USA > California > California; an intimate history > Part 8
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The government sent Frémont on the second expedi- tion (1843), during which he reconnoitered Oregon and California. There was much uneasiness in Washington over England in Oregon. As a matter of fact, that astute nation when she lost California relinquished Oregon as not worth fighting about; but there was no doubt in the government's mind that she coveted the whole Pacific coast in the northern hemisphere. The time had come to strike, and the war-cloud was permitted to rise.
Polk became President of the United States in March, 1845, and he made no secret of his determination to ac- quire California. He would have purchased it, but this was recognized as impossible before Frémont started
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upon his third expedition. Frémont claims that he had a secret understanding with the government to walk warily but to act at his own discretion. The Pacific squadron received orders to seize the ports of California as soon as war was declared; and, although no such defi- nite instructions could be given to a young engineer in charge of a topographical expedition, there seems no reason to doubt that Frémont, encouraged by his father- in-law, with whom it was a ruling passion to acquire Oregon and California, and assisted also by his not in- considerable faith in himself and his exalted destiny, believed in this silent commission from the government. He was not a model of discretion, but he was, all things considered, a necessary tool at the moment; and there is little doubt that the government fully intended to use him, and then applaud or repudiate him later, as cir- cumstances might dictate.
In December, 1845, Frémont had crossed the Sierras and was for the second time a visitor at Sutter's Fort. Thence he rode down to Monterey to enlist the influence of the consul, Mr. Larkin, with the authorities, as he wished to bring his men to one of the settlements and replenish their ragged outfits, as well as to buy new saddles for the horses and lay in the necessary supplies for his "geo- graphical expedition." Pico was away, but Larkin took him to call on General Castro, the prefect, the alcalde, and Alvarado. He informed these dignitaries that he was engaged in surveying the nearest route from the United States to the Pacific ocean, the object of the sur- vey being geographical and in the interests of science and commerce. He made his usual good impression, and, the necessary permission being given, he sent for
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both sections of his divided party and met them at a vacant rancho about thirteen miles south of San José. Here he remained until the 22d of February, purchasing horses and supplies and refitting his men.
Meanwhile Castro and Alvarado had been laying their heads together. They knew that Frémont was a son- in-law of the powerful Senator Benton, so deep in the confidence of the United States government; and he had a retinue of sixty men, a large number to the Califor- nians, whose army rarely exceeded three or four hundred. Frémont had asserted that these men were, with the ex- ception of the hunters and trappers, strictly scientific, and unarmed; but Castro had his doubts. Frémont also had had the imprudence to remark casually that ten thousand American colonists were prepared to emigrate to California and Oregon in the spring. What more like- ly than that this subtle gringo had come to consolidate the Americans already in the country and provoke an uprising? Better be rid of him at once.
It was no difficult matter to involve one of Frémont's men in a row with a Californian over a woman, and then protest that the California women were not safe when gringos were about. Castro wrote Frémont-who was now in the Salinas Valley-a peremptory order to leave the country immediately.
But Frémont had no intention of doing anything of the sort. It was too soon to give battle, for as yet there was no news of the outbreak of hostilities between Mexico and the United States; but he returned word by the mes- senger that he would not comply with an order that was an insult to his government. The next morning he moved his camp to the summit of Gavilan Peak; and his men,
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who were jubilant at the idea of a possible fight, built a log fort and unfurled the American flag. From this eminence he could see the green Salinas Valley in all di- rections and San José in the distance. At his feet was the beautiful Mission San Juan Bautista, the residence of General Castro, and other buildings about the plaza. It may be imagined that the fort on Gavilan made a sensation. Every hour the rancheros rode into San Juan and tied their horses in the plaza and volubly dis- cussed the audacity of a gringo of America, a nation incredibly young, insignificant, plebeian, but withal ag- gressive, to intrench himself and run up his ridiculous flag. Incidentally they hoped for battle.
But Frémont's designs were deep and well ordered. On the second day he saw a party of cavalry ascending Gavilan Peak and made ready to defend himself. Noth- ing would have pleased him better than an attack, for this would have been an act of aggression on the part of Mexico and directed against, not himself, but the Amer- ican flag; and his men were all armed and experienced sharp-shooters. But the cavalry suddenly wheeled and rode down the mountain. Frémont waited another day and then reluctantly withdrew. It was evident that Castro also had no desire for the doubtful fame of pre- cipitating war.
Frémont withdrew up the valley, and after a week at Sutter's Fort, where he bought more horses, he began to march toward Oregon, announcing publicly that he should return thence to the United States. He did not make any undue haste, however, and while he was camping on the shores of Klamath Lake he was overtaken by two men from Sutter's Fort and informed that Lieut. A. H.
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JOHN A. SUTTER
JAMES W. MARSHALL
GEN. JOHN C. FRÉMONT
GEN. M. G. VALLEJO
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Gillespie had arrived with despatches for him from the United States government and was under directions to find him, wherever he might be. He had trailed him for many weary leagues north of the fort, and was now in camp some forty-five miles south and surrounded by dangers from hostile Indians. "Then," says Frémont, "I knew that the hour had come!"
When Frémont was examined in 1847-48 before the Claims Committee in Washington he "protected" the United States with masterly evasions, but many years later, both in articles over his own name and in an inter- view with Josiah Royce, he asserted that the messages from headquarters-destroyed by Gillespie before enter- ing Mexico-conveyed to him the authoritative informa- tion that the United States purposed to seize California, and that he was absolved from his duty as an explorer and left to perform his duty as an officer of the United States. As for Senator Benton's letters delivered by Gillespie, veiled as the language was, it was clear-cut to Frémont. "His letters," said he, "made me know dis- tinctly that at last the time had come when England must not get a foothold; that we must be first. I was to act, discreetly but positively."
It must be borne in mind that Frémont was the only United States army officer in California at that time. Captain Montgomery, commanding the Portsmouth, was anchored off Yerba Buena, and Commodore Sloat had sent the Cyane and the Levant to Monterey. Sloat him- self was hovering about Mazatlan awaiting definite news of war before sailing for California; but in all that vast and coveted territory Frémont alone represented the army of his country. If he felt a trifle important and
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disposed to act on his own initiative, who shall blame him? The trouble with Frémont was not so much that he thought too well of himself during this momentous chapter of his country's history, but that he was not so justified as certain other men have been in similar con- ditions.
The immediate result of that meeting in the northern wilderness, after the Indians had been disposed of, was that Frémont and his little company marched south and camped near the Marysville Buttes-a fine range of mountains rising abruptly out of the valley floor. Short- ly afterward all the American ranchers north of the bay received an anonymous paper stating that two hundred and fifty Californians were on their way to the Sacra- mento Valley, destroying the crops, slaughtering the cat- tle, and burning the houses of the settlers. Men who valued their liberty were advised to go at once to the camp of Captain Frémont. A large number responded, and the captain informed them that, while he could not, as an officer of the United States army, commit any act that might be construed as a hostility by a nation which, so far as he knew, was still at peace with his own country, he could and would give them some friendly advice. The advice was as follows: They should elect ten or twelve of their number to harass the California troops; if possible they should secure the leaders and incarcerate them, thus possibly provoking the fiery Castro, already irritated almost beyond endurance with Frémont and Americans in general, to commit some overt act of hostility against the United States. It would also be advisable to have horses in readiness upon which to flee the country.
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SONOMA MISSION
MISSION SAN JUAN BAUTISTA
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The first act of the northern drama was the seizing of two hundred and fifty horses which Francisco d'Arce and fourteen vaqueros (the bugaboo army) were driving down to Castro's camp at Santa Clara. The American party, headed by one Ezekial Merritt, captured the horses, re- turned with the booty, and informed Frémont that he had told Arce to tell Castro that if he wanted his horses to come and get them. Then occured the Bear Flag episode, and whether Frémont suggested or encouraged it may never be known. Historians disagree; Ide-possibly out of personal vanity-says that it was his own idea, and Frémont himself indignantly repudiates it. However this may be, there is no doubt that it was he who de- spatched a force of settlers, again under Merritt, to Sonoma to take General Vallejo prisoner, although he remained himself in the background.
There were no soldiers in the Sonoma garrison at the time, as the troops were concentrated at Monterey and Los Angeles, Castro and Pio Pico being engaged in a furious controversy over the capital of the department, and both expecting to receive the news of war at any moment. Vallejo occupied a large house on one side of the square, and close by were the houses of Salvator Vallejo, Victor Prudon, and Jacob P. Leese. The bar- racks occupied another side of the plaza, and in the northeast corner was the mission church.
Just before sunrise of June 14th the Americans, having stolen into the pueblo at midnight, surrounded the house of General Vallejo; and Merritt, Dr. Semple, and William Knight rapped loudly on the front door. Vallejo, when invited to lead civil revolutions, may have declined through moral cowardice or cynicism, but there was
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never any dispute over his physical bravery and his dignity as a soldier. He haughtily stuck his head out of a window and demanded to know who and what they were that they dared to disturb a personage of his importance at that hour of the night. While the trio were endeavor- ing to explain through Knight, who acted as interpreter, Salvator, Leese, and Prudon were escorted to Vallejo's "corridor" by an armed guard, and then Knight an- nounced unequivocally that the Sonomans were prisoners. It was not necessary to mention Frémont's name. The Americans had real grievances and cause for uneasiness : General Castro had issued a proclamation ordering all Americans to become Mexicans at once or leave the country.
The dawn was breaking, and Vallejo saw that the plaza was filled with armed men. The California rancheros north of the bay were not within call, and they were far outnumbered by their American neighbors. He with- drew his head, dressed himself in his uniform, buckled on his sword, and then opened his doors and invited the three leaders to come in and have a glass of wine. The door closed and time passed.
It was very cold outside, as cold and gray as California dawns usually are. Those awaiting the return of the chiefs became first impatient and then alarmed. Could Messrs. Semple, Merritt, and Knight be poisoned? One of their number, John Grigsby, was elected to enter the.house and return at once with a report. Grigsby entered with- out the formality of knocking; and he also did not return. More indignant, and still more alarmed, the victors laid their heads together and finally induced William Ide to venture within.
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Ide knocked, but there was no response. He opened the door and found his way to the large dining-room. Merritt was lying half across the table among the empty glasses and bottles, asleep. Grigsby also slept. Knight's head was nodding on his chest. Semple, who seems to have carried his liquor better, was writing the formal articles of capitulation. Three of the prisoners were smoking and yawning. General Vallejo regarded his guests with some philosophy. They could take him prisoner, but he had made fools of them.
Ide went outside with the articles of capitulation and read them to the Americans. Over Spanish and American signatures was an agreement by the Californians to sub- mit and to bear no arms, and an announcement that a government had been established on the principles of the Republic of the United States. Security of life and prop- erty was promised to the prisoners.
The next question was what to do with the illustrious quarry. Some were for marching them to Frémont's camp. Grigsby staggered out and demanded what were the orders of Frémont. Then it was that the Americans learned one from the other that the wily Frémont had given no orders, leaving all to the discretion of his wise and gallant countrymen. Grisgby fell into a drunken panic, vowed he had been deceived, and would run away. Semple ran him back into the house lest his panic be com- municable; and there might, indeed, have been a general and ignominious stampede had not Ide, who, despite his absurdities, possessed some of the qualities of leadership, rallied them by crying out that rather than play the part of a coward he would remain alone. He sprang on a box and made a speech, reminded them of all the wrongs, real
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and imaginary, they had endured at the hands of the Californians, and darkly hinted of worse to come; then, having propped up those wilted spirits, he thundered that there was "nothing now but to see the thing through." "We must be revolutionists or suffer the fate of robbers and horse-thieves!" he cried; and this appealed to the true American spirit. They proclaimed Ide their leader, and the next step was to seize the fort. This act was com- mitted against the will of Semple and the now compara- tively sober Merritt and Grisgby, for seizing the fort meant the cannon and other ammunition in it as well as the treasury, and constituted an act of war. Their reasoning, in the light of their articles of capitulation, and seizure of the comandante militar, was somewhat obscure, but at all events they repudiated the new leader and rode off with their prisoners.
Ide was one of those vainglorious men who deceive themselves (and others for a time) with sounding phrases, refuse to recognize their itching desire for what they call fame, who are called idealists by their friends and asses by their critics, and who are quite certain of being ani- mated by a mixture of patriotism, brotherly love, and Christianity. He had been a carpenter in Massachusetts, and was now a farmer, and father of a large brood in California; a long, lank, hairy person, who waved his arms and uttered many words.
His next speech was a ringing declaration of indepen- dence and a demand for a flag. Frémont had provided them with none, but there was an artist in the company, who claimed later to be a relative of Mrs. Abraham Lincoln. His name was Todd. He found a flour-sack, which he cut into the proper oblong shape. Then he
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pressed into service a strip from the red-flannel shirt of another of that gallant band and sewed the red to the white. Then he found a pot of paint and in the northwest corner of the "flag" he painted a star, and not far away the counterfeit presentment of a bear (the Californians thought it was a pig) and the proud words "California Republic." The Mexican flag was hauled down and this
CALIFORNIA REPUBLIC
CALIFORNIA BEAR FLAG
work of art and patriotism given to the breeze. The Bear-flag Revolution entered history. The date was June 14, 1846.
Ide organized his forces, prohibited intoxicants, re- assured the trembling native population (eighteen in all), promising them a liberty they never yet had enjoyed, but warning them to be his friends would they live to enjoy it. He frequently invoked the name of Washington while haranguing them. It was the only word of his dis-
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course they understood, but they knew that the ablest man of their little world, Juan Bautista Alvarado, ad- mired Washington; so they embraced the long ugly Yankee on both cheeks and promised to be his loyal subjects.
Fremont was growing restless. War had begun on May 13th; but, although he assumed that this must be the case, he had no information, and, full of military ardor as he was, had much difficulty to keep in the background. He moved his camp down to New Helvetia, and when the prisoners arrived consigned them to the fort. This act of hospitality must have enchanted both Sutter and Vallejo. Nor could Frémont hear of any act of reprisal on Castro's part. Finally on the 23d he received a letter from William Ford, of the Bear-flag party, begging him to come to Sonoma, as the Americans, who had now been reinforced and numbered one hundred and thirty, were despising Ide. He started at the head of seventy-two mounted riflemen, and when he reached Sonoma was informed that Capt. de la Torre, of the first division of Castro's army, was in command of the guerrilla forces north of the bay and harassing the American settlers. He ordered Ford to take command of sixty men and march on the enemy; he would go along with his seventy- two "to see the sport" and "explore the neighborhood of the bay." Ford, who seems to have made up in fervor what he lacked in practice, ran De la Torre so hard that the Californian, little used to real fighting, would have scampered back across the bay if Ford had not cornered him. So he resorted to strategy. Three prisoners were taken by the young American "general," and in their boots were letters betraying the fact that Castro was
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marching on Sonoma. This ruse succeeded, and Frémont and Ford hastened back to Sonoma while De la Torre made good his retreat. The three unfortunate prisoners were shot as an act of vengeance for the death of two Americans; the famous scout, Kit Carson, who was in Frémont's train, boasting later that he was the execu- tioner. Frémont turned about and pursued De la Torre as far as Sausalito, where he discovered that the Cali- fornian and his men had crossed the bay. He, too, bor- rowed a boat, and was rowed to Fort Point. The pre- sidio was deserted. He spiked the fourteen guns and returned to Sonoma on July Ist.
But Castro had no intention of attacking Frémont. He realized that the Americans were too many and too determined for him, rumors of war were growing thicker every hour, and there were United States sloops of war in the San Francisco and Monterey harbors. He and Pico forgot their grievances and took counsel regarding armed resistance should the enemy appear in force. The Cal- ifornians may have had quaint methods in battle, but there was never any question of their elaborate and war- like methods before the event.
Frémont was deeply mortified. He had fully expected that Castro would make an attempt to rescue Vallejo. He appeared to be side-tracked in Sonoma with these ridiculous Bear - flag warriors, for even Commodore Montgomery, who had furnished him with ammunition, while refusing Ide, had declined to follow and capture De la Torre. He could, however, publicly proclaim his lack of affiliation with the Bear-flag movement, dispose of the chief offenders, and prepare for another move. A number of naval officers had accompanied him back to 8
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Sonoma, presumably to "see the fun." Frémont called a convention and stated explicitly before it that as an officer of the United States army he could not countenance such an act of aggression as the capture of Sonoma, nor could he interfere with politics or attack the government; but he did not consider it an act of war to pursue and capture Castro, who had insulted the government of the United States, and take him to Washington as a prisoner. He then invited the American settlers to enroll them- selves under his banner, promising them protection and provisions from his commissariat, and pointing out that an undertaking of this sort, which, he hoped, would be- come a brilliant example to the oppressed throughout the world, must be led by capable and experienced officers. Ide protested, but was quickly overruled. These shrewd Americans, whatever may have been their secret opinion of Frémont's tactics, liked and admired him as much as they now despised Ide. With cheers they proclaimed him their chief and pronounced the Bear-flag revolution at an end. Frémont was to lead the American party in California to independence. Once more it looked as if Frémont would be able to provoke a battle and be the war's central figure in California; and if this had been the 5th of June, who knows what might have happened?
But it was the 5th of July. On the 2d Commodore Sloat, having heard that the Mexican troops had in- vaded Texas, entered the Bay of Monterey. On the 7th, although he had as yet received no confirmation of an engagement, he determined to land and run up the American flag on the custom-house. Not only was it imperative to get ahead of the British admiral, Sir George Seymour of the Collingwood, watching events at San Blas,
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but he found the Californians in a state of war-like fury with Frémont, who for a time at least had the credit of forcing the war. Sloat believed that Frémont was acting under positive information and orders; in any case, he made up his mind that it was better to be sacrificed, if he had to be, "for doing too much than too little," landed his marines, hauled down the Mexican colors from the custom-house, and ran up the American flag. The Col- lingwood arrived on the 16th, and Sloat was prepared to give battle, if necessary. But Great Britain had no intention of going to war with the United States. She had lost the race and gracefully withdrew.
The next day the American flag was raised in Yerba Buena, and a day or two later at Sonoma and Sutter's Fort. Castro and Pio Pico were understood to be mass- ing their forces in the south. Commodore Stockton ar- rived on the Congress, and on the 24th received full com- mand, succeeding Sloat. Frémont by this time was in Monterey with his company, which consisted of about one hundred and sixty men. Stockton formed them into "The Battalion of California Volunteers," appointed Frémont major and Gillespie captain, and ordered them to San Diego by sea to engage the forces of Castro and Pico and complete the conquest of California; at last it was definitely known that the two countries were at war.
Gone was the dream of being received by California as a matter of course or with passionate gratitude. The Cal- ifornians, although their army was not in sight, were known to be boiling with fury over the indignities in the north. To the possible war they had been indifferent, or to its outcome, but that bandaleros, horse-thieves, canaille, led by that arch-conspirator Frémont, should take
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prisoner the comandante militar and other Californians, haul down the Mexican flag and elevate their own, and proclaim a republic, besides shooting three California soldiers in cold blood, and all unprovoked, seemed to them a wanton insult, and it aroused them to a deeper indignation than if Sloat had bombarded Monterey. With one accord they hated the Americanos; even the Mon- tereños, who, under Larkin's subtle manipulation, had been on the verge of loving them.
Nevertheless, when Frémont arrived in San Diego he found no army, although horsemen were frequently seen on the horizon. It was rumored that Castro and Pio Pico had retreated to Sonora. Stockton, who had been routing various little California companies on his march south, took formal possession of Los Angeles and, leaving Gillespie in charge with a small force, returned with Fré- mont to Monterey. California might hate the invader, but it looked as if she was overawed and had concluded to submit.
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