History of the Arkansas Valley, Colorado, Part 32

Author: O.L. Baskin & Co
Publication date: 1881
Publisher: Chicago : O.L. Baskin & Co.
Number of Pages: 1080


USA > Colorado > History of the Arkansas Valley, Colorado > Part 32


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The rapid advance made during 1878 made it necessary to organize a more perfect gov- ernment than the town organization, which, up to that time, had been considered sufficient for all demands, and therefore in February, of 1879, steps were taken for the purpose of creating the town a city of the second class. Accordingly, upon the 1st day of April, the election took place, in accordance with the proclamation of the Governor.


The contest at this election was decidedly sharp, though politics, in the general accepta- tion of the term, cut but a slight figure. Three candidates were in the field and labored incessantly for success, but at the eleventh hour, the business men, who were not satisfied with the men put forward, brought out a fourth in the person of Hon. W. H. James. Mr. James was an old resident of the State; had been engaged for many years in mining in Lake and adjoining counties; had been a member of the Constitutional Convention from Park County; and was, in every respect, a man in whom the people could place the most implicit confidence. His success was almost unprecedented. He was brought out as a candidate only on the day before the election. There was scarcely any canvass, except among a few of the more prominent business men, and yet when the votes were counted, he only lacked a few votes of having a majority over all of his opponents. As his coadjutors in the government of the new city, were elected John W. Zollers, City Treasurer, and M. J. Murphy, E. C. Kavanagh, John McComb, Samuel McMillen, J. P. Kelly and John D. Monroe, Aldermen.


From the spring of 1879 to 1880 embraced the time when the city had, in the course of its settling down, been the scene of many ex- citing events. The hanging of the previous fall had left a warm desire for some kind of revenge in the bosoms of the friends of the meu hung, and the vigor with which the dan- gerous classes had been treated, had united them with the same object. The only thing left for them was to make themselves felt in the election. For reasons best known to themselves, they supported Mr. Humphrey, and that gentleman was elected by a large majority. With him were elected Abe R. Ellis, as City Treasurer, and as Councilmen, N. C. Hickman, R. B. Spalding, Ed Murray, B. Slack, Pat Laughlin, Mitchell Dawes, John Curran, John Shea, I. W. Chatfield, Rufus Shute, Jesse Pritchard and J. N. Drury. The new Council organized on the 18th of April, 1880, and at once entered upon its business. The course of the city administration led to a very general dissatisfaction, and in the spring of 1881, a determination for a change


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was firmly rooted in the minds of all business men of the better class. While the machinery of both parties was used in the nomination of candidates, and the party organs thundered forth their anathemas against the faithless to party pledges, there was very little really of politics in the result of the canvass. The incumbent of the office of Mayor was the Democratic nominee, and Dr. D. H. Dougan, a young and popular physician, the Repub- lican candidate. The canvass was exceed- ingly sharp, and marked by all the acrimony that usually attends such contests, but resulted in the election of Dr. Dougan, with J. H. Playter, as Treasurer, and E. C. Nuckolls, D.


A. Cowell, J. N. Chipley, B. F. Jay, R. A. Day and H. C. Rose, as Aldermen. The city has started in with an earnest effort to reform the administration, the looseness of which was due, in a large measure, to the years of high- pressure excitement under which the city had its growth, and to reduce the expenditure and the debt which had been created by the de- mands for improvements, in a city which sprang to full stature in a single year. . There is a fair prospect of success in both directions, for the city officers seem determined to do their duty and enforce the law without fear or favor, and in so doing will have the best sentiment of the community to endorse them.


CHAPTER X.


THE GREAT STRIKE.


"THE causes which led to one of the most important labor demonstrations that ever occurred in this country will probable never be fully understood. Mr. Mooney, the leader of the striking workingmen, in discussing the motives which led him to assume the position he did, is unable to account for it. He denies that there was any preconcerted plan for a strike, though he admits concert of action after the strike was inaugurated. According to his story, the idea of stopping work came like an inspiration to a few men, and in the movements which followed he drifted into the leadership without any formal election. Mr. Mooney's modest way of referring to the part taken by him in the strike does not convey the real reason of his prominence, which was a natural ability and remarkable magnetism, which all the disadvantages of a lack of edu- cation and training cannot overcome. He is a natural leader of his class, and came to the front at this time without knowing how or why it was.


On the morning of May 26, 1880, as the night shift on the Chrysolite workings came up out of the mine, they took their stand at the shaft and declined to allow the day men to descend to the workings. This, the first step in the great strike, indicates that it was


the result of a consultation of a few bold spir- its in the deep workings of the-mine. The men who knew nothing of what had been done were perfectly willing to work at the old rates, but the boldness of the strikers and the influ- ence of the arguments, by which it was at- tempted to show that, by keeping a bold front for a few days, their demands would be ac- ceded to, soon brought them into line, and by 9 o'clock some six hundred men had assem- bled at the Daly shaft-house of the Chrysolite Mine, for the purpose of making their de- mands upon the management. These were made in writing, and were, that the pay of all miners be raised to $4 per day, with eight- hour shifts. To this demand, Mr. Daly, the then acting manager replied that he could not accede. The Chrysolite had already adopted the rule of eight-hour shifts, as a matter of convenience, but he declined to pay the ad- vance of half a dollar a day demanded, and said that, while he should submit the propo- sition to the directors, in New York, he would advise them not to accept it. As was antici- pated, the proposition was rejected at a meeting of the directors of the company, held in New York the same evening, and the mine stopped work. During the day, the majority of the mines on Fryer Hill were visited by


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the strikers, and the men induced to quit work by a quiet demonstration of strength, which it would have been folly to resist. At each mine their numbers were increased until in the afternoon the throng had swelled to the neighborhood of three thousand-a mob with- out organization, but not ill-natured at all, though apparently determined to maintain their position. At 1 o'clock, a meeting of the strikers was held upon Fairview Hill, which was addressed by Mooney and several others, and at which much more enthusiasm was shown than upon any subsequent occasion. It was then imagined, and that was the tenor of the remarks of many of the speakers, that the mines would be compelled to yield, from the absolute necessity of taking out ore, to meet the demands of stockholders. At the close of the meeting a column was formed, and, headed by a band of music, proceeded to Carbonate Hill, visiting every mine, and com- pelling the men to stop work. Having done this, the column was divided, one detachment going to Breece and another to Iron Hill, where the same demands were made and met with speedy compliance. At nightfall every mine in Leadville was closed down, and 6,000 men who had that morning been happy in the enjoyment of plenty of work at good wages, were thrown out of employment.


While no acts of violence were committed during the day, it is difficult to say what might result from some sudden freak of a mob, and therefore the mines were that night guarded by armed men.


On the following morning, the strikers com- menced gathering upon Fairview Hill, and by 10 o'clock a column of 2,000 men, with music and banners, had formed, and commenced moving toward the city. During the parade through the streets they were as quiet and orderly as possible, their leader, Mooney, ex- ercising over them a powerful influence in that direction. But, upon conversation with them, it was readily to be seen that there was a smoldering element which needed but a spark to give it vigorous life, and that the spark would be supplied there was not the slightest reasons for doubting. At a meeting held after the parade, resolutions were adopted carrying out the views of the strikers and


avowing the determination not to permit any man to work until their demands had been granted. Copies of these resolutions were sent to the mine managers, and a very general effort was made by the strikers themselves to give them as great circulation as possible, in order to deter men from attempting to work.


During Thursday, May 27, while the strik- er's meeting was in progress, it was noticed that the engine which operated the pump on the Chrysolite Mine was in operation, and under the prevailing excitement a resolution was rushed through that the pump should be stopped. Coming thus early in the strike, this was the worst move that could possibly have been made, for it seemed to indicate that the men were determined to enforce their de- mands, even at the price of the destruction of property. To have stopped the pump would have been to inflict thousands of dollars of damage upon the mines, besides a loss of time to the laborers themselves, that even if it had brought the mine to terms, would have been of uo practical benefit to the miner. But these men could not figure out results, and when Mr. Daly, in reply to the demand for the shutting down of the pump, told them he would keep the pump running if it was neces- sary to call upon the Governor for a regiment to guard it, they at once took the ground that it was an interference with their rights, and uttered threats which led to the fortification of the works and ultimately to the loss of all they claimed. This demand for the shutting down of the pump, in running which the labor, of no miner was involved, caused the first bad blood of the strike. Mr. Daly for- tified all the approaches to the company's property, and notified the strikers that he proposed to maintain himself against any at- tempt at interference, and that those who saw fit to approach the mine did so at their peril. On the other side, the miners declared that the pump should stop. Mooney, the leader, who understood perfectly that the rights of no man was involved in the running of the pump, tried in vain to stem the torrent that he had himself aided in starting, but in vain, and for the first time the community felt that the rights of property was in danger from the violence of some of the strikers. On the


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Friday after the strike, the third day, a con- ference was had between the mine managers and the strikers, which resulted in nothing, though both sides seemed willing to do any- thing to come to an amicable adjustment of the differences. On the same day, a meeting of the citizens who had become alarmed at the effect of the strike upon business, was held, and also resulted in nothing. During the evening of Friday, some of the guards at the Chrysolite were fired upon, and one of them had a portion of an ear carried away by the bul- let. This act of lawlessness with others of a like character, committed by men who, at least, claimed to be acting with the strikers, had the effect of precipitating matters between them and the citizens, and on Saturday, the fourth day of the strike, the mine managers were advised to start up work with such men as they could find ready to work, and were promised protection by the citizens who had formed organizations for the purpose. On Sunday, the 30th of May, the miners had an- other parade through the streets, but it was noticed that their numbers had materially diminished, many of those who had at first joined with them, having become disgusted with the indiscretion of many of their num- ber, and the character of the methods pro- posed, and gone quietly to work or remained in their own homes. On Monday, May 31, the Chrysolite and Little Chief Mines com- menced work, some fifty or sixty men having been found ready to work, and requiring a force of guards for their protection nearly equal in numbers. The men were boarded on the ground, and armed guards accompa- nied the wagon-loads of provisions brought to the mines. Encouraged by these results, some of the other mines started up work, but the men employed were waylaid on their way to work, and intimidated or maltreated so that it was found impossible to do anything of any importance, and all the mines, except those under the control of Mr. Daly, were compelled to close down until the definite ending of the strike. On the morning of Tuesday, June 1, the first collision between the miners and the authorities took place, a Deputy Sheriff interfering to protect some men on their way to work, and being mobbed


and compelled to use his revolver. During the melee, three of the strikers were injured and several arrests were made, but the officer effected his purpose, and for the first time the strikers found that they were not to have everything entirely their own way. During the week, there were no demonstrations of importance, but the Miners' Association and the mine managers were in almost constant session. The threats of the miners were fre- quent, and took the shape of anonymous let- ters, addressed to prominent miners and prop- erty owners, in which they were informed that unless the demands of the miners were complied with, the town would be laid in ashes and a number of prominent men mur- dered. The newspapers were also threatened with destruction, and their editors with assas- sination. Mr. Mooney, upon being informed of these threatening letters, promptly disa- vowed any responsibility therefor, and prom- ised that his influence, and that of the min- ers' league, should be used for the protection of property and life. The constant repetition of these threats induced great alarm, however, particularly as it was known that a gang of lawless men, in no way connected with the miners, had taken advantage of the state of affairs, and were engaged in plotting against the public peace, for the purpose of avenging the hanging of two of their compatriots in the previous fall. The result of this state of alarm was to cause the citizens to combine to- gether for mutual safety, and almost every evening during the week, meetings of promi- nent citizens were held, in which plans for the public safety were discussed. At first, these meetings were held with the view of the formation of a secret tribunal, which should visit upon all disturbers of the public peace the extreme rigor of Western border justice, but wiser counsels prevailed, and it was final- ly determined that whatever was done should be done openly, after the manner of the cele- brated Committee of Safety of San Francisco. On Friday, June 11, the strike having then been in existence more than two weeks, and the threats of violence against life and property having increased in number and frequency, a meeting of the Citizens' Committee was held, and a proclamation issued, calling upon all


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men who desired, to go to work, and guaran- teeing them protection. In order to give force to the proclamation, it was arranged that on the following day, the business houses of the city should be closed, and a parade of citi- zens, under arms, should take place in the afternoon. Arms had been sent for, and late on Friday night, a select corps of men were sent over Mosquito Pass, to receive the arms at the station and escort them into town. In accordance with the arrangements, nearly 600 citizens, all well armed, met at the rendez- vous on Saturday, June 12, and paraded the streets, in the hope by this show of strength, of overawing the strikers and preventing them from continuing their efforts at intimi- dation. The men who took part in the parade were principally business men, and the dem- onstration was all that could have been looked for. It failed, however, in the accomplish- ment of its purpose. The only effect it pro- duced was to inflame the passions of the min- ers, who had congregated in large numbers upon Harrison avenue, and, as the column passed, assailed the participants with appro- brious epithets and jeers. The street, for two blocks, was thronged, and the column had barely room to pass between the ranks of the angry and insulting miners. As the column rode up and down the avenue, in the effort to keep the streets clear, the excitement grew more intense until it only needed the slight- est act to cause a desperate riot. The moment came at last, and only the most determined efforts of the officers prevented a riot which would have caused great loss of life. One of the rioters, incensed at something said or done by the commander of the horsemen, fired a pistol at him. The shot caused he wildest alarm, and three or four of the horsemen charged upon the throng, with drawn pistols, causing it to scatter in terror. The man who fired the shot succeeded in making his escape in the throng, but the excitement still kept up until another miner referred to the commander in an epithet of an outrageous character, at the same time making a motion as if to draw a weapon. Maj. Bohn, the officer alluded to, at once charged upon the man, striking him repeated blows upon the head with a light sword, his only weapon, and would undoubt-


edly have done him serious injury, had it not been for the arrival of the police, by whom he was arrested' and taken to the station-house, followed by a throng of excited miners, who were only prevented from doing him serious injury by the efforts of a strong force of police. At this juncture, the company of men who had just arrived over Mosquito Pass, with the arms, marched into the avenue in company front. dismounted, and with their carbines at a "ready." Wheeling so as to occupy the entire width of the street, they slowly pressed the crowd back, and succeeded, with some difficulty, in clearing the street.


While the column was in motion, Mooney mounted on a goods box and commenced making a speech, earnestly urging the miners to go to their homes. A warrant was out for his arrest, and the officer charged with its serv- ice, seeing him speaking, immediately com- menced making his way toward the spot. The movement was seen, however, and the leader of the strike was hustled through the crowd and made his escape good. Nor was he again seen in the city until the strike was ended.


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The narrow escape from a serious collision impressed upon the Citizens' Committee the absolute necessity of taking some steps toward securing assistance from the State Government in case of necessity. The Sheriff had already reported that he had exhausted the measures at his command, and on Saturday evening a message was sent to the Governor, urging him to declare martial law in the county. On Sunday morning, the committee of 115 were in session early, and a resolution was adopted to urge the declaration of martial law. These efforts had the desired effect, and late in the afternoon of Sunday the proclamation of the Governor was received, and immediately printed and distributed to the people by whom the streets were still thronged.


The effect was magical. On Sunday night the streets were as quiet as those of any city of the size. The militia patroled the streets and guarded the public buildings, and the officers charged with the command by the Governor, remained up all night, in order to be ready for any emergency. But no occasion for the exercise of the military authority oc-


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curred, and the night passed off as quietly as possible.


On Monday, June 14, three or four hundred improvised militia were sworn into the State service, and the control of affairs within the county were practically in the hands of the military. The moral effect of the declaration of martial law was to break the back of the strike. Though the military did nothing whatever to interfere with the right of a man to refuse to work, if he chose to do so, it was well understood that every man who desired should be permitted to work without molesta- tion or interference from any source whatever. On Thursday, June 17, a parade of the mili- tary took place, the column marching through the disaffected districts, but no demonstra- tions were made whatever, and the strike was declared virtually at an end. Frequent con- ferences occurred between the miners, the military and the citizens during the week, and as a result of all this, arrangements were effected by which those who desired could go to work at the old rates. On Friday morning, June 18, the strike ceased by the voluntary submission of the miners' union to the old terms. On the Sunday- following, all the troops on duty, with the exception of one company, were relieved from duty; on Wednes- day, June 26, the proclamation of the Gov- ernor, revoking martial law, was issued, and affairs resumed their usual course.


This, in brief, is the history of one of the


most remarkable episodes in the existence of the city. There was never a labor strike more ill-advised or more dangerous to the peace of the community, after it had been thoroughly organized, and there never was greater danger of a murderous collision between two excited bodies of men growing out of any strike. The declaration of martial law has been made the subject of severe criticism, and during the candidacy of Gov. Pitkin, for re-election, in the fall of the same year, was injected into the canvass as an issue. The verdict of the people sustained the Governor, however, with the largest majority given in the State, and the verdict of history will class the act, even if it is true that it was without warrant of law, among those which are justified by the cir- cumstances alone, and by the necessity of ex- traordinary measures for the preservation of life and property. The strikers themselves were the best satisfied with the declaration of martial law, because it protected them not only from the organization of citizens, which was little more than a mob, but from the vio- lent and lawless in their own ranks. The best thing to be done in such times meets the pub- lic approval, and there is not the slightest question that whether or not the legal power lay in the hands of the Governor, the declara- tion of martial law effected the object aimed at by all good citizens-the preservation of the public peace. The most direct way of accom- .plishing any object is the best.


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CHAPTER XI.


ADMINISTERING LAW AND ORDER.


A S important as was the strike, and the summary manner in which it was finally disposed of, it was scarcely more so than the condition of affairs during the summer and fall of 1879, and the declaration of martial law was scarcely more far-reaching in its effects than he assumption of the powers of a court by a mob of masked men on the morning of Novem- ber 19.


The " year of the boom," was noted for the number and character of the various grades of criminals that found their way to Leadville. Principal among these were the footpads, and bunko steerers, and their natural allies, and the men, who holder but not less culpable, whose plans of operations were to violently assume possession of the property of others, and by false witnesses prove a prior title in the courts. The papers were filled with the reports of " hold-ups," as they were called, and the details of the lot jumping affairs that were of daily or nightly occurrence. The frequency of these affairs caused the most intense feeling on the part of the citizens. When men could not go to their homes after the usual hours for busi- ness without drawn weapons in their hands, and were not sure upon reaching their homes whether or not they were still in possession thereof, there was the best of reasons for ex- citement. The existence of a regularly organ- ized gang of footpads was strongly suspected ; the existence of a gang of lot-jumpers was ab- solutely known. Every day reports came of property being taken violent possession of by the Frodsham party, and every day Frodsham was brought into court upon one pretext or another, but succeeded in getting clear through the perjury of his companions. He was a man with a record as a desperado second to few in the city. In Wyoming he had served a term in the penitentiary for murder, and was sus- pected of killing more than one man. Full of courage and animal spirits, he was the typical Western desperado, and had doubtless taken to lot-jumping because it afforded him an oppor- tunity for exhibiting these qualities. Men from




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