USA > California > Los Angeles County > Los Angeles > The Herald's history of Los Angeles City > Part 14
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At sunrise the national salute was fired and the colors displayed for the first time at the fort. At 10 o'clock the soldiers marched
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through the town and up to the summit of the hill, where they formed a hollow square and listened to the reading of the Declaration of Independence. This was translated into Span- ish by Stephen C. Foster, for the benefit of the large crowd of Californians who Lad gathered to witness the celebration. Prof. J. M. Guinn of the Los Angeles Historical Society, who has written an entertaining description of the event, suggests that possibly, as the Califor- nians sat on their horses and listened to the fierce denunciation of King George in the fa- mous document, though they were not able to comprehend quite what it was all about, they could recognize a pronunciamento when they heard it, and they knew from experience that a revolution must follow, and they smiled, no doubt, at the thought that they would soon behold the gringos falling upon one another in a row among themselves.
The fort, or "field works," as the procla- mation calls it, was then dedicated and named in honor of Captain Benjamin. D. Moore of the First United States Dragoons, who fell in the battle of San Pasqual. Stevenson speaks of him as "a perfect specimen of an American officer, whose character for every virtue and accomplishment that adorns a gentleman was only equaled by the reputation he had ac- quired in the field for his gallantry as an offi- cer and a soldier." The honor of raising the flag for the first time over the fort was grant- ed to Lieutenant Davidson, who had taken
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charge of the work almost from the beginning. During the Civil War he attained to the rank of major general. The flagpole consisted of two tree trunks brought down from the San Bernardino mountains by a special expedition sent out for that purpose, and spliced togeth- er, making a shaft of about 150 feet in length. The colors flying from this, on the top of the high hill, could be seen for miles in every di- rection. All traces of the fort and the famous old flagpole have long since disappeared.
Through the whole of the year 1847 there were frequent rumors of intended attacks by the Mexicans as well as of rebellious plottings on the part of Californians, but these do not appear to have had any substantial basis. Mexico had its hands full with the Americans on its own soil, and the appeals of Flores and Pico received little attention. The native Cal- ifornians were accustomed to whisper among themselves about the return of Flores, leading a great army, and the flight of the Americans; but they never seriously contemplated rebel- lion on their own account. Nevertheless, Col- onel Stevenson, as was perhaps natural from his lack of acquaintance with the Spanish character, and his ignorance of the true state of affairs in Mexico, gave ear to these rumors, and, like a careful soldier, was never off his guard. The construction of Fort Moore was really due to a fear of attack from Mexico.
On the night of December 7, 1847, a fright- ful disaster occurred as an indirect conse-
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quence of these persistent rumors. On the af- ternoon of that day an old woman resident of Los Angeles called at the headquarters of Col- onel Stevenson, which were located on the spot where the Ferguson livery stable now stands, nearly opposite the Baker block, and informed him that there was a plot on foot to attack the guardhouse that night and cap- ture the city, slaying or driving out all Amer- icans. If there was any plot of that descrip- tion, and if the whole affair was not a fabric of the old woman's imagination, it certainly did not involve any number of people nor any citi- zens of responsibility. However, Colonel Stevenson thought best to take no chances. He doubled the sentries at the guardhouse, which was on the west side of New High street, in the rear of the St. Elmo site. The men were all nervous and on the alert, and wlien, about midnight, one of them saw a cow off in the darkness he mistook it for a horse- man and fired. The guard turned out, and everything was put in readiness for an attack. When the mistake was discovered, arms were restored to the racks, and the men were pre- paring to return to their beds. Then an ar- tilleryman, who had lighted a fuse ready to discharge a fieldpiece, if that should be ne- cessary, threw it, only half extinguished, into an ammunition chest. The explosion that fol- lowed shook the entire city and brought the population all out of their homes. The guard- house was blown to fragments, some of the
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roof timbers landing clear over into Main street. Four men were killed outright, and twelve were seriously injured. The guard- house was immediately rebuilt of adobe.
The first American legislature of Califor- nia, which met late in the year 1849, and con- tinued in session until April of 1850, divided the state into twenty-seven counties, one of which was named Los Angeles. Its boundar- ies included part of Kern, all of San Bernar- dino, part of Riverside, and all of Los Angeles and Orange. Roughly speaking, it included all north of the old limits of San Diego county to the Tehachapi range, from the ocean to the Colorado river, except that the modern coun- ties of Santa Barbara and Ventura then formed the county of Santa Barbara. The first election in this county took place April 1, 1850. Three hundred and seventy-five votes were cast. Augustin Olivera was elected county judge. He was originally a resident of the City of Mexico, but he had been living in California since 1834. B. D. Wilson was elect- ed county clerk; Benjamin Hayes, attorney ; J. R. Conway, surveyor ; Manuel Garfias, treasurer ; Antonio F. Coronel, assessor; Ig- nacio Del Valle, father of R. F. Del Valle of Los Angeles, county recorder ; George T. Bur- rill, sheriff; Charles B. Cullen, coroner. The preponderance of Americans wil be noted by the reader.
The first assessment taken in this huge district showed that it contained real estate
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to a total value of $748,606; improvements, $301,947; and personal property valued at $1,183,898. The disproportionate size of the last item is explained by the fact that land was considered of small value, and stock, with which the county was at this time fairly well filled, was, of course, included in the personal property.
CHAPTER XXIV.
CALIFORNIA ENTERS THE UNION.
C HUS far the history of Los Angeles city has been so intimately connected with the history of the whole terri- tory of California that the narrative has, of necessity, often strayed out- side the local limits. Los Angeles was not only the largest and most prosperous city of Spanish and Mexican California, but it was also the most considerable political factor of the territory, a leader in all plots and rebel- lions, and for a time the capital. But now, under American rule, the relation of the city to the state undergoes a change. Los Angeles presently ceases to be the largest center of population in the territory. The little town of Yerba Buena, which had recently been re- christened San Francisco, and which at the time of the American occupation contained perhaps a thousand people, is suddenly flooded with a great wave of immigration, as a result of the discovery of gold, so that Los Angeles becomes little more than a village in compar- ison. Other towns besides San Francisco spring up in the northern part of the state, rivaling the southern city in size, and surpass- ing it, for the time being, in business activity. The political center of the state shifts to the north, where is the largest body of voters and
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the greatest property interest. Under the American system, moreover, the city, as such, has no longer any status in the political affairs of the territory. Its residents have votes as individuals, but the municipality exercises no power save in its own local limits.
But before leaving the wide field of the state for the narrower one of the city, it may not be amiss to complete the narration in brief form, down to California's admission into the Union. Upon the departure of Kearny, as told in the preceding chapter, Colonel Richard B. Mason acted as military and civil governor of the territory, his term extending from May 31, 1847, to April 12, 1849-a period of about two years. He made his headquarters at Monte- rey, the ancient capital. The war in Mexico, which had begun in 1846, by Taylor's invasion over the border from Texas, continued through 1847, with Scott's march from Vera Cruz across to the City of Mexico, which he took and occupied on the 14th of September of that year. This ended the conflict, the re- public of Mexico acknowledging its hopeless defeat. A treaty of peace was entered into at Guadalupe-Hidalgo, a little town near the Mexican capital, on February 2, 1848, which finally went into effect May 30th of that year. In this treaty all of Alta California, New Mex- ico and Texas were ceded to the United States, for the sum of $15,000,000, to be paid in annual installments of $3,000,000 each. By the payment of this money the United States
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undertook to palliate, in some degree, its of- fense in waging war of aggression. The sum paid was, of course, quite inadequate to the value of the territory even as computed at that time.
The boundaries of Alta California had nev- er been accurately defined, either as to the east, where it touched the other Mexican ter- ritory, called New Mexico, or to the north and northeast, where it touched the domain of the American Union. It included, however, the whole of the present state of California, Ne- vada and Utah, the territory of Arizona, and fragments of Colorado and Wyoming. Its status, until such time as congress should or- ganize it under some form of government, or until it should be accepted as a state, with a government of its own making, was that of a conquered province under military rule.
The admission of California to statehood marks an important milestone in the history of the nation. It constituted the grand crisis -the turning point in the struggle between the slave power and its opponents. Thus far, through a series of compromises engineered chiefly by Henry Clay, the number of slave states taken into the Union exactly equaled the number of free states. They had come in as pairs, one from the north and one from the south, and thus an equilibrium was maintained, in the senate, at least. The controversy was growing more bitter with each new phase, and like the ghost of Banquo, to which it was con-
MISSION OF PURISIMA NEW
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stantly compared, it would not "down." To ad- mit California as a free state, with no territory at hand out of which to construct a slave state meant a serious disturbance of the existing ar- rangement. Every move in connection with the territorial government was, therefore, closely watched by both factions at Washing- ton, for as the territory was bent so was the state likely to be inclined.
When congress met in December, 1848, President Polk called attention, in his annual message, to the fact that no form of govern- ment had yet been provided for California, which was particularly unfortunate in view of the rapid increase of population following the discovery of gold. The question had come up in the previous session, soon after the ratifica- tion of the treaty of Gaudalupe Hidalgo, and the acquisition of the territory. It had arisen through a resolution introduced into the house by David Wilmot of Pennsylvania, and known in American history as the "Wilmot Proviso." It was an effort to attach to the bill appro- priating the first installment of the $15,000,000 purchase money, a provision that none of the territory thus obtained should be open to slave holding. A fierce struggle had been precipi- tated. The provision passed the house and failed in the senate, but the expression of public sentiment called out by the controversy showed the slave-holding element in congress that California, if admitted, would be a free state. The south, therefore, resisted the effort
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to give it a territorial government, hoping to postpone the day of its entrance to the Union.
President Polk's recommendation of state- hood immediately reopened the old quarrel, and it continued with great bitterness through the session. As March 4th drew near, marking the end of the administration, the factions be- came positively hysterical. Regret was fre- quently expressed that California had ever been obtained from Mexico, and the suggestion was made in genuine earnest that it be given back. The finding of gold, which made a terri- torial government necessary, was charac- terized as a misfortune. Secession was threat- ened by the south, and was received with con- temptuous taunts by the north. But in the end nothing was done for California, and the mili- tary rule continued.
Mason proved to be an excellent governor for the territory, through these troublous and difficult times. He was firm, just, kindly and discreet. Although possessed of a keen sense of order, he managed to endure the confusion and anarchy with philosophic calmness, for the space of two years. But when the gold excite- ment was thrown in, as a wild and fearful cli- max to it all, he begged to be recalled. There were, of course, no general laws, no state gov- ernment, and no local institutions save those of the Spanish-Mexican regime. Hostilities hav- ing ceased, military rule in the towns was not practical. It was neither best for the people, nor likely to insure their good will. The
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alcaldes and ayuntamientos were therefore ordered to continue the administration of jus- tice and of local affairs under the old Span- ish law. As the Americans began to ar- rive in larger numbers, these offices were fre- quently filled from their ranks, and the new- comers found great difficulty in conducting affairs under the Mexican laws. Up to this time there had been no such thing in Califor- nia as a trial by jury. There was no warrant for the institution under Spanish or Mexican law; but as soon as the Americans took pos- session, they demanded that this constitutional right be recognized, and it was recognized in most cases. On the other hand, when a certain priest, who was sued for breach of contract, took refuge behind the Spanish law, which gave him special privilege as an ecclesiastic, Governor Mason refused to admit his claim. The governor's theory of the situation seems to have been that while the Spanish laws were to hold in the main, until the national government should act, the people could not be deprived of inherent rights they enjoyed under the con- stitution of the United States. Although him- self a military man, he would not allow inter- ference by the soldiers with the local govern- ments. On one occasion Colonel Stevenson, who was in command at Los Angeles, under- took to forbid the carrying out of a decision of the alcalde; but Mason ordered him to with- draw from his position, and allow the city au- thorities to arrange their own affairs.
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In July, 1848, Pio Pico returned to Califor- nia. Although the treaty of Guadalupe-Hidal- go had been ratified two months before, no news of the fact had yet reached the coast, ex- cept that it was known the document was un- der consideration. Pico came to Los Angeles, and Stevenson immediately wrote to Mason that the former governor was still claiming au- thority, and asked what was to be done. Pico also wrote to Mason, saying that "as the Mex- ican governor of the territory," he would be glad to co-operate with Mason in establishing harmonious relations between the Californians and the Americans. It is quite probable that his use of the expression "as Mexican gover- nor" was merely an awkward way of describ- ing his former status. It is certain that he had neither expectation nor desire to make trouble. There were frequent rumors at this time of contemplated rebellions, and the language of the ex-governor was unfortunate. Stevenson was ordered to arrest and imprison Pico, but within a few days came news of the final ac- ceptance by both countries of the treaty, and on his making suitable explanations and apolo- gies, Don Pio was set free.
In January of 1848 an event took place in California which ranks in our national history in the same class of importance with the sign- ing of the Declaration of Independence and the firing on Fort Sumter-and that was the dis- covery of gold at Coloma, on the American riv -. er, near Sacramento. The stream of wealth that
OLD SPANISH CUSTOM HOUSE AT MONTEREY
Photo by Maude
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presently began to pour out of the state en- riched and built up the north, whose free en- terprises naturally absorbed most of it, until that section was ready, ten years later, to en- ter upon a long and frightfully expensive war for the maintenance of the Union, and exterm- ination of slavery. This is a great economic fact that serves as a cornerstone to the unique fame of California.
The presence of gold in California had been known for half a century, and the metal had been obtained in commercial quantities in the southern part of the state. In 1842 a Califor- nian named Lopez found some fragments of the precious metal, when digging foi wild on- ions in the San Francisquito canyon, about thirty-five miles northwest of Los Angeles. A small furore of placer mining then broke out in Los Angeles, and numbers of claims were staked out; Don Abel Stearns estimated that $6000 to $8000 was secured annually for four years. After that the work was intermittent, and finally was abandoned almost entirely.
The real discovery of gold in California was accomplished by James W. Marshall, a carpen- ter in the employ of John A. Sutter. The latter was a Swiss, who had acquired considerable land in the Sacramento valley, and owned a store and several mills in that region. He was constructing a saw mill on the American river, and Marshall, who was something of a mill -- wright, was in charge of the work. In the tail- race of this mill, Marshall found some small
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fragments of a bright yellow metal, which he believed to be gold. He showed them to Sut- ter, who begged him to keep it a secret until the mill was finished. The story of the dis- covery soon leaked out, however, and spread to San Francisco. People begar. to flock to the American river, but finding that the Feather, Yuba, Bear and other streams were quite rich, they spread out over the Sacramento valley, finding gold almost everywhere. By the sum- mer of 1848 San Francisco was very nearly de- serted, and Los Angeles had lost much of its American population, and some of its Califor- nian. Ten million dollars' worth of the pre- cious substance was taken out in the first year.
In 1849 came the great wave of immigration from the eastern states, carrying over 80,000 people, and bringing the total population of the state up to and beyond the hundred thousand mark. Of these a little more than half came by land, the remainder by the ocean. In that year $40,000,000 of gold was taken out, and the next year, 1850, $50,000,000 ; then came two years of $60,000,000 each, and the next year, greatest of all, $65,000,000.
The failure of congress to provide any form of territorial government for California, and the evidence showing in the debates .hat state- hood was not to be gained without a hard struggle, roused the people of American birth who had come to live in the region to the ne- cessity of acting for themselves. It was de- cided to take the unusual but emphatic course
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of forming a state constitution, electing officers and starting off the whole machinery of gov- ernment, exactly as though the state had been admitted, and then demanding of congress that it be allowed a place in the Union. As early as December, 1848, before the second failure of congress to act, meetings were held in San Jose and San Francisco, to agitate this plan, and when General Bennett Riley, who had been appointed by President Polk to succeed Colonel Mason as governor, arrived in Monte- rey, in April of 1849, the people were ready to act. He wisely determined to make the move- ment an official one, and on June 3rd issued a proclamation for an election to be held on the first of August, for delegates to a constitution- al convention. This gathering came together in Monterey September Ist. Los Angeles was represented by four delegates, San Francisco by eight, and other places in proportion, to a total of seventy-three delegates. The Los An- geles men were Abel Stearns, J. A. Carrillo, Stephen C. Foster, and Manuel Dominguez. Hugo Reid came from San Gabriel. A state constitution was adopted, made up of elements of the constitutions of several eastern states welded together. The provision that slavery should not exist in the state passed unani- mously, without discussion, thus destroying the last hope that the slave-holding element in congress had of establishing that peculiar in- stitution in California.
An election to ratify this constitution, and
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for the choice of national and state officers un- der its provisions, was called for November 13, 1849. At this election Peter H. Burnett was chosen governor and Edward Gilbert and Geo. Wright representatives. On the 15th of De- cember the legislature met and chose John C. Fremont and Wm. M. Gwin United States sen- ators.
These quasi-representatives and senators started immediately for Washington, where congress was in session, and where they found that the admission of California was the chief topic of discussion. Henry Clay was endeav- oring to make it the basis of a new series of compromises. Calhoun was demanding that the territory be cut in two, and the lower half kept for slavery. All understood that to admit California as a free state, without a slave state to accompany it, meant a disturbance of the equilibrium so carefully built up in half a cen- tury of compromising, and each faction braced itself for a terrible struggle. The fight was bitter, fierce and determined. The slave-holding element finally went down, though not without a formal protest, in which the threat of seces- sion was made and attempted to be entered upon the record of the senate. The bill admit- ting California finally passed, was signed by the president and became a law September 9, 1850. News of the event reached California October 18th, and was received with great rejoicing.
CHAPTER XXV.
THE CITY TAKES SHAPE.
A N IMPORTANT point of difference between the Spanish made-to-order city and the American accidental city is that the former possesses all of its site on a communal basis, while the latter has no land of its own except such as it may purchase. The pueblo of Los Angeles under De Neve's regulations was to own all the land about the plaza for a distance of three miles in each direction, making a square six miles to the side, or thirty-six square miles in the whole area. The original settlers were given each a small building lot and a tract of fourteen acres for cultivation, and the few ad- ditional settlers that came during the first year were held to be entitled to the same privi- lege. Several hundred acres were given out in this way-scarcely more than one per cent of the 23,040 acres of the whole tract. The re- mainder belonged to the city, to dispose of as it saw fit.
Contrast this situation with that of the average American city which has its begin- ning in the natural drawing together of popu- lation in some spot that is favorable for local business. The people own the land on which they build their homes, acquiring by purchase from those who had formerly held it for farm-
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ing or other purposes. The city owns nothing until it has attained a size that makes the pur- chase of land for municipal use a necessity ; and then as a rule it buys sparingly, for al- though the price of land may be low, the city's finances will not admit of heavy investment. Thus it happens that many cities of the east ern states have been compelled to use a large element of the revenue raised by taxation in the purchase of land for school, park and other municipal purposes, and are, nevertheless, al- ways cramped for room. There are some in- stances, particularly among cities in the mid- dle west, where far-sighted officials have urged the municipality, early in its career, into the acquirement of large tracts of land, of which later generations have reaped the benefit. A notable example of this type is Chicago, which not only owns a chain of parks running through the city, but also has large tracts of so-called "school land," some of which is in the very heart of the business district, and is occu- pied by valuable buildings on a 99-year lease- hold. If that city's affairs were always admin- istered on an honest and equitable basis, if its government were made a matter of plain busi- ness, after the English method, instead of a po- litical amusement, after the American, Chicago would be the city that enjoys the lowest taxes and the highest municipal privileges of any in the Union.
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