USA > Arkansas > The aftermath of the civil war, in Arkansas > Part 6
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26
82
THE AFTERMATH OF THE
last Brundidge or Burrow, I can't now say which. told Parker he had but a short time to live; if he wanted to pray, to say his prayers. He said he had never prayed in his life, and asked sonie one of the party to pray for him. We all kneeled and Mr. John G. Holland prayed for him. He is a member of a Church-I think the Baptist Church-after prayer we all got up, and Parker continued praying audibly. He prayed some little time. After he got up he was ordered to kneel near the well. He did so, his face toward us. Brundidge I think gave the order to fire. All fired, Parker fell. Parker breathed afterwards. Brundidge ordered some one of the party to shoot him again. Burrow said he bursted three caps at his head. His pistol did not go off. The others said Edwards shot him afterwards about his head. I heard the shot but did not see it. We put him in the well and put some puncheons on the well. I believe Frolich knew he was killed before he published an Editorial on the subject to the effect that Parker had left the Hotel with- out paying his bill, and that he was a good Democrat and that the Loyal League had had something to do with disposing of him-Frolich and McRae both knew of this murder and justified the men who did it. I talked with them about it myself after it was done. There was a meeting of the Den after Parker was killed-some one remarked that some of the parties had better leave, as White County would certainly be put under Martial Law. "William Brundidge, William L. Edwards, John G. Holland, LeRoy Burrow and myself were the party present at the killing of Albert H. Parker. I think James W. Russell brought Parker down by an understanding with the officer of our party. Russell came to the Springs with a bucket on his arm-I understood some one was to bring Parker to the Springs. Russell afterwards showed me Parker's letter to Pugh-it was the night we killed Parker. I was telling him what we had done to Parker. He showed me the letter and said he believed it was justifiable. I have seen, besides the names before men-
83
CIVIL WAR, IN ARKANSAS
tioned, in the Den, B. D. Turner & Son, George Fau- cett, James Ridley, Henry Ridley, R. Paddy, John Moore, and many others. When there was any killing to be done it was to be talked over in the Den and re- ferred to a sort of Court of five, called Yahoos, and if they could not decide, it was to be left with the Com- manding Officer of the Den, or Post. If it was decided to kill, men were to be detailed to do it. The body of the order might not know who did it, unless they them- selves told. There was a by-law that if any one killed any one without orders from Yahoos or proper officers, it was punishable with death, upon decision of the Ya- hoos. Or if any one failed to kill when ordered or to obey the orders of superior officers it was punishable with death-I think it was punishable with death to disobey orders. I don't think there was a commanding officer of the Dens for the whole State, but that there was a commanding officer for each Congressional District. I have heard General Fagan's name mentioned as being a member of the Den. I organized the Den at Bates- ville. There were present and became members Albert Cravens, Joe Merriweather, Robert Weaver, Charley McGuin, H. H. Dufin, and others whose names I do not remember. We were said to be 7,000 strong in this dis- trict. General Adams succeeded McRae. Adams lived in the eastern part of the State; did not know him; did not meet him. I think McRae was relieved on account of want of nerve, energy, and competency. I understood that General Forrest of Memphis was the Commander of the Dens throughout the South-Colonel Frolich and others told me Forrest was the highest officer of the Dens in the South. I was in one raid just before the election in White County-ten or fifteen were in the party. The
party went out about two miles, had masques on, pis- tols, etc. I think Russell was in command of this raid. We went to Bob Jones', called Coburn's black people and old man Holt's-we frightened them and told them they must vote the Democratic ticket and use their influence
84
THE AFTERMATH OF THE
for it or they would be killed. One raid was made to Ed. Robbin's. I was not along. William Sewell broke the door down with a rail, took pistols and guns from the negroes. Another time they went to Tom Bass, colored. They threatened him. They also made a raid on old man Guin, and gave him a note or left it for him and told him if he did not leave they would kill him. I heard about these things-was not present.
"(Signed) J. A. McCAULY."
I have affidavits8 from a number of other well- known members of the White County Ku Klux Klan which corroborate McCauly's affidavit, especially as to the murder of Parker and the attempted murder of State Senator Stephen Wheeler, but space prevents me from publishing them.
On April 7, 1870, I received a telegram from the sheriff of Prairie County stating that a steamboat had just arrived at De Vall's Bluff with LeRoy Burrow as one of its passengers. I immediately ordered the sheriff to arrest him and bring him to Little Rock for custody. Late that night the sheriff reported with the prisoner at the jail where I was in waiting. I had him assigned to a separate cell, where he was not permitted to com- municate with any of the other prisoners.
The first words I said to him were: "Burrow, do you know the cause of your arrest?" He replied. "I do not, but wish to." Holding McCauly's affidavit in my hands I said that I would read to him some White County history, and when I had finished he would know whether it was true or not. When I had read the last words I asked him what he had to say about it. He grew pale, drew a long sigh, and exclaimed: "That's just the way it occurred !"
I then turned him over to Judge Warwick, of the
85
CIVIL WAR, IN ARKANSAS
Pulaski Criminal Court, who obtained from him the affi- davit heretofore referred to, which in the following ex- tract in important particulars corroborates McCauly's affidavit :
"The first oath I took did not indicate the character of the order. I took that and afterwards Frolich admin- istered the second oath to me, which was about as follows : I swore to forever oppose the Radical party-to that end we would work to place Democrats in power throughout the south. That we would obey all orders from superior officers; that we would assist and pro- tect each other under any and all circumstances. The penalty for disobeying this oath was death.
"We were then instructed by Colonel Frolich that the order was said to be political in character, but was mili- tary in its organization; that it was not more nor less than the re-organization of the Confederate Army; the object was to carry the elections, and to overturn the radical government, and when we were sufficiently or- ganized we would take the reins of government into our own hands.
"There was to be no name to the organization, but it was represented by three stars and known to the outside world as the Ku Klux Klan. . . .
"We were thus enabled to swear, if it became neces- sary, that we did not belong to the Ku Klux Klan and to evade the law. . . . After awhile the order was used to intimidate radical voters by raids in masques, etc., and by threatening with violence."
The reader will naturally ask what finally became of the White County prisoners charged with these crimes.
Sol F. Clark as attorney for the accused instituted un- successful Habeas Corpus proceedings in Little Rock and with the exception of McCauly and Burrow, who had turned State's evidence, the prisoners were refused bail
86
THE AFTERMATH OF THE
and committed to jail, where they remained on account of various legal delays until January, 1871.
In the testimony given by Burrow it was disclosed that General Dandridge McRae and Colonel Jacob Frolich were the instigators of the murder of Parker. Imme- diately after this became known Colonel Frolich, who was the editor of the Searcy Record, sold his paper, and both he and McRae became fugitives from justice. Fro- lich did not stop until he had crossed the line into Can- ada. Where McRae took refuge I have never known.
On April 22, 1870, I charged them with being acces- sories to the murder of Parker and offered a reward of $500 for each of them, but without success.
Some time during the winter of 1870-71 a political deal was made by the friends of McRae and Frolich with Joseph Brooks and his faction wherein the Democrats agreed not to nominate a State ticket for the election of 1872, and that they would give their support to Brooks and his followers for state offices. They further agreed to combine with them for the nomination and election of a Liberal National ticket with Greeley and Brown as can- didates. In return for this Democratic support Brooks and his faction were to find the means for acquitting the White County prisoners.
The Daily Republican of September 13, 1871. spoke of this alliance in the following language : "A part of the agreement between the 'Brindletails' and the Democ- racy last winter was, as a matter of good faith, that the White County prisoners should be released and ac- quitted."
After a protracted absence, during which time the arrangement I have spoken of was perfected, McRae and Frolich returned to the State and gave bond for their appearance in court. The other prisoners were imme- diately released on bail.
87
CIVIL WAR, IN ARKANSAS
As the time for the trial drew near the plan for their acquittal developed. John Whytock, who was judge of the circuit that included White County, was slated for the position of Chief Justice on their combined ticket. To make possible the election of a special judge to try these cases he went north under the pretext of visiting relatives. Sol F. Clark, who had been the former attorney for the principals in the Habeas Corpus proceedings, was selected to fill Judge Whytock's place. Immediately after his elec- tion the case was called for trial. The prosecuting at- torney had allowed his witnesses to become scattered and none were present to testify. He moved for a continu- ance, but was overruled. Under these conditions the farcical trial resulted in a verdict of "not guilty."
So the ends of justice were defeated and another evi- dence given that the civil laws of the State could not be enforced against members of the Ku Klux organization.
The great mistake I made was in entrusting the trial of these murderers to the civil law. When the informa- tion of Parker's murder came to me I should have de- clared martial law in White County, and Jacob Frolich and Dandridge McRae should have been included in my order of arrest. Their trial would then have been con- ducted by a military commission and justice would have been meted out.
This, no doubt, would have precipitated war in the State, but I am convinced that open warfare would have been preferable to the stealthy methods of murder emn- ployed by the Ku Klux Klan.
It was a monstrous proposition that five men, called Yahoos, should have been vested with the power to seal the fate of an American citizen, and take the life of any man doomed by their decision, and then, by the very strength of the organization on whose behalf they acted, escape the consequences of their awful crimes.
88
THE AFTERMATH OF THE
I do not suppose that history anywhere records such conditions as were entailed by this self-instituted organi- zation, which was composed of men who had never sur- rendered to the United States Government.
CHARGING KU KLUX CRIMES TO REPUBLICANS
The attempt to shift the burden of guilt from our own shoulders to those of absolutely innocent persons is the most despicable trait of human depravity. Yet I shall now proceed to give evidences of a well settled plan of the Democratic party in Arkansas to shift Ku Klux outrages upon Republicans, and often upon ignorant and innocent negroes.
THE ASSASSINATION OF BAN HUMPHRIES
In the affidavit of LeRoy Burrow, heretofore re- ferred to and abundantly substantiated, the following language appears :
"I was gone when Ban Humphries was assassinated. Brundidge told me, however, that he in company with James W. Russell and Howell Bradley, under orders from Superior officers-did not say what officers -- killed Ban Humphries. It was generally understood by the Den that Humphries was killed because he was a leading and influential radical colored man in the county. Brun- didge told me he shot Humphries."
This crime was committed about midnight on Au- gust 28, 1868. On September 1, 1868, the following letter appeared in the columns of the Gazette:
"SEARCY, AUGUST 29, 1868.
"EDITORS GAZETTE: About midnight last night & hor- rible murder was committed in our town. A negro named
89
CIVIL WAR, IN ARKANSAS
Ban Humphries was taken from his house and shot through the head. The citizens in the neighborhood were aroused and went to the place immediately, but no clue to the perpetrators of the act could be had. The negro lived about an hour, but was unconscious.
"The citizens have called a meeting for 2 o'clock to- day to take steps to put a stop to acts of this kind.
"There is no suspicion resting upon any one par- ticularly, but it is believed that Radical Loyal Leaguers. negroes or whites, did the dark deed. The community arrives at this conclusion from the following facts and circumstances :
"Ban was in 1861, '62, and '63 in the Confederate Army as a servant. He was a very zealous rebel and used to boast of the many battles and skirmishes he was engaged in. After the war it was generally believed he was acting with the radical party and was a member of the Loyal League ; but he took no active part and was gen- erally very quiet. A short time since, he, with many other negroes in the county, caused notices to be circulated that they would meet to-night (August 29) in Searcy to or- ganize a colored Seymour and Blair Club, of which it was reported he would be an active member. These facts drive to the conclusion that he was put away by members of his league to prevent the betrayal of their plans, which they feared.
"The citizens are desperately indignant, and I believe if the perpetrator could be found it would be impossi- ble to prevent his execution by a mob. The Democratic negroes are so terrified that it is not believed that they will venture to form their club. This is a part of their programme. How long are these things to continue ?"
THE ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION OF CAPT. E. G. BARKER
On September 5, 1868, about a week after the at- tempt upon the life of Captain Barker, so graphically described by Col. E. M. Main on pages 135-136, an
90
THE AFTERMATH OF THE
editorial was published by the Gazette, from which I quote as follows :
It is intimated by a Memphis contemporary that the less the radical press says about the assassina- tion of one of these public functionaries, the better. A gross interference with the social affairs of a peaceable colored family is hinted at. . . . The cause that led to the sound drubbing given to another member, and the shooting of Barker through the window, are unknown to us. We hope to learn in the course of time, and when we do we shall give the public the benefit of the facts, whatever they may be. We feel justified, however, in saying that this man Barker had the quality of making himself hated in such a degree that it is the second time he has been shot by some unknown person,-once in Ashley, southeastern county, and lately in Crittenden County, in the northeast. He is the same person who was suspected as a confederate in the robbery of the government of its revenue at DeVall's Bluff a year or two since.
THE ASSASSINATION OF CAPT. SIMPSON MASON
The following extract is from the Batesville Times, -an extract that appeared in the Gazette, October I, 1868,-both Democratic papers :
Mason was a man of bad character, and was accused of several murders. He was probably killed by parties who entertained feelings of revenge for some of his past acts, and who took advantage of the unsettled condition of affairs to kill him, hoping that it might be attributed to political animosity, and thus shield them- selves. He was president of the board of registration in Fulton County, and we have no doubt the radical press and party will attribute his death to political causes, and endeavor to make political capital out of the matter."
91
CIVIL WAR, IN ARKANSAS
From the Batesville Republican:
"The deceased (Mason) always possessed the un- bounded confidence of the State and national authori- ties, and at the time of his death filled three positions of trust: agent of the freedmen's bureau; president of the board of registration of Fulton County, and captain of a company of State Guards."
The following extract is from an editorial entitled "War in North Arkansas" that was published in the Gazette, October 6, 1868 :
Mason was likewise a desperado. Long after the war closed he remained in the field to rob, steal, and destroy. As late as '67 information was sent by responsible gentlemen to the civil and military authori- ties in this city relative to his unwarrantable conduct, and asking for protection. Full particulars of affairs in that section have not yet been received, but the rumor is prevalent that Captain Bryant was instrumental in causing the death of Mason, and for the very best of reasons."
ASSASSINATION OF GEN. T. C. HINDMAN
On the 27th day of September, 1868, about & P. M., General Hindman was shot through a window of his home at Helena, Arkansas, and killed. In reference to this murder I insert the following extract from the Mem- phis Appeal, which was published by the Gazette on October 4, 1868 :
. From information that we have received otherwise, there is not the shadow of doubt but that the deed was the work of the hellish Loyal League. General Hindman has been, since the close of the War, an ardent supporter of the democratic cause, and a bitter foe and
92
THE AFTERMATH OF THE
denouncer of radicals and radicalism. They have now, no doubt, wreaked the vengeance that they have so often sworn, and in a true radical manner,-by the hand of an assassin. More blood smokes upon the altar of our desolated south and cries aloud for vengeance."
From the Daily Gazette, November 21, 1868, copied from the Memphis Avalanche, November 3 :
"STARTLING REVELATIONS
"ASSASSINATION OF GENERAL HINDMAN PLANNED BY RADICALS
The past few days have produced revelations which firmly fix the crime of this horrid murder upon not an individual member of the radical party in Ar- kansas, but upon the leaders of that foul organization themselves. The efforts of detectives have developed, be- yond possibility of doubt, that the assassination of Gen- eral Hindman was planned in Little Rock by leading rad- icals and executed by their orders. ."
From an editorial, "General Topics," published in the Gazette, March 23, 1869:
"Tuesday, the 16th, in the jail at Helena a negro confined therein boasted that he 'killed Tom Hindman.' This was made known by the prisoners and he was taken out and sworn. He stated that Porter (another of the negro prisoners) killed him but he had a part in the murder, and that it was a part of a plan that had been, concocted for revenging the lynching of a negro rav- isher and murderer shortly before that. The plan as it had been agreed upon was to murder certain citizens and burn Helena. Charles Porter was assigned the part of killing General Hindman and others to several similar atrocities. Porter carried out the arrangement on his part. Thus a gifted and illustrious man, in the midst
1
93
CIVIL WAR, IN ARKANSAS
of his family, ardent with the hopes of the future, fell by the hand of an unknown assassin whom he had never injured but proposed to benefit. The negro who wound- ed Sheriff Turner so terribly was one of the original gang, but owing to the attempt to arrest him, had to show his hand prematurely. This act having placed the citizens in a state of preparation for similar outrages alone prevented the consummation of the diabolical scheme. But its principal object was accomplished,- the assassination of Hindman. Wonder if there are not those in Little Rock, not of the Ku Klux Klan, who could tell why it was that the murder of Hindman must be accomplished, notwithstanding the rest of the scheme should fail? Porter and eight other negroes have been arrested."
From the Gazette, March 25, 1869 :
"The Helena Monitor of the 20th says: 'In the re- corder's court on the occasion of the examination of Grant, as witness in the Hindman assassination case, the prisoner, Charles Porter, alleged by Grant to have com- mitted the deed, was placed in a crowd of other negroes and the witness asked to identify the accused, which he failed to do, stating that the Porter he meant was not in the crowd. Porter was thereupon promptly dis- charged. He was an honest-looking negro, of middle age. The witness is a mere boy and doesn't seem to know what he is talking about. He still insists upon his charge against Charles Porter, and is held in custody, awaiting further developments. Perhaps his man may yet be found.'."
Up to this occurrence the roll of assassinations, dur- ing the period I am describing, contained the name of no prominent Democrat, and the opportunity to charge this murder to the Republicans was received by the Demo- crats with much satisfaction.
94
THE AFTERMATH OF THE
I watched the case with great interest, and on October 23, 1868, I offered a reward of $1,000 for the appre- hension and conviction of the murderer or murderers. The question may be asked, "Why was this reward de- layed so long ?" My answer is that I did not wish to offer inducements for the conviction of innocent people, and I awaited the results of the judicial investigation of the charges against the eight negroes, which I believed to be a mere pretext to sacrifice upon the altar of jus- tice an innocent and helpless victim, and thus quiet fur- ther investigations.
I was informed by the Prosecuting Attorney that all the efforts to shift the responsibility for this crime upon the Republicans were mere inventions, instigated, as was believed by many, by Mrs. Hindman's brother, the author of the following card that was published in the Gazette, December 1, 1868 :
"A CARD FROM GENERAL HINDMAN'S BROTHER-IN-LAW "HELENA, ARK., November 11, 1868.
"EDITORS COMMERCIAL: In the telegraphic columns of your paper dated the 6th of November appeared a St. Louis dispatch of November 5, stating that a son of the late General Hindman was in the city (St. Louis), and that the general was assassinated by his brother-in- law just after he (Hindman) had filed a petition for divorce from his wife.
"Your dispatch contains two demonstrable lies; the first, in respect to the deceased's son arriving in St. Louis. He left but two sons, the oldest but eight years of age, and both are now with their mother in this place. The second; as to his having filed a petition of divorce, which is false, as the records of the court here will show. The third statement in the dispatch charges his assassination upon his brother-in-law, and refers, as I take it, to me, in consequence of certain rumors put
95
CIVIL WAR, IN ARKANSAS
afloat by lying radical conspirators in this State, to cover their own guilt. I now denounce the authors of the report connecting my name with the murder of my brother-in-law, Gen. T. C. Hindman, as liars and slan- derers, and I demand of you, as a matter of right, to fur- nish me the name of the author of the dispatch alluded to or the reliable authority spoken of, and ask you as a matter of justice to insert this card in your columns.
"Respectfully, "CAMERON N. BISCOE."
A few years ago I was informed by Judge Stephen- son, a prominent citizen of Helena, that a petition for a divorce from his wife, the sister of C. N. Biscoe, had been drawn up for Hindman by Judge Horner, Hind- man's attorney, and placed in his safe to be filed the next day, which of course Hindman's assassination that night prevented. Judge Stephenson said that among the prominent citizens of Helena this fact was gener- ally known. It is to be observed that Mr. Biscoe, author of the above card, does not deny the existence of the petition, but merely alleges that it had not been filed.
General Hindman, at the close of the Civil War, sought refuge in the Republic of Mexico. Upon his return in 1866 he settled in Helena, Ark. As late as May 28, 1867, he did not hesitate to attend a mass meet- ing at Helena, which was largely attended by Republi- cans, white and black, and which was presided over by Dr. Thomas Smith, a Republican, and afterward Superintendent of Public Instruction under my adminis- tration.
To show the views Hindman entertained on the ques- tions of reconstruction and political partisanship, I insert the following extract from the Gazette of June 11, 1867, reporting the proceedings of said meeting :
96
THE AFTERMATH OF THE
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.