USA > California > History of the State of California and biographical record of Coast Counties, California. An historical story of the state's marvelous growth from its earliest settlement to the present time > Part 13
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In 1833 the first California colonization scheme was inaugurated in Mexico. At the head of this was José Maria Hijar, a Mexican gentleman of wealth and influence. He was assisted in its promulgation by José M. Padres, an adventurer, who had been banished from California by Governor Victoria. Padres, like some of our modern real estate boomers, pic- tured the country as an earthly paradise-an improved and enlarged Garden of Eden. Among other inducements held out to the colo- nists, it is said, was the promise of a division among them of the mission property and a dis- tribution of the neophytes for servants.
Headquarters were established at the city of Mexico and two hundred and fifty colonists enlisted. Each family received a bonus of $10, and all were to receive free transporta- tion to California and rations while on the jour- ney. Each head of a family was promised a farm from the public domain, live stock and farming implements; these advances to be paid for on the installment plan. The orignal plan was to found a colony somewhere north of San Francisco bay, but this was not carried ont. Two vessels were dispatched with the colonists -- the Morelos and the Natalia. The latter was compelled to put into San Diego on account of sickness on board. She reached that port Sep- tember 1, 1834. A part of the colonists on board her were sent to San Pedro and from there they were taken to Los Angeles and San Gabriel. The Morelos reached Monterey Sep-
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tember 25. Hijar had been appointed governor of California by President Farias, but after the 'sailing of the expedition, Santa Ana, who had succeeded Farias, dispatched a courier over- land with a countermanding order. By one of the famous rides of history, Amador, the courier, made the journey from the city of Mexico to Monterey in forty days and delivered his mes- sage to Governor Figueroa. When Hijar ar- rived he found to his dismay that he was only a private citizen of the territory instead of its governor. The colonization scheme was aban- doned and the immigrants distributed them- selves throughout the territory. Generally they were a good class of citizens, and many of them became prominent in California affairs.
That storm center of political disturbances, Los Angeles, produced but one small revolution during Figueroa's term as governor. A party of fifty or sixty Sonorans, some of whom were Hijar colonists who were living either in the town or its immediate neighborhood, assembled at Los Nietos on the night of March 7, 1835. They formulated a pronunciamiento against Don José Figueroa, in which they first vigor- ously arraigned him for sins of omission and commission and then laid down their plan of government of the territory. Armed with this formidable document and a few muskets and lances, these patriots, headed by Juan Gallado, a cobbler, and Felipe Castillo, a cigarmaker, in the gray light of the morning, rode into the pueblo, took possession of the town hall and the big cannon and the ammunition that had
been stored there when the Indians of San Luis Rey had threatened hostilities. The slumbering inhabitants were aroused from their dreams of peace by the drum beat of war. The terrified citizens rallied to the juzgado, the ayuntamiento met, the cobbler statesman, Gallado, presented his plan; it was discussed and rejected. The revolutionists, after holding possession of the pueblo throughout the day, tired, hungry and disappointed in not receiving their pay for sav- ing the country, surrendered to the legal author- ities the real leaders of the revolution and disbanded. The leaders proved to be Torres, a clerk, and Apalategui, a doctor, both supposed to be emissaries of Hijar. They were imprisoned at San Gabriel. When news of the revolt reached Figueroa he had Hijar and Padres ar- rested for complicity in the outbreak. Hijar, with half a dozen of his adherents, was shipped back to Mexico. And thus the man who the year before had landed in California with a commission as governor and authority to take possession of all the property belonging to the missions returned to his native land an exile. His grand colonization scheme and his "Com- pania Cosmopolitana" that was to revolutionize California commerce were both disastrous fail- ures.
Governor José Figueroa died at Monterey on the 29th of September, 1835. He is generally regarded as the best of the Mexican governors sent to California. He was of Aztec extraction and took a great deal of pride in his Indian blood.
CHAPTER XII.
THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE MISSIONS.
T HE Franciscan Missions of Alta Califor- nia have of late been a prolific theme for a certain class of writers and espe- cially have they dwelt upon the secularization of these establishments. Their productions have added little or nothing to our previous knowledge of these institutions. Carried away by sentiment these writers draw pictures of mis- sion life that are unreal, that are purely imag-
inary, and aroused to indignation at the injus- tice they fancy was done to their ideal institu- tions they deal out denunciations against the authorities that brought about secularization as unjust as they are undeserved. Such expres- sions as "the robber hand of secularization," and "the brutal and thievish disestablishment of the missions," emanate from writers who seem to be ignorant of the purpose for which the mis-
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sions were founded, and who ignore, or who do not know, the canses which brought about their secularization.
It is an historical fact known to all acquainted with California history that these establishments were not intended by the Crown of Spain to become permanent institutions. The purpose for which the Spanish government fostered and protected them was to Christianize the Indians and make of them self-supporting citizens. Very early in its history Governor Borica, Fages and other intelligent Spanish officers in California discovered the weakness of the mission system. Governor Borica, writing in 1796, said: "Ac- cording to the laws the natives are to be free from tutelage at the end of ten years, the mis- sions then becoming doctrinairs, but those of New California, at the rate they are advancing, will not reach the goal in ten centuries; the rea- son God knows, and men, too, know something about it."
The tenure by which the mission friars held their lands is admirably set forth in William Carey Jones' "Report on Land Titles in Cali- fornia," made in 1850. He says, "It had been supposed that the lands they (the missions) oc- cupied were grants held as the property of the church or of the misson establishments as cor- porations. Such, however, was not the case; all the missions in Upper California were estab- lished under the direction and mainly at the expense of the government, and the missionaries there had never any other right than to the occupation and use of the lands for the purpose of the missions and at the pleasure of the gov- ernment. This is shown by the history and principles of their foundation, by the laws in relation to them, by the constant practice of the government toward them and, in fact, by the rules of the Franciscan order, which forbid its members to possess property."
With the downfall of Spanish domination in Mexico came the beginning of the end of mis- sionary rule in California. The majority of the mission padres were Spanish born. In the war of Mexican independence their sympathics were with their mother country, Spain. After Mex- ico attained her independence, some of them refused to acknowledge allegiance to the repub-
lic. The Mexican authorities feared and dis- trusted them. In this, in part, they found a pre- text for the disestablishment of the missions and the confiscation of the mission estates. There was another cause or reason for secularization more potent than the loyalty of the padres to Spain. Few forms of land monopoly have ever exceeded that in vogue under the mission system of California. From San Diego to San Fran- cisco bay the twenty missions established under Spanish rule monopolized the greater part of the fertile land between the coast range and the sea. The limits of one mission were said to cover the intervening space to the limits of the next. There was but little left for other settlers. A settler could not obtain a grant of land if the padres of the nearest mission objected.
The twenty-four ranchos owned by the Mis- sion San Gabriel contained about a million and a half acres and extended from the sea to the San Bernardino mountains. The greatest neophyte population of San Gabriel was in 1817, when it reached 1.701. Its yearly average for the first three decades of the present century did not exceed 1,500. It took a thousand acres of fertile land under the mission system to sup- port an Indian, even the smallest papoose of the mission flock. It is not strange that the people clamored for a subdivision of the mission estates ; and secularization became a public necessity. The most enthusiastic admirer of the missions to-day, had he lived in California seventy years ago, would no doubt have been among the loud- est in his wail against the mission system.
The abuse heaped upon the Mexican authori- ties for their secularization of these institutions is as unjust as it is unmerited. The act of the Mexican Congress of August 17, 1833, was not the initiative movement towards their dis- establishment. Indeed in their foundation their secularization, their subdivision into pueblos, was provided for and the local authorities were never without lawful authority over them. In the very beginning of missionary work in Alta California the process of secularizing the mis- sion establishments was mapped out in the fol- lowing "Instructions given by Viceroy Bucarili August 17. 1773, to the comandante of the new establishments of San Diego and Monterey.
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Article 15, when it shall happen that a mission is to be formed into a pueblo or village the comandante will proceed to reduce it to the civil and economical government, which, according to the laws, is observed by other villages of this kingdom; their giving it a name and declaring for its patron the saint under whose memory and protection the mission was founded."
The purpose for which the mission was founded was to aid in the settlement of the country, and to convert the natives to Christian- ity. "These objects accomplished the mission- ary's labor was considered fulfilled and the es- tablishment subject to dissolution. This view of their purpose and destiny fully appears in the tenor of the decree of the Spanish Cortes of September 13, 1813. It was passed in conse- quence of a complaint by the Bishop of Guiana of the evils that affected that province on ac- count of the Indian settlements in charge of missions not being delivered to the ecclesiastical ordinary, although thirty, forty and fifty years had passed since the reduction and conversion of the Indians."
The Cortes decreed Ist, that all the new reduciones y doctrinairs (settlements of newly converted Indians) not yet formed into parishes of the province beyond the sea which were in charge of missionary monks and had been ten years subjected should be delivered immediately to the respective ecclesiastical ordinaries (bish- ops) without resort to any excuse or pretext conformably to the laws and cedulas in that respect. Section 2nd, provided that the secular clergy should attend to the spiritual wants of these curacies. Section 3rd, the missionary monks relieved from the converted settlements shall proceed to the conversion of other heathen."
The decree of the Mexican Congress, passed November 20. 1833, for the secularization of the missions of Upper and Lower California, was very similar in its provisions to the decree of the Spanish Cortes of September, 1813. The Mex- ican government simply followed the example of Spain and in the conversion of the missions into pueblos was attempting to enforce a prin-
ciple inherent in the foundation of the mission- ary establishments. That secularization resulted disastrously to the Indians was not the fault of the Mexican government so much as it was the defect in the industrial and intellectual training of the neophytes. Except in the case of those who were trained for choir services in the churches there was no attempt made to teach the Indians to read or write. The padres generally entertained a poor opinion of the neophytes' intellectual ability. The reglamento governing the secularization of the missions, published by Governor Echeandia in 1830, but not enforced, and that formulated by the diputa- cion under Governor Figueroa in 1834, approved by the Mexican Congress and finally enforced in 1834-5-6, were humane measures. These reg- ulations provided for the colonization of the neophytes into pueblos or villages. A portion of the personal property and a part of the lands hield by the missions were to be distributed among the Indians as follows:
"Article 5-To each head of a family and all who are more than twenty years old, although without families, will be given from the lands of the mission, whether temporal (lands depend- ent on the seasons) or watered, a lot of ground not to contain more than four hundred varas (yards) in length, and as many in breadth not less than one hundred. Sufficient land for water- ing the cattle will be given in common. The outlets or roads shall be marked out by each vil- lage, and at the proper time the corporation lands shall be designated." This colonization of the neophytes into pueblos would have thrown large bodies of the land held by the mis- sions open to settlement by white settlers. The personal property of missionary establishments was to have been divided among their neophyte retainers thus: "Article 6. Among the said in- dividuals will be distributed, ratably and justly, according to the discretion of the political chief, the half of the movable property, taking as a basis the last inventory which the missionaries have presented of all descriptions of cattle. Arti- cle 7. One-half or less of the implements and seeds indispensable for agriculture shall be al- lotted to them."
The political government of the Indian pu-
*William Carey Jones' Report.
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HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL RECORD.
eblos was to be organized in accordance with existing laws of the territory governing other towns. The neophyte could not sell, mortgage or dispose of the land granted him; nor could he sell his cattle. The regulations provided that "Religious missionaries shall be relieved from the administration of temporalities and shall only exercise the duties of their ministry so far as they relate to spiritual matters." The nunner- ies or the houses where the Indian girls were kept under the charge of a duena until they were of marriageable age were to be abolished and the children restored to their parents. Rule 7 provided that "What is called the priest- hood' shall immediately cease, female children whom they have in charge being handed over to their fathers, explaining to them the care they should take of them, and pointing out their obligations as parents. The same shall be donc with the male children."
Commissioners were to be appointed to take charge of the mission property and superintend its subdivision among the neophytes. The con- version of ten of the missionary establishments into pueblos was to begin in August, 1835. That of the others was to follow as soon as possible. San Gabriel, San Fernando and San Juan Capis- trano were among the ten that were to be secularized first. For years secularization had threatened the missions, but hitherto something had occurred at the critical time to avert it. The missionaries had used their influence against it, had urged that the neophytes were unfitted for self-support, had argued that the emancipation of the natives from mission rule would result in disaster to them. Through all the agitation of the question in previous years the padres had labored on in the preservation and upbuilding of their establishments; but with the issuing of the secularization decree by the Mexican Congress, August 17, 1833, the or- ganization of the Hijar Colony in Mexico and the instructions of acting president Farias to Hijar to occupy all the property of the missions and subdivide it among the colonists on their arrival in California, convinced the missionaries that the blow could no longer be averted. The revocation of Hijar's appointment as governor and the controversy which followed between
him and Governor Figueroa and the diputacion for a time delayed the enforcement of the de- cree.
In the meantime, with the energy born of de- spair, eager at any cost to outwit those who sought to profit by their ruin, the mission fath- ers hastened to destroy that which through more than half a century thousands of human beings had spent their lives to accumulate. The wealth of the missions lay in their herds of cat- tle. The only marketable products of these were the hides and tallow. Heretofore a certain num- ber of cattle had been slaughtered each week to feed the neophytes and sometimes when the ranges were in danger of becoming over- stocked cattle were killed for their hides and tallow, and the meat left to the coyotes and the carrion crows. The mission fathers knew that if they allowed the possession of their herds to pass to other hands neither they nor the neophytes would obtain any reward for years of labor. The blow was liable to fall at any time. Haste was required. The mission butchers could not slaughter the animals fast enough. Con- tracts were made with the rancheros to kill on shares. The work of destruction began at the missions. The country became a mighty shambles. The matansas were no longer used. An animal was lassoed on the plain, thrown, its throat cut and while yet writhing in death agony, its hide was stripped and pegged upon the ground to dry. There were no vessels to con- tain the tallow and this was run into pits in the ground to be taken out when there was more time to spare and less cattle to be killed. The work of destruction went on as long as there were cattle to kill. So great was the stench from rotting carcasses of the cattle on the plains that a pestilence was threatened. The ayunta- miento of Los Angeles, November 15. 1833, passed an ordinance compelling all persons slaughtering cattle for the hides and tallow to cremate the carcasses. Some of the rancheros laid the foundations of their future wealth by ap- propriating herds of young cattle from the mis- sion ranges.
Hugo Reid. in the letters previously referred to in this volume, says of this period at San Gabriel, "These facts (the decree of secularization
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and the distribution of the mission property) being known to Padre Tomas (Estenaga), he, in all probability, by order of his superior, com- menced a work of destruction. The back build- ings were unroofed and the timber converted into fire wood. Cattle were killed on the halves by people who took a lion's share. Utensils were disposed of and goods and other articles distributed in profusion among the neophytes. The vineyards were ordered to be cut down, which, however, the Indians refused to do." After the mission was placed in charge of an administrator, Padre Tomas remained as min- ister of the church at a stipend of $1.500 per annum, derived from the pious fund.
Hugo Reid says of him, "As a wrong im- pression of his character may be produced from the preceding remarks, in justice to his memory, be it stated that he was a truly good man, a sin- cere Christian and a despiser of hypocrisy. He had a kind, unsophisticated heart, so that he be- lieved every word told him. There has never been a purer priest in California. Reduced in circumstances, annoyed on many occasions by the petulancy of administrators, he fulfilled his duties according to his conscience, with be- nevolence and good humor. The nuns, who, when the secular movement came into opera- tion, had been set free, were again gathered to- gether under his supervision and maintained at his expense, as were also a number of old men and women."
The experiment of colonizing the Indians in pueblos was a failure and they were gathered back into the mission, or as many of them as could be got back, and placed in charge of ad- ministrators. "The Indians," says Reid, "were made happy at this time in being permitted to enjoy once more the luxury of a tule dwelling, from which the greater part had been debarred for so long; they could now breathe freely again." (The close adobe buildings in which they had been housed in mission days were no doubt one of the causes of the great mortality among them.)
"Administrator followed administrator until the mission could support no more, when the system was broken up." * * * "The Indians during this period were continually run-
ning off. Scantily clothed and still more scant- ily supplied with food, it was not to be wondered at. Nearly all the Gabrielinos went north, while those of San Diego, San Luis and San Juan overrun this country, filling the Angeles and surrounding ranchos with more servants than were required. Labor, in consequence, was very cheap. The different missions, however, had alcaldes continually on the move, hunting them up and carrying them back, but to no pur- pose ; it was labor in vain."
"Even under the dominion of the church in mission days," Reid says, "the neophytes were addicted both to drinking and gaming, with an inclination to steal;" but after their emanci- pation they went from bad to worse. Those at- tached to the ranchos and those located in the town were virtually slaves. They had bosses or owners and when they ran away were cap- tured and returned to their master. The account book for 1840 of the sindico of Los Angeles contains this item, "For the delivery of two Indians to their boss $12."
In all the large towns there was an Indian village known as the pueblito or little town. These were the sink holes of crime and the favorite resorts of dissolute characters, both white and red. The Indian village at Los An- geles between what is now Aliso and First street became such an intolerable nuisance that on petition of the citizens it was removed across the river to the "Spring of the Abilas," but its removal did not improve its morals. Vicente Guerrero, the sindico, discussing the Indian question before the ayuntamiento said, "The In- dians are so utterly depraved that no matter where they may settle down their conduct would be the same, since they look upon death even with indifference, provided they can indulge in their pleasures and vices." This was their con- dition in less than a decade after they were freed from mission control.
What did six decades of mission rule accom- plish for the Indian? In all the older missions between their founding and their secularization three generations of adults had come under the influence of mission life and training -first, the adult converts made soon after the founding; second, their children born at the missions, and
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third, the children of these who had grown to manhood before the fall of the missions. How great an improvement had the neophytes of the third generation made over those of the first? They had to a great extent lost their original language and had acquired a speaking knowl- edge of Spanish. They had abandoned or forgotten their primitive religious belief, but their new religion exercised but little influence on their lives. After their emancipation they went from bad to worse. Some of the more daring escaped to the mountains and joining the wild tribes there became the leaders in frequent predatory excursions on the horses and cattle of the settlers in the valleys. They were hunted down and shot like wild beasts.
What became of the mission estates? As the cattle were killed off the different ranchos of the mission domains, settlers petitioned the ayuntamiento for grants. If upon investigation it was found that the land asked for was vacant the petition was referred to the governor for his approval. In this way the vast mission domains passed into private hands. The country im - proved more in wealth and population between 1836 and 1846 than in the previous fifty years. Secularization was destruction to the mission
and death to the Indian, but it was beneficial to the country at large. The decline of the mis- sions and the passing of the neophyte had be- gun long before the decrees of secularization were enforced. Nearly all the missions passed their zenith in population during the second decade of the century. Even had the mission- ary establishments not been secularized they would eventually have been depopulated. At no time during the mission rule were the number of birthis equal to the number of deaths. When recruits could no longer be obtained from the Gentiles or wild Indians the decline became more rapid. The mission annals show that from 1769 to 1834, when secularization was enforced -- an interval of sixty-five years-79,000 con- verts were baptized and 62,000 deaths recorded. The death rate among the neophytes was about twice that of the negro in this country and four times that of the white race. The extinc- tion of the neophyte or mission Indian was due to the enforcement of that inexorable law or decree of nature, the Survival of the Fittest. Where a stronger race comes in contact with a weaker, there can be but one termination of the' contest-the extermination of the weaker.
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