Oconee, to settle the serious matters in dispute. The Chieftain at length ar- ranged to meet them ; but, just before the time of joining them, wrote the following letter to Panton, which he requested should privately be exhibited to the Spanish authorities : .
" LITTLE TALLASE, 10th August, 1789.
August 10 180
" Dear Sir :- There being no pack-horses going to Pensacola for a long time past, I have had no opportunity to answer your last letters, The bearer, on my promising him two kegs of taffai, has undertaken to convey these to you.
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" Galphin, whom I sent to the Rock Landing with a talk, CHAPTER declining the treaty of June last, returned about a fortnight XXL. since, and I find that they are resolved upon making a treaty. In order to accommodate us, the commissioners are complai- sant enough to postpone it till the 15th of next month, and one of them, the late Chief Justice Osborne, remains all the time at Rock Landing. Pickens returned for the Cherokce treaty ; but in this I took measures to disappoint him, for those Chiefs would not meet. In this do you not see my 1789 August 10 cause of triumph, in bringing these conquerors of the Old, and masters of the New World, as they call themselves, to bend and supplicate for peace, at the feet of a people whom, shortly before, they despised and marked out for destruction .*
" My people being all at home, and the grand ceremony of kindling the new fire being just over, I deem it the fittest time to meet these commissioners, and have accordingly made the broken days, of which nine are left, to set out in. In conducting the business of the treaty, I will, as you observe, confine it to the fixing our limits and the acknowledgment of the independence of my nation. This I deem very necessary, as the Americans pretend to a territorial claim and sovereignty over us, in virtue of the late peace made with England. This being settled, will, in a great measure, be doing away with
* I can well imagine how McGillivray looked when he wrote this strong and eloquent sentence. At that moment he evidently felt his power, and his face must have been expressive of much pride, exulta- tion and scorn.
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CHAFTER any cause of future quarrel between us. You well know how XXI. customary it is, in all treaties with the Indians, to agree to a 1789 August 10 commercial one also -- it being absolutely necessary, as it more firmly attaches them to friendships formed, for, without stipu- lations of that sort, in a treaty of peace, none will be lasting. However, in this instance, I will agree to none, as you have a prospect of being able, by the favor of the Spanish govern- ment, to supply this trade on as moderate terms as the Geor- gians can do. Here, let me observe to you, that, in the affair of trade, the Americans will push hard for it, and it will be for us the most difficult part of the negotiation. But I will risk the breaking off the conference, before I will give in to it. On the whole, if I find that the commissioners insist upon stipulations that will, in their operation, clash with those already entered into with Spain, I shall not hesitate to cut short the negotiation, and support the connection which we have with Spain, it being more safe and respectable than the republicans can make one. But, at the same time, I must insist upon an equal resolution in our friends, the Spaniards, to afford us their decided support, by every means in their power, and not, under any pretences, to repeat their conduct of last summer, in the very moment of vigorous exertion, to refuse a further aid, and incense and menace us, to make a peace, right or wrong, with the Americans, which, if we had done at the time, we should have been driven into hostility with Spain before this day. I repeat to you what I have frequently done to Governor Miro, that, if we are obliged, for want of support to conclude an unconditional peace with the
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Americans, it will prove essentially hurtful to the King's in- terest.
"The ammunition and arms, given us by the King, we have not yet been able to fetch away. It is a good store in hand, to make ourselves firm, in treating with the Americans. But I am miserably disappointed in the guns. These my people, who have ever been accustomed to the best English guns, find the greatest difficulty to use, being entirely unfitted either for the purposes of hunting or war. They may say they have no other ; but I pointed out where they may be got, and, if our friends resolve to support us, they might do it with that which is good.
" A Chief of the Coosawdas, named Red Shoes, has lately returned from New-Orleans, very well satisfied with his recep- tion and treatment there, and has brought a very good talk with him, and I am equally satisfied that the western horizon is again cleared up, and looks fair, and so it will always con- tinue, if the intention of adopting, as good Spaniards- * * * The restless American is entirely given up, I mean in our neighborhood, between us and the Choctaws. I have ob- served to Governor Miro, that the reasons he gave me for settling Americans on the west side of the Mississippi are founded in real political principles, and I truly wish it was in the compass of our power to drive them all from the Cum- berland and Ohio, to seek the new asylum, so, being moved out of our way, our warriors would never follow them there. The Coosawda Chief, Red Shoes, being disgusted with Captain Folch, of Fort "Tombeebe," resolved to go to Governor Miro,
CHAPTER XXI.
1789 August 10
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CHAPTER who satisfied him. Between you and I, believe me, that Folch XXI. is a madman. If he had spoken to an assembly of the Creek Chiefs, as he did to the Alabamas, challenged them to war, and exhibited to them his swivels, etc., he would have been directly taken at his word. He has been heard to declare that any person who would murder me should be protected in Spanish limits. I do not doubt his evil intention, as he has already given a specimen of it, in having assassins to murder a poor fellow, Lawrence, in the house of my sister, Sehoy Weatherford .* Such men, in official stations, do great injury to their country, at one time or another. This has been proved.
1789
August 10
" My friend, the governor, is likewise possessed with the belief, that all the damage done the settlers below is done by us ; but it is wrong. The whole was a few horses and men
* Lawrence was killed in the house of Sehoy Weatherford, then situated upon the spot where Colonel Charles Hooks formerly Lived, and which is now owned by Maurice Connolly. In those days, a man and his wife seldom lived in the same house. The husband, Charles Wea- therford, lived at his race track, a few miles above, on the Alabama. Lawrence and others were accused of stealing horses from the Span- iards, near Mobile, and Captain Folch sent some equally bad men in pursuit of them. The accused took refuge in Schoy Weatherford's house. It was surrounded, and Lawrence was killed in the middle of the floor. The others escaped. It is this circumstance to which Mc- Gillivray alludes. I derived these facts from Lachlan Durant, who was at the house of his aunt Weatherford, when Lawrence was killed. Du- rant was then a boy.
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taken, and my sister Durant took back the greater portion CHAPTER of these from the Coosawdas. But, at present, the Choctaw XXI. is the favorite, and all the outrages which they commit are carefully turned upon us by their partizans. It is notorious that the Choctaws are discontented, and Indians never fail to manifest it, either in taking scalps or committing depredations, which last they do, for it is common for them to kill horses and cattle, etc., on "Tombeche," and this summer even about Mobile. But all this is concealed from Governor Miro. Ben James, who is so much confided in, is privately au American agent, and has actually a commission, which he received from Georgia, to act with Davenport, and I know, could he be sup- ported with any necessaries by the Americans, he would throw of the mask. He was even weak enough to address me for leave to open a trade with the States, which I refused him, as well as his application. As a proof of my assertions respecting 1.89 August 10 the Choctaws, Folch sent them a talk this summer, menacing them with a stoppage of their trade, until they made satisfaction. I am ever ready to make allowances for a momentary impres- sion, caused by false reports ; but it would be better that they were more guarded against, and not made the grounds of making differences, which might produce a serious effect. The late menaces which were thrown out to me created no great anxiety in my mind, because I could have directly opened the eastern door, where large magazines of goods, etc., have been stored, for some time past, awaiting it to be opened, but, for peace and quietness sake, I hope that there will be no occasion now for it -- as everything is fallen into a
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CHAPTER calm, so let it remain ; and, all that I have said or done XXI. was solely to discover and show the means to prevent it, I hope forever, between us.
1789 August 10 "The Chickasaw nation are content (whatever Diego Mingo - may say to the contrary,) to put up with the loss of that chap's brother and son, for having fallen in bad company. This will be a warning, and convince them that they will not be permitted, with impunity, to act or encourage hostile de- signs against us, in concert with any people.
"Now, let me talk a little upon my private affairs. I wish I could lay my hand on that last letter, to send you, and a very curious, and, to you, not an uninteresting Carolina news- paper, just received ; but they are both swallowed up in a multitude of papers. You know how it is with me, in the paper way. The commissioners of the United States say, it would give them great pleasure to have a private conversation, previous to our entering into the business of the treaty, as it would tend to make it go on agreeably, and with more ease. I need not interpret this paragraph to you, when you already know that I have, for some time past, been endeavoring to recover my house and lands, with my family estate, which, to your knowledge, is more than £30,000 sterling, the offer of which is now, I expect, to be pressed upon me. And there has, since I saw you last, arisen considerable conflict in my mind, in revolving these matters over. Here am I, an abso- lute heavy tax upon you, for years, and, in fact, not only for my private support, but for all the extra expenses of this department ; and although, my dear sir, I know that I
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THE SPANIARDS IN ALABAMA AND MISSISSIPPI.
can still depend upon your generosity, and in your friendship, that you overlook the heavy expense that I put you to, yet you well know how hurtful it is to the feeling heart, to be beholden to subsist on the bounty of private friendship. Thus situated, I ask-I wish you to give me your opinion. On the one hand, I am offered the restoration of my property, of more than one hundred thousand dollars, at the least valua- tion ; and on the other, not wherewithal to pay an interpreter. And I find that letters are still addressed to me, as agent for his Catholic Majesty, when I have sometime ago renounced the pittance that was allowed, as being a consideration dis- graceful to my station. If they want my services, why is not a regular establishment made, as was done by the Englishi, with a competent salary affixed, and allowance for two inter- preters, one among the Upper and one among the Lower Towns, for, hitherto, I have had to maintain them myself; or shall I have recourse to my American estate, to maintain them and myself. I wish you to advise me what I had best do.
" Although I have no solid ground to hope a complete ad- justment of our dispute with the Americans, I am resolved to go, if it is only to wipe off the suggestion made to me by our friends, that I am actuated by unjust motives and an unrea- sonable prejudice against the Americans, as the ground of hostility against them. But if they, on the other hand, should find a body of people approaching their mines, would not they say, what business have you here ? Do not you know that there are grounds from which we draw the chief source of
CHAPTER XXI. 1789 August 10
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CHAPTER our conveniences and happiness, and we cannot suffer you to XXI. participate in, or deprive us of them; and these encroachers should refuse to withdraw, would they not commence and support an inveterate hostility, until they should expel them. " The fellow, Romain, whom Madame Villar writes of, was 1,89 a great liar. He came here from the Choctaws, with a quan- August 10 tity of silver-ware and a few goods, and wanted Nick White to join him in purchasing negroes, to carry and sell in New- Orleans. After roving about for some time, he had a diffe- rence with Milfort," who threatened to send him, in irons, to New-Orleans, which terrified him, apparently, and he went off to the Creek town, Chehaw, and, from thence; either to Detroit or to the States.
" A copy of this letter you can send to the **** Miro, as I intended the former one.
"I expect our treaty will be over by the middle of Septem- ber. If we return safe, expect a visit early in October, from Dear Sir, yours, most truly, ALEXANDER McGILLIVRAY.
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