USA > Arkansas > The aftermath of the civil war, in Arkansas > Part 7
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26
Pending the report of the committee on reso- lutions, Gen. T. C. Hindman, being called for, addressed the meeting, advising the citizens of the county, not dis- franchised by the acts of congress, to register and enter sincerely and honestly into the work of reconstructing the state under the law which disfranchised himself and men of his class,-not because he believed that a better might not have been framed, but because it is the best we can get. He is willing to plant himself on the con- gressional plan fairly, squarely, and honestly-but op- poses confiscation-favors the devotion of all our ener- gies to the building up and repairing the losses of our country, rather than engaging in a political crusade; no good man but desires the prosperity of the people among whom his lot is cast recommends a united vote, without party contest. . . .
At no time during General Hindman's career in Ar- kansas was he considered a "violent" partisan, and up to the date of his assassination to the best of my knowl- edge he held no political position and took no promi- nent part in organizing the Democratic Party. He was ยท inclined to be independent in his views, and he did not always fall in with the programme of the Democratic leaders. I know of no citizen of Helena, Ark., or indeed of the whole State, except perhaps Mr. Biscoe, who now maintains that Hindman's assassination was of a politi- cal character.
ASSASSINATION OF CONGRESSMAN JAMES HINDS
The assassination of Congressman James Hinds, and the attempted assassination and wounding of State Rep- resentative Joseph Brooks, occurred in Monroe County, October 22, 1868, while they were going to a Republican meeting to be held six miles from Indian Bay, where
97
CIVIL WAR, IN ARKANSAS
they had been previously billed to speak. While they were traversing a thickly wooded part of the road George W. Clark, a citizen of Monroe County, ap- peared on the highway, mounted and armed with a double-barrelled shot-gun. He immediately shot Hinds, killing him almost instantly, and with the other barrel wounded Brooks.
On the following day, the 23d, the news of this oc- currence came to me through a telegram from the sheriff of Monroe County, which read as follows : 9
"INDIAN BAY, ARK., Oct. 22, 1868, "Via Clarendon, Oct. 23.
"GOVERNOR CLAYTON : Brooks and Hinds were shot at 2 o'clock P. M. to-day, from the brush. Hinds lived two hours; Brooks slightly wounded. Send metallic cof- fin per Steamer Liberty, Saturday. Mrs. Hinds' ad- dress, East Greenwich, Washington County, New York. "FREDERICK P. WILSON, "Sheriff Monroe County."
Two days after the assassination, on October 24, 1868, the following editorial appeared in the Gazette:
"Information reached this city on yesterday of the murder of James Hinds and the wounding of Brooks, of Helena, near Indian Bay, in Monroe County. If true at all, we believe that the deed was perpetrated by the radicals themselves for effect on the presidential election north. That party is resting under a heavy onus. They plan and execute the majority of the outrages perpetrated in the State for the purpose referred to. The false re- ports constantly sent abroad, and the utter failure of the authorities to bring any one to justice would seem to cor- roborate this view. The announcement by the northern press that a 'late loyal member of congress had been
98
THE AFTERMATH OF THE
assassinated while peaceably riding along the road' would undoubtedly have its effect among those not better in- formed. Another strong motive for removing one or both of these men who are the favorites among the radi- cal negroes would be the securing of their position of in- fluence with this strong political element by some com- petitor, and the excitement that would be produced on the minds of the ignorant members of the Loyal League. At all events the only class that could possibly reap any benefit from such a deed would be the Clayton Govern- ment in Arkansas, and the radical party north, while it could only prove hurtful to the interests of democracy at home and abroad if either instigated or winked at by them. It is not to the interest of any democrat or promi- nent citizen of Arkansas to harm a single hair of any man's head. We deplore the occurrence, which appears to be true.
"It will be remembered that Hinds' congressional district was gerrymandered by his own party in the last legislature for the express purpose of throwing the county in which he resided ( Pulaski) into a white district, thus overslawing him. Brooks was a prominent candidate for the United States Senate against B. F. Rice, the suc- cessful candidate. Hinds possessed great popularity with the negroes, and Brooks is undoubtedly the ablest man of his party in the State, though not popular with it. We are satisfied that the deeds were perpetrated at the insti- gation of the radical leaders to get rid of troublesome competition in the party and for political capital north. No possible benefit would have inured to the democratic party from the murder of these two men, as they had both been shelved, politically, by their own party. For this reason they were discontented and were making a canvass for no other purpose than to array the mass of the negro population against the central managers, Rice & Company. They were capable of doing them great injury. Hinds, just before his departure, had gone open- ly about the streets of Little Rock, asking to be told how
99
CIVIL WAR, IN ARKANSAS
he could get into the Ku Klux organization. He said he understood the organization was instituted for killing off the scoundrels of the radical party; that he knew numbers of them who deserved killing and wanted to join the Ku Klux to aid in the extermination of Rice & Company. Brooks was equally indignant but enter- tained deeper resolves in silence."
On the day previous to the murder, doubtless in anticipation of what was to follow the next day, a "Peace Meeting" was held at Indian Bay in Monroe County. George W. Clark was made secretary of this meeting, and he was also secretary of the Monroe Democratic Central Committee. "Peace Meetings" were often the precursors to Ku Klux outrages !
The day after the murder the coroner's jury, com- posed of members of both political parties, rendered a verdict of which the following is a copy : 10
"The said James Hinds came to his death by wounds inflicted on him by shot discharged from a double-bar- relled shot gun, in the hands of George W. Clark."
ASSASSINATION OF MAJOR ANDREWS, LIEUTENANT WILLIS, AND AN UNKNOWN COLORED MAN
The Republican in its issue of November 2, 1868, published the following extract from a private letter relating the circumstances in connection with the murder of Major Andrews, Lieutenant Willis, and an unknown colored man :
"Judge Searle, Jake Townsend, and McWhorter came in here last night with the sad intelligence that Major Andrews and Lieutenant Willis had been assassi- nated by Baker and his damnable Ku Klux gang. An- drews, Willis, and the sheriff were going to Andrews
3
100
THE AFTERMATH OF THE
plantation and were bushwhacked by these cowardly vil- lains at the crossing of Walnut Bayou. Sheriff wounded. Baker's gang had a plot laid to murder Searle, Town- send, and McWhorter, but they got wind of the affair, took another road and came here. This morning Town- send, Searle, Casey, McWhorter, Taninon, and myself started for Rocky Comfort to collect facts in the case, etc., but learned that Baker had about one hundred men. and was looking for us. Two of Baker's gang followed Searle and party to this place, and left to-day at II A. M."
In this connection I quote as follows from the official report of Col. J. E. Tourtelotte,11 of the United States Army, who was sent by the General in command of the District of Arkansas to investigate conditions in south- west Arkansas:
"I found that P. J. Andrews, H. F. Willis, and one negro, name unknown, had been murdered. A coroner had held an inquest over the bodies of Andrews and Willis, but no inquest was held over the body of the negro. At the time of my arrival the said coroner was absent in Van Buren; the only witness (Mr. Standal) before the coroner was absent, said to be in Little Rock, and the papers showing the proceedings before the cor- oner could not be found, but it is supposed they were in the possession of the coroner at Van Buren.
"From witnesses, however, not sworn before the cor- oner, and from the statements of persons who conversed with Mr. Standal, I am able to make the following state- ment :
"Between 8 and 9 o'clock of the 24th ultimo (Octo- ber) Mr. Standal, sheriff of Little River County, was a few miles from Rocky Comfort in company with P. J. Andrews, Assistant United States Assessor, and H. F. Willis, agent of the bureau of A. F. & A. L.
"Mr. Standal was on horseback and a little in ad-
IOI
CIVIL WAR, IN ARKANSAS
vance of the others, who were riding in a light buggy, drawn by two horses, one belonging to Mr. Andrews and the other belonging to Mr. Willis. The said per- sons were proceeding toward Rocky Comfort when a party of men, supposed to be seven in number, stepped from the bushes by the roadside and ordered Mr. Standal to halt, dismount, and give up his pistol. All this Mr. Standal did. One of assaulting party then was left to watch Mr. Standal while the others ordered Messrs. Andrews and Willis, who at that time came up, to halt and deliver their weapons. Some altercation ensued when the said party fired upon Messrs. Andrews and Willis, and Mr. Standal started to run. Two shots, one tearing his coat and the other his hat, were fired after Mr. Standal, who succeeded in escaping.
"About 2 o'clock P. M. of the same day Captain Hazeldine, of the State militia, who was drilling a com- pany of negroes at Rocky Comfort, receiving notice of an assault upon Messrs. Andrews, Willis, and Standal, immediately marched to the scene of the murder and found said Messrs. Andrews and Willis and a negro (name unknown) dead. . . .
"About 3 o'clock on the same day five men, mounted and leading three horses belonging to Messrs. Andrews, Willis, and Standal, came up to a young man named McCreary who was herding horses in Red River bottom and asked him if he sold horses to Scott's militia. He answered that he did sell horses to them, and to any others who wished to purchase. They then arrested the said McCreary and threatened to hang him. A negro then came up to the party, one of whom fired upon him, wounding him severely. The said party of mounted men proceeded to Elliott's Ferry, on Red River, which they crossed to the south side, first releasing McCreary and ordering him to go home.
"On the evening of October 26, 1868, a citizen of Little River County met, about three miles from Rich- mond, Ark., eight horsemen, one of whom was mounted
102
THE AFTERMATH OF THE
on the horse belonging to Mr. Standal. Once, at least, since the murder of Mr. Andrews has his horse been rid- den through the town of Richmond. The persons rid- ing and having in possession the horses of Messrs. An- drews and Standal were strangers and cannot be identified by the citizens and old residents who saw them. . . "
The assassination of Willis and Andrews was actu- ated by a double motive: first, the unpopularity of officers of the Freedmen's Bureau, whose duty it was to protect the newly emancipated negro in his labor contracts, a disposition having been manifested by many of the slave-holders to defraud him in the settlement of his accounts; second, the desire to possess themselves of the horses and other property of the murdered men. These reasons were stimulated by the political unpopu- larity of the victims, both of whom were prominent Re- publicans.
As a matter that may be of interest to my reader, I here insert a description of an incident that occurred during the prevalence of the Ku Klux Operations in Arkansas.
I would first say that I was not at that time unaware of the intense hatred I had aroused by my determination to suppress, so far as lay in my power, the lawlessness and outrages in the State. The men who were daily com- mitting these deeds of violence asked nothing but the chance to remove me from their path, but I did not deem it expedient to maintain more than an ordinary watchful- ness. Assassins are cowards, and I am convinced that it was my treatment of them as such that preserved my life, not only during the days of the Ku Klux, but also in later years when political animosities have been extreme.
One night, having been detained at the Executive
103
CIVIL WAR, IN ARKANSAS
Office by urgent official business, about midnight I left on foot for my home. As I emerged from the front door of the Capitol I noticed on the opposite side of Main Street a man watching the entrance referred to. When he saw me he turned suddenly away and dis- appeared in one of the side streets. As I passed down Markham Street, feeling very much fatigued, I went into the saloon of Hornerbrook and Townsend to get a stimulant. While I was there I saw on the opposite side of the room three young men with their heads close together. Their glances in my direction indicated that I was the subject of their conversation. I immediately left.
It was a beautiful night with a full moon casting her lights and shadows everywhere. As the side alleys entered at right-angles to the street I was traversing, the dark shadows-where the alley terminated with a house on the south side-made it very easy for a per- son lurking there to spring out and perpetrate an act of violence upon anyone passing along the sidewalk. As a precautionary measure, I took the middle of the street, and I had not proceeded far when I heard the patter of feet behind me. Looking back, I saw three men running rapidly toward me.
I happened just then to be at a point where two streets intersected. The lot on the southeast corner was enclosed on the street side with a high plank fence which cast a dark shadow on the sidewalk. I had only time to place my back against this fence, where I was concealed by its shadow, cock my revolver, and await events. Very soon the men came up and halted. One remarked, "It was here I saw him last." Another said that I had perhaps turned the corner and taken another street, equally direct, to my residence. The third man suggested that they continue their chase at full speed
104
THE AFTERMATH OF THE
in the direction they were going, so as to arrive at my house before I reached it. They immediately acted on his suggestion; whereupon I took the opposite direction to police headquarters, from whence, with a sufficient escort, I went to my home and found the servants in great turmoil. They said that about two hours before a horseman had posted himself on the opposite side of the street, and that his attention was directed toward my house. They also said that a short time before my arrival three men had come running to the house, and after they had consulted with the horseman he had fired three shots from his revolver, whereupon they had all scattered.
The firing of the pistol by the horseman was evi- dently a signal to others engaged in the plot, stationed elsewhere in the city, to disperse. It was evident that they were pursuing me. What their ultimate purpose was is a matter of conjecture.
After this incident I made no more nightly passages to and from my house without a sufficient escort.
In closing the description of the Ku Klux outrages, I will here state that there were no successful efforts made by the civil authorities to arrest, much less to prosecute, the perpetrators of the crimes referred to. This may be explained, first, by the fact that the Ku Klux terrorized the officers whose duty it was to execute the laws ; second, by the ease with which one or more members of the Ku Klux organization could get themselves summoned to serve on the juries; third, by the inactivity of officers who were either inefficient or who themselves belonged to the organization.
It proved to be absolutely impossible for the State authorities, in the face of the ingenious Ku Klux means to block their operations, to bring any member of the Klan to justice through ordinary criminal proceedings,
105
CIVIL WAR, IN ARKANSAS
no matter what the crime might be with which he was charged. Under these conditions, the reader will under- stand how the growth of political crime would be im- mensely stimulated.'
I will here add that space will not permit an enumer- ation and description of the hundreds of negroes who were killed and otherwise outraged by the unrestrained Ku Klux nightriders.
The question resolved itself into a plain proposition : Should the Ku Klux organization rule Arkansas, or should its members be made subservient to the laws of the State? Of course the Ku Klux set up no claim to Con- stitutional authority; but declaring that the Government of Arkansas was "unconstitutional, null, and void," and that no man was bound to respect it, the Klan assumed powers that plunged at least thirteen counties of the State into conditions of anarchy. As a last resort the declara- tion of Martial Law and the suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus became inevitable.
FOOTNOTES FOR CHAPTER V
1 See McCauly's affidavit, pp. 79-80.
2 See pp. 88-89.
3 Daily Republican, November 6, 1868.
+ Daily Republican, November 17, 1868.
5 Arkansas House Journal, 1868-69, pp. 15-19.
6 Daily Republican, October 30, 1868.
7 See p. 85.
8 James MI. Ridley, Anthony K. Gibbons, James M. Brun- didge, William N. Slack, James McCauly, Columbus Nichols, and Robert P. Weaver.
" Daily Republican, October 24, 1868.
10 Daily Republican, October 29, 1868.
11 Arkansas Gazette, December 2, 1868.
106
THE AFTERMATH OF THE
CHAPTER VI
MARTIAL LAW AND OPERATIONS THEREUNDER OF STATE MILITIA
As it was impossible during President Johnson's ad- ministration to procure arms from the General Govern- ment without an act of Congress authorizing that meas- ure, a bill was introduced for that purpose. However, having grave doubts of its passage before the adjourn- ment of Congress, I sent Dr. J. M. Lewis to open nego- tiations with some of the Governors of the loyal States, -Illinois being the first,-for the purpose of borrow- ing arms under proper security for their return. The Doctor's mission failed, and the bill in Congress having made no encouraging progress, I arranged with Messrs. Hodges and Weeks for the advancement of funds, and for the purchase of 4,000 stands of arms with corre- sponding ammunition and equipment. The results of this effort are described in my message to the General Assembly, November 24, 1868, from which I quote as follows :1
"In carrying into effect the militia law obstacles have presented themselves, chief among which has been the inability of the Executive to provide arms and equip- ment. When your body adjourned we had every assur- ance that the Government of the United States would supply this deficiency, but the act that was pending be- fore Congress at that time failed to become a law, and that body adjourned without making any provision for
107
CIVIL WAR, IN ARKANSAS
the defense of the State. It became apparent that, in order to enforce the law and give protection to the peo- ple, some other steps must be at once taken by which arms could be obtained. No appropriation having been made by your body for the purchase of arms, and the necessity being imperative, I proceeded, by the authority vested in me as commander-in-chief, to open negotia- tions with persons in this city for the use of private funds for their purchase, expecting that your honorable body would sanction what I might do in that direction. These negotiations led to an arrangement with Messrs. Hodges and Weeks, who agreed to furnish the neces- sary funds, with the understanding that I and others should become personally responsible in case the Legis- lature should fail to reimburse them. I appointed Mr. Hodges agent of the State, with directions to proceed North and make purchase of arms on the best terms he could secure .. .. . He purchased 4,000 stands of arms which were shipped to Little Rock, but were stopped at Memphis by a combination on the part of the transpor- tation companies.
"On the 12th of October I chartered the Steamer Hesper, commanded by Capt. S. Houston, and directed him to proceed to Memphis and transport the arms to this place. Captain Houston left here on the 12th and left Memphis with the arms on the 15th of October. When he was about twenty miles below that city an armed band of men, disguised, on the steam-tug Nettie Jones boarded the Hesper and destroyed and carried away the arms belonging to the State. .
"This piratical party was fitted out at Memphis, and as the offense was committed upon the waters of the United States, over which the State has no jurisdiction, you are respectfully recommended to memorialize the Congress of the United States for the amount expended for the property of this State that was destroyed.
"The loss of these arms and the inability of the Executive to procure others rendered it impossible for
108
THE AFTERMATH OF THE
me to give such protection to the peaceable and law- abiding citizens of our State as the insurrectionary con- dition of affairs demanded.
"I earnestly recommend that Legislative action be had authorizing the purchase of arms, and also to make appropriation for the expense of the militia. I have been very much gratified with the prompt response by the militia to my call for troops, and I am assured that many who are willing to assist cannot do so for want of arms."
This failure induced me to appeal as a last resort to General Schofield, then Secretary of War, for the use of the Government arms that were at that time lying idle in the United States arsenal in Little Rock. An ac- count of this appeal is given in the following extract from the "Diary of Gideon Welles," then Secretary of the Navy, Vol. III, p. 460 :
"Friday. At the Cabinet meeting, Gen. John M. Schofield, Secretary of War, read a letter from the Gov- ernor of Arkansas, expressing great apprehension of trouble from the people who are armed, and requesting that he might have the United States arms that were in the arsenal to put in the hands of the militia. . . . Gen- eral Schofield was very earnest in this matter; said the opponents of the Governor were Rebels who retained their arms when Kirby Smith surrendered; that loyal men would be overpowered and killed by the Ku Klux."
However, my request was refused and I entered upon the execution of my Proclamation of Martial Law with- out a gun or round of ammunition, without a single tent, wagon, horse, mule, or equipment, and without food or raiment with which to feed and clothe the men. Through lack of legislative appropriation, there was not a dollar
109
CIVIL WAR, IN ARKANSAS
in the Treasury available at the time for the expenses necessary to carry into effect the proclamation.
The difficulties of this situation were greatly in- creased by the irregular manner in which the Arkansas Confederate soldiers had been permitted to break up and return to their homes at the close of the war. This will be made plain to the reader by the following extract from the report2 of Gen. J. J. Reynolds to the War Department, dated May 27, 1865 :
The few soldiers left in Arkansas were de- serting every day, and would all do so if let alone for a short time . . . E. Kirby Smith directed a sale of the public Confederate property that could not be con- veniently moved into Texas, but the Arkansas Confeder- ate soldiers declared that as they had not been paid for a year and a half or two years, and had nothing to work with, they would take what they could in settlement of account and go home with it. In this manner the most of their transportation and animals are disappearing, and the men are going home with their arms."
From the foregoing extract it will be observed that a large number, doubtless a majority, of the Arkansas Confederate soldiers were permitted to desert and re- turn to their homes without surrendering to the United States Government, and to carry with them such prop- erty as they saw fit to lay hands upon, including arms and ammunition, and, what was still worse, to create the secret organization known as the Ku Klux Klan. Even those who regularly surrendered in Texas, serving under Kirby Smith, were permitted by the terms of sur- render 3 to retain their horses for the alleged reason that they would need them for the cultivation of their crops. These liberal terms of surrender certainly were not granted in order to furnish the means for the mid-
IIO
THE AFTERMATH OF THE
night Ku Klux raiders to ride over the country terror- izing peaceable people and stealing their movable prop- erty, as was frequently done.
The 10,000 Arkansas Union soldiers when mus- tered out were required to turn in their arms and equipment,4 and even the loyal militia organizations under the Murphy Government were required to dis- band and turn in their arms to the Federal Government; while every effort made by me to arm the State militia was unavailing. Thus the loyal Union men who entered the Federal Army were left to the tender mercics of the very men who in many instances during the first year of the war as Confederate Conscription officers were charged with running them down with bloodhounds, carrying them in irons to the nearest Confederate Post and compelling them to serve against the Government they had been taught to regard with the greatest affec- tion and loyalty.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.