USA > California > Los Angeles County > Los Angeles > The Herald's history of Los Angeles City > Part 11
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Very little manufacturing of any sort was carried on outside the missions, and the work at those institutions was only such as could be accomplished by ignorant savages under the training of the padres. Coarse blankets, the simpler articles of leather make (including a poor quality of shoes), a coarse meal, soap, tiles for roofing, brandy and wine about com-
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plete the list. Nearly all articles of wearing apparel, furniture, and even the better grade of leather goods, were imported, at first from Mexico, later from the United States and for- eign countries. The only means of convey- ance, other than the backs of horses, was the carreta, which was a huge, clumsy creation, with two immensely thick and solid wooden wheels that turned on wooden axles, and were sometimes-but not always-lubricated with soft soap.
The California man was rather vain of his personal appearance, and lavished a great deal of attention and money upon his dress. An outfit such as would be worn by a wealthy rancher on any special occasion was likely to cost anywhere from $500 to $1000. Every ar- ticle of his dress would be imported, and the Yankee skipper could be depended upon to charge him all that the traffic would bear. The trading business on the coast was expected to pay several hundred per cent on each transac- tion. The hats were from South America, with a stiff, horizontal brim, and a conical crown. A black silk handkerchief was usually tied around the head, under the hat. This was a Spanish custom, and it still prevails in the mother country. The overcoat was the sarape, a blanket of fine or coarse grade, according as the owner was able to pay. It had a hole near the center, through which the head was in- serted. As a rule, this garment was striped with bright colors, and either woven thick like
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a blanket, or of double cloth. Those made of cloth, and provided with a rich embroidered collar, were called mangas. There was a short jacket of silk, or figured cloth, a white em- broidered shirt, tied with a silk handkerchief for a cravat, a vest of silk or damask, and a pair of pantaloons, open from the knee down on the outer seam, which was trimmed with buttons and gold braid. Sometimes short breeches of velvet or velveteen, dark blue or crimson in color, were worn, and below them, long white stockings. The shoes were of buff- colored leather. Around the body was a silk sash of bright hue. When on horseback, the Californian wore leggings, especially if he had on knee breeches, and these were bound with handsome clasps or garters.
The woman's dress was not so elaborate nor gaudy, although as expensive as her hus- band's purse would stand. It usually con- sisted of a bodice of silk, with short embroid- ered sleeves. A bright silk sash was worn loosely about the waist, and the skirt below was elaborately flounced. The shoes were of satin or velvet. Over the shoulders, and fre- quently over the head as well, the rebozo, a long dark scarf of silk or cotton, was worn, and arranged with a great deal of grace and expression. The hair of the younger women was usually plaited in two long braids fast- ened together at the ends with ribbon; that of the older women was more often done up with a comb.
Photo by Crandall
STATUE OF SAN LUIS REY-CARVED BY INDIANS
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The amusements of these people consti- tuted a large and an important part of their life. They came together from great distances to attend fiestas, which were celebrations ex- tending through several days and nights, or fandangos, which were dance parties. Social life was on an informal basis. No invitations were issued to these gatherings, other than a general notice, and almost everyone in the ad- joining country was expected to come. One pleasing fact to be set down in this connection is that there were almost none of those dis- tressing feuds, or life-long enmities, that are so often to be found among primitive peoples, and sometimes, we may add, among those of a presumably higher civilization. Dueling was almost unknown, and homicides rare. The faults of the early Californians were not of the savage and brutal order, but were rather the outgrowth of qualities that are not far re- moved from virtues. It is but a short and easy step from generosity to prodigality, from good humor to shiftlessness, and from socia- bility to indolence.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE STARS AND STRIPES.
C HE HISTORY of the United States prior to 1861 is largely a history of the slavery question. Not only were all internal political events affected in some measure by this issue, but even the foreign policy did not escape its bale- ful influence. When the Missouri compromise set a definite limit, as was supposed, to the spread of slavery to the north, the acquisition of more territory to the south and southwest was necessary to the slave-holding interest, so that it might maintain an equilibrium with its opponents. Our relations with the Mexican republic were controlled, almost from the be- ginning, by this salient fact, and out of it finally came the war of 1846-8, and the acqusi- tion of California, Arizona and New Mexico.
There were, of course, other considerations that entered into the impulse for war, when the time came for its actual declaration. A great majority of the people of the north, as well as of the south, believed that the "Mani- fest Destiny" of the republic required that it should extend through on even lines from ocean to ocean. In due course of time this sentiment might have led to the purchase of this territory, and would certainly have aroused active and forcible opposition to its
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seizure by any foreign power; but the Union would scarcely have been drawn into a de- liberate war for conquest-which the Mexican war undoubtedly was-on a mere desire for expansion, nor would the opportunity for that war have been provided had not a potent cause existed in the political situation.
The final appeal to arms grew out of the annexation of Texas to the United States. While still a Spanish dependency Texas had been colonized by numerous parties of Amer- icans ; and during Mexican rule it filled rapidly with emigrants, chiefly from the southern states. In 1836, when the Mexican republic was in the midst of one of its periodic revolu- tions, the Texans declared themselves inde- pendent, and asked to be admitted to the American Union. The proposition was, of course, declined, as its acceptance would have constituted an act of deliberate and inexcus- able aggression; but Mexico contended that the Americans constantly gave aid and com- fort to the rebels. Unable to win back its revolted province, Mexico, nevertheless, re- fused to acknowledge its independence.
In the eight years following, the offer of Texas to come into the American Union stood open, and was discussed at each session of congress. It was well understood, both in the United States and in Mexico, that the accept- ance of the offer meant war. There was, it is true, an element in Mexico that favored let- ting Texas go, because it feared that the out-
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come of a conflict with the United States would be the loss of California and the neigh- boring territory, but those holding that view were in the minority.
The continuous strain under which the two countries rested is revealed in the incident of the raising of the American flag at Monte- rey by Commodore Jones in 1842. This oc- curred four years before actual war broke out, and while Micheltorena was governor of California. England was believed to have her eye on the province, which was to be taken in exchange for fifty million dollars' worth of Mexican securities held by British citizens. France had been sending numerous exploring parties into the country. The weakness of Mexico made it possible that California might easily be wrested from her grasp, and the Eu- ropean powers were believed to be ready to seize it on the first opportunity. Instructions had been issued to the American naval com- manders of the Pacific, that in the event of war breaking out over the Texas difficulty, they were to hasten to Monterey and raise the American flag.
Under this condition of affairs, Commo- dore Jones was lying in the harbor of Callao, Peru, with the Pacific squadron, when a ru- mor reached him that hostilities had begun be- tween the two nations. At the same time the British squadron lying in the harbor left in haste, without divulging its course. The American commander jumped at the conclu-
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The Stars and Stripes.
sion that the English were about to seize Cal- ifornia, and promptly sailed for the north. October 19th he came into the harbor of Mon- terey, and although he found no British ves- sels there he proceeded to carry out his de- sign. Landing a force of 400 sailors and ma- rines, he took possession of the town, no re- sistance being offered, and raised the Stars and Stripes over the fort. There the flag waved for a day, and then the commodore re- ceived information that convinced him he had made a mistake. He promptly withdrew the American ensign, ran up the tricolor in its place, and expressed a willingness to apolo- gize and make suitable reparation.
Governor Micheltorena was at Los Ange- les, slowly making his way northward from Mexico with the ragged, thieving army that afterward brought him so much trouble. Thither Commodore Jones repaired, bringing his fleet to San Pedro. When Micheltorena heard of the capture of Monterey, he issued a furious proclamation, in which he declared that he would shed his last drop of blood in defense of his country, but his wrath cooled when he received a letter of apology from Jones, accompanied by an offer of reparation. The governor's idea of what was proper and adequate reparation and the commodore's idea did not coincide exactly. There was a streak of thriftiness in Micheltorena's character that came to light on this occasion. He announced that the wounded feelings of himself and his
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countrymen could be soothed only by a dona- tion from Jones of 50 uniforms for the army, a set of band instruments and $15,000 in cash. The commodore declined to consider this re- quest, saying that the damages would have to be settled by the respective governments. The two principals to the controversy met on amicable terms at the residence of Don Abel Stearns, and a grand ball was given in honor of the Americans. Commodore Jones ordered a special salute to be given the Mexican flag at San Pedro, and in this way the incident came to a pleasant ending.
Four years later, when war was immi- nent, although not yet declared, Captain John C. Fremont, of the U. S. Topographical Engi- neers, entered California overland, with an ex- ploring party that consisted of 61 men, most of whom were trappers and experienced mountaineers. Fremont was a unique figure on the national stage and his relation to the affairs of California, during the period of con- quest, was subsequently made the basis of so much bitter partisan discussion that it is difficult, even at this remote period, to arrive at a just judgment on his conduct. While there were numerous individual acts commit- ted by him that are open to criticism, if tried by modern standards, two material points of defense may be urged in his behalf: First, his youth, imbued with an enthusiastic and ag- gressive Americanism, and, second, the secret but easily divined instructions under which
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he worked, coming through his father-in-law, Senator Benton, direct from the administra- tion. Without doubt, President Polk and his cabinet believed that a war with Mexico was inevitable, and they were ready to welcome any reasonable excuse that should start the train. We do not have to assume that Fre- mont was specifically instructed to pick a quarrel with Mexico in California. It was enough that he should have had conveyed to him, even in vague terms, the administra- tion's willingness to fight ; his intense and al- most reckless loyalty would do the rest. The censure that seems to be his must, therefore, be passed higher up-it belongs, in fact, with the majority of the American people, whose sentiment at this time Fremont most thor- oughly typified.
It was in the month of January of the eventful year 1846 that Fremont entered the state and encamped in the Sacramento valley. He came immediately in person to Monterey, and, accompanied by Thomas O. Larkin, the United States consul, he called on General Castro, the military head of the California government, Pico then being governor with his headquarters at Los Angeles. The nego- tiation was oral, and its terms afterward a matter of dispute. Fremont explained that his purpose was one of scientific exploration, and Castro seems to have given a kind of con- sent to his remaining. The commandant was very much astonished a few weeks later to
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find that Fremont had brought his men over on the coast range, and was encamped near San Juan Bautista mission, only 30 miles from the capital at Monterey.
The party was not molested, however, un- til there were numerous complaints of horse- stealing, and a charge that several of Fre- mont's men had behaved in an insulting man- ner toward the daughter of a prominent Cali- fornian in the vicinity. There is no evidence that any of these charges were true, but the commandant believed them, and he ordered Fremont to leave the territory. For answer, the American threw up earthworks around his camp, and raised the Stars and Stripes. This was, in effect, an act of war, and one for which it is quite impossible to find an adequate de- fense, except on the theory that Fremont had been sent into the country for the deliberate purpose of making trouble. It seems to have occurred to the young captain that perhaps he was going ahead too fast, for when Castro assembled an army of 200 men at San Juan Bautista, Fremont and his backwoodsmen slipped out in the night and made away to the north.
Fremont was accustomed to speak with extreme bitterness of Castro, who, he said, welcomed him to the state and then expelled him by force. Some months later, when Com- modore Stockton, U. S. N., was issuing a proc- lamation to the Californians, announcing the American occupation, and was casting about
RESIDENCE OF GOVERNOR PIO PICO
Photo by G. G. Johnson
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for a reasonable cause for this policy, the news of the war between the nations not having been received as yet, Fremont suggested that his expulsion from the territory constituted an adequate "casus belli," and Stockton incor- porated a savage reference to it in the docu- ment. It was indeed a cause of war-but to Mexico and not to the United States. In driving out armed and rebellious foreigners, Castro merely acted as a loyal officer should act; his mistake, if any, was in allowing Fre- mont and his party to enter at all.
This took place in the month of March, 1846. In April, Lieutenant A. H. Gillespie ar- rived at Monterey with private dispatches for Fremont, and, learning that he was on his way to Oregon, started off in pursuit. What the nature of these dispatches was has never been made public, but their effect on Fremont was to cause him immediately to return to the Sacramento valley, and establish a camp near the mouth of the Feather river. This confirms the theory that Fremont was sustained, and even urged on, by the administration at Wash- ington.
By this time the policy of insolence and aggression on the part of the Americans had borne its inevitable fruit in a feeling of re- sentment, suspicion and hatred on the part of the Californians, and a thousand rumors sped over the territory, generated out of these sen- timents, and then in turn increasing them. It was said that 10,000 American immigrants
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were on their way to California with the avowed purpose of taking possession of the country ; that the Californians were preparing to rise and massacre the Americans without mercy; that the British were about to seize the territory; and that the home government of Mexico was in a condition of absolute an- archy. In the midst of this confusion, a hand- ful of adventurous spirits, living in and around Sonoma, decided on the impulse of the moment, that the shortest road to order and good government lay in following the exam- ple of Texas-for the Americans of the terri- tory to revolt from Mexico, set up a republic of their own, and then ask for annexation to the United States. They were few in number, uncertain of purpose, without a competent leader, and but for the fact that the war be- tween the Union and Mexico happened in the very nick of time to extricate them from their dilemma, they would have paid dearly for their folly; but, despite all this, the Bear Flag incident goes down to history as an important and exciting chapter of the California narra- tive.
The conspirators presented their plan to Fremont, but while he was perhaps willing enough to see anything done that would widen the breach between the two countries, as an officer in the American army he could not par- ticipate in a movement of active rebellion against a nation with which the United States was not yet at war. The leaders in the affair
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consulted with him from time to time, and when the rebellion was fairly on its feet, he allowed himself to become considerably iden- tified with it. By that time, however, news had reached him that fighting had begun along the Texas frontier between the American and Mexican armies, and that a declaration of war would soon follow.
On the morning of June 14, 1846, the party of revolutionists, 32 in number, entered the little town of Sonoma, took General Vallejo and several others prisoners, and seized the fort, which contained cannon, muskets and other government property. There was no fighting, either then or at any time during the affair, although two Americans were captured and put to death by the Californians, in return for which three Californians were slaughtered by the Americans.
When the Mexican ensign was hauled down from the fort at Sonoma, it was decided that the new republic must have a flag, and the bear was used as the central figure of a hastily constructed design. The name chosen was "The California Republic."
The absence of any one commanding fig- ure soon threw affairs into confusion. Wm. B. Ide, who was nominally the leader, lacked pretty much everything that enables a man to direct the actions of others. Finally, early in July, when the so-called republic had been in existence less than three weeks, the whole party placed themselves in the hands of Fre- mont, on the understanding that he was to
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get them out of the difficulty as best he could. Fortunately, just at this time, the news came that Commodore Sloat had entered the harbor of Monterey, and had taken possession of the entire territory in the name of the United States. This brought an abrupt end to the Bear Flag movement, and transformed those whom the Californians regarded as desper- ate rebels, and who regarded themselves as brave revolutionists, into what history regards as hare-brained enthusiasts.
Actual hostilities between the United States and Mexico broke out in April, 1846, but the news did not reach Washington for nearly three weeks, this being before the days of transcontinental railways and the telegraph. On May 13th war was declared, but no knowledge of that fact reached the Pacific coast until August 12th. Early in June, how- ever, Commodore Sloat, lying in the harbor of Mazatlan, had news of the opening of hostili- ties from which he knew a declaration of war must come, and, proceeding in accordance with general instructions which he had re- ceived some time before, he hurried north to Monterey, entering that port on the 2nd of July. He spent several days inquiring into the condition of affairs in California, where he found no news of the fighting had yet pen- etrated, and on the 7th of July he made up his mind to go ahead with his plan to seize the country, deeming it better, as he said, to be censured for "doing too much rather than too little."
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THE MODERN PLAZA
Photo by Pierce
CHAPTER XX.
THE AMERICANS ENTER LOS ANGELES.
ASTRO was at. Santa Clara at the time of Commodore Sloat's arrival at Monterey, engaged in an effort to raise men to put down the Bear Flag rebellion. The relations between Governor Pico and himself were, at this time, strained almost to the point of civil war. The former was, indeed, assembling a force, osten- sibly to assist in maintaining order, but really for the purpose of attacking Castro, whom he charged with usurpation of civil power. The correspondence that passed between the two becomes almost ludicrous, when read in the light of subsequent events, but each took his part with the utmost seriousness, Pico stand- ing upon his dignity as governor of the terri- tory, and demanding that Castro take no step of importance without consulting him, and Castro bombastically vowing to shed his last drop of blood in defense of his country, but wisely keeping out of the way of the Ameri- cans with his pitiful force of 200 ill-equipped men. Later in the month the two representa- tives of Mexican rule came together in the south, and made a feeble effort to rally their forces against the Americans, but as each was suspicious of the other, concert of action was impossible. A generation of habitual plotting
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and revolutions had rendered the Californians useless to themselves and to one another.
On the 7th of July, 1846, Commodore Sloat landed his men at Monterey, and raised the Stars and Stripes over the fort. The local com- mandant offered no opposition, merely putting himself on record with the statement that he was overpowered by a superior force. The commodore then issued a proclamation, couched in temperate and conciliatory lan- guage, in which he declared that California would henceforth be American territory-al- though what authority he had to make that statement does not appear-and that the Cali- fornians themselves would be the ones most benefited by the change, as they would come under a stable government, where revolutions were unknown and where life, property, and the right to religious freedom would be se- cure. He assured them that the limitations on commerce would be removed, and that the val- ue of real estate and of all California products would be advanced. He urged all local officers to continue with their duties, until the govern- ment of the territory could be definitely ar- ranged and he promised that no private prop- erty should be taken for public use without just return.
Within the next few days the flag was raised at Yerba Buena (San Francisco), So- noma, Sutter's Fort (Sacramento district), Santa Cruz and San Jose. This completed the conquest of the northern part of the state, and
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The Americans Enter Los Angeles.
no difficulty was experienced either then or later in holding it under American rule. The real war of conquest in California was all in the southern portion, with Los Angeles, which was the capital, as its chief agitator.
About the middle of the month Commo- dore Stockton arrived; and as Sloat was in bad health and anxious to return to Wash- ington, he placed Stockton in command and sailed to the south. For some reason Stockton seemed to feel that it was incumbent upon him to follow Sloat's example and issue a proc- famation, although the latter had said all that was needed on the subject of the relation of the Californians to the new authority. Stock- ton, however, succeeded in saying a good many things that were better left unsaid ; his missive contained a violent attack on Castro, whom he called a usurper that was to be expelled from the country by force. His threatening, ill- humored language was well calculated to stir up disorder rather than to allay discontent.
Fremont's original party had now grown to such proportions that it was mustered into regular service as the "Battalion of California Volunteers," with Fremont as major, and Gil- lespie as captain. On the 26th day of July, this command was sent to San Diego with instruc- tions to work north to Los Angeles, so as to meet in that vicinity with Stockton's sailors and marines, who would come up from San Pedro. The purpose of this movement was to cut off Castro and his army from escape to the
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south. Fremont landed at San Diego July 29th, and on the 13th of August met Stockton and his men just outside of Los Angeles.
Meantime, what had been transpiring in the City of the Angels? News of all these great events-the expulsion of Fremont, the Bear Flag rebellion, the capture of Monterey, and the approach of Stockton and the Califor- nia battalion had been brought to the pueblo, and now last of all came Castro himself with his remnant of an army. Through most of this period the territorial legislature or a piece of it, had been in session. As fast as new disasters were reported, this body would pass resolutions denouncing the authors thereof, and calling upon the people to rise and arm themselves and resist to the last. The gover- nor undertook to do his part by issuing proc- lamations of the same tenor. But the people did not rise. There was no money in the treas- ury to provide arms and uniforms, and no army organization worthy of the name. More- over, there was a large element of the popula- tion made up of Americans and their friends, and including also many of the shrewdest and most progressive of the native Californians, who appreciated that the best thing that could happen to the territory was for it to be ab- sorbed by the American republic. While these men hesitated to declare themselves in favor of the invaders, they certainly could not be de- pended upon to resist them.
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